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Nos. I. to IV.— 1805. 



"It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antio^naries, philologers, and men 
of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, 
and send them to the Asiatic Booiety at Calcutta; It will languish, if saoh 
communications shall be long intermitted : and it will die away if they shall 
entirely cease." Xo7«ols75> v 

&m ,-^-n-, VX Sir Wm. Jon is. 



v l866. 


No. I. 

(Published 19th June, 1865.) 


Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares. — 
By the Rev. M. A. Sherring, LL. B. and C. Horse, Esq. 
C. S., Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Litho- 
graphs, ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 

Ancient Indian Weights. — By E. Thomas, Esq. 14 

On some Siamese Inscriptions. — By Dr. A. Bastian, ... 27 

Notes on the Eran Inscription, being extracts from a letter to the 

Editor.— By Professor F. E. Hall, ... 38 

Literary Intelligence, ... ... ... ... ... 45 

No. II. 

(Published 22nd July, 1865.) 

Ancient Indian Weights, No. III. — By E. Tuomas, Esq., ... 51 

Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, &c. 
— By Captain II. H. Godwin-Austen, Surveyor, Topogra- 
phical Survey, F. 11. G. S.,... ... ... ... 71 

Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidpiir and Bhitari. — By 

the Rev. M. A. Siierring, LL. B., and C. Horne, Esq. C. S., 80 

Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. — By the 

Rev. H. A. Jaesciike of Kyelang, ... 91 

Notes on the Garjat States of Patna. — By Major H. B. Impey, 

Depty. Commr. of Surnbulpore, ... ... ... 101 

Literary Intelligence, ... ... ... Ill 

fv Contents. 

No. III. 
(Published 23rd September, 1865.) 

Coins of the Nine Nagas, and of two other Dynasties of Narwar 

and Grwalior. — By Major- General A. Cunningham, ... 115 

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription 
from Rajshahi, decyphered and translated by C. T. Met- 
calfe, Esq. C. S. — By Babu Ra'jexdrala'la Mitra, ... 128 
Report of the Proceedings of the Archaeological Surveyor to the 
Government of India for the Season of 1862-63, (Part II.) 
— By Major-General A. Cunningham, Archaeological Sur- 
veyor to the Govt, of India, ... ... ... 155 

No. IV. 
(Pnblislied 1st December, 1865.) 

Report of the Proceedings of the Archaeological Surveyor to the 
Government of India for the Season of 1862-63. — By Ma- 
jor-General A. Cunningham, Archaeological Surveyor to 
the Govt, of India, ... ... ... 195 

Notes on Boodh Gaya.— By C. Hokne, Esq. C. S. ... ... 278 



I. — II. — Ancient Buddhist Temples at Bakarya Knnd 

near Benares, 
III. — Groups of stones brought from Bakarya Kund, 
IV. — Buddhist remains from Jbunpore, ... 
V. — South end of the Tank in Kund, 
VI.— West Bank of Kund, 
VII. — VIII. — Ground plans of Bakarya Kund, 
IX. — Hindu Punch coins, 
X. — Stone inscription from Cambodia, 
XL — Symbols on early Indian coins, 
XII. to XVI. — Scenes in Mystic plays performed in 

Ladak, ... 
XVII. — Nabagrahas or nine planets, 
XVIII. — Coins from Gwalior and Narwar, 
XIX.— Sketch of the Rains of Delhi, 

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Ahichhattra, or Rimnagar, 

Ajudhyd or Saketa, Antiquities of, ... 


Aebar, Copper coins in the reign of, 

, the standard coins ditto ditto, 

— an inscription on the Kosambi Pillar in the reign 

AkshayaBat Tree, (The) 

Alexander taught India how to coin money, refuted, 

Allahabad or Prayaga, Antiquities of, 

Anarchy and Confusion in Patna, 

Ancient Indian Weights, 

Ancient Remains at Saidpur Bhitari, 

Asokapura or Hatila, Antiquities of, 

Atalla and Juma mosques at Joanpur, 

Atranji-Khera or Pi-lo-shan-na, 

Ayomulcha or Hayamukha, 

AyHto or Ajudhya, 

Bai.jul Deo 2nd, Maharajah, 

Bakerganj, Plate, Copper, from, Noticed, 

Bahhariya Kund, Description of, ... 

, Buddhist Ruins at, 

Bulai Kltcra, Antiquities of, 
Ballala Sena, ... ... 


Barikhar or Vairatkhera, Antiquities of,... 

Bastian, Dr. A., Inscriptions, 

Remarks on Sukhottai Inscription, 

B.ugifot, Burial of, ... 

1j< nares, Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya Kund, 

Bengal, On the Sena Rajas of, ... 

Biiakiityar, Mohammed, ... 

Bhitari, Some Ancient Remains at, 

, Description of, 

Biographical Dictonary, Ehn Khallikan's, 

Bikramdit Deo, Muharaj,... 

Bodhi tree of the Coins of Krananda, On the, 

Bodhi tree at Gaya, 

Buodh Gaya, Notes on, 

Borasambu/r, ... ... ... 

Bowring, Sir Joun, On Siam, ... 









































Buddha Sakya Muni, Date of, 

■ , description of a statue of, 

. , a rude statue of, in Bhitari Remains,... 

, his residence in Ajudhya, 

• , his tooth-brush tree, 

Buddhists, Art of coining among the, 
Buddhist ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, 
————— antiquities from Hazara, 

statue of Sultangunge sent to Burmingham, ... 

Bundah or ghostly ladle in Mystic Play, 

Burgon, Mr. On the development of the art of coining money 

in Western Asia, ... 
Brockhaus, On the ' Religion of the Zoroastrians,' 
Burial of Ba?gifot, 
Cambodia, Inscription from, 
Caste of the Sena Rajas of Bengal, 

Cause of the decline of power and prosperity of Patna, . . . 
Chakra, reign of, 
Chanakya, his forging of coins, 

conversion of ancient coins by,... 

Coinage, The earliest Indian, 
Coins of the Nine Nagas, 

of the kings of Gwalior, 

of Pasupati, 

of the kings of Narwar, 

■ of the ancient Buddhists, 

of the Chohan series, weight of the, 

of the time of Manu, 

of Ceylon, 

of Sophites, 

of Gobad, ... 

Csoma de Koros, on Tibetan dialect, 
Cunningham, Major-General A., on ditto, 

his opinion on date of Bhitari 



Coins of the Nine Nagas, 

• Report of the Proceedings of 

the Archajlogical Surveyor to the Govt, of India for the 
Season of 1862 & 1863, 

— on Juinma Musjid, 

on Tower at Sarnath, ... 

Chhatak, Indian Weight, 

Dancing on holidays in Ladak, 

Dates of the Sena Dynasty of Bengal, 

Decline of power and prosperity of Patna, Cause of, 


Deo Narayan Sing, Rajah, 

Dion Sdgar } 


Jtcmi/iii. Antiquities of, 

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya Kund, 

of a Mystic Play, ... ... % . 

of the Gonpa or Monastery of Hiuris, ... 

of Saidpur, 

of Bhitari, 

of the present area of Patna, 

Deva Datta, the Cousin and enemy of Buddha, 
Dewal, Antiquities of, 
Dhopdpapura, Antiquities of, ... 

the derivation of tlie word. 

Dictionary of the Tibetan Language, 

Dinar, Discussion on the origin of the word, ... 

Dynasty, of Narwar and Gwalior, 

Egyptians, Coins of the, 

Elliot MSS. publication of the, 

Eran Inscriptions, Notes on, by Prof. F. E. Hall, ... 

Fa Hian, his visit to Benares, 

, to Mathura, 


■ the Great Stnpa of Asoka at Kanoj. ... 


Keucjitsson, On Juiiima Musjid of Kanoj, 
Foundation of Patna, 
Garga Rishi, village of, 
Gobad, Coins of,... 
Godwin-Austen, Captain H. H., Description of a Mystic Play, 
GoLDSTUCKER, Prof. T., Discussions on the origin of t lie word 
J)in<ir, ... 

Gond, Gurjat States of, ... ... ... 

Gosisa (present Gopsahasa) tillage of Garga, 

Govisana or Kashipur, Antiquities of, ... 

Gurhs of Patna, List of, 

Gurjat States brought under the direct supervision of the 
British Government, ... ... ... 

Gurh Sumbul, Rajput Rajahs of, ... .:. 

Gwalior dynasty, ... ... ... 

■ , Coins from, ... 

Gya, Bodhi tree at, ... ... ... 

Ha'ha'ja'l, a renegade Hindu, 

Halaycdiia, prime minister of Lakshman Sena, 

Hall, Prof. F. E., Notes, on the Eran Inscriptions and his criti- 
cisms on Col. Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Report, 

Hauo, Prof. M. On the religion of the Zoroastrians, 

Harsha Vardhana, Raja,... ... ... 

Until a or Asokpur, Antiquities of, 

ETayamukha or Ayomnkha, ... ... 

Hazard, Some Buddhist antiquities of, ... 



























LI 5 







iv Index. 


Heber, Bisuor, on Kashipur, ... ... 175 

Hemanta Sena, ... ... ... ... ... 145 

Simis, Monastery of, ... ... ... 71 

Hodgson, Captain, On Ahichhatra, ... ... ... 179 

Horne, C., Esq. Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, 1 

on Ancient Ruins at Saidptir and Bhitari, 80 

■ excavations into some of the mounds of 

Bhitari, ... ... ... 83 

his Report to Government on Bhitari 

Ruins, ... ... ... ... 84 

notes on Buddh G-aya, ... ... 278 

Hutumber Sinh, ... ... ... 101 

Huvisiika, the great Indo- Scythian king,... .... ... 156 

IIwan Thsang, his visit to Benares,... ... 2 

on Mathura, ... ... ... ... 155 

on Khulsi or Srugna, . . . ... 108 

on Madowar or Madipur, ... ... ... 171 

on Kashipur or Govisana, ... 174 

on Ramnagar or Ahichhatra, ... ... 177 

on Ahichhatra Temples, ... 181 

on Soron or Sukurakhetra,... ... ... 188 

on Piloshana, ... - ... 191 

on Sankisa, ... ... ... ... 195 

on the empire of Harsha Vardhana, 204 

on Ancient Kanoj, ... ... ... 207 

his visit to A} T uta, ... „. 217 

on Akshaya Bat of Prayaga, ... ... 220 

his description of the city of Visakha, . . . 234 

on Sravasti, ... ... ... 253 

Ibn KnALLiKAN's Biographical Dictionary, ... ... 46 

Impey, Major H. B., on the Gurjat State of Patna, 101 

Indian Weights, Ancient, ... ... ... 14,51,46 

Inscriptions from Rajashahi, ... ... 142 

Siam, ... ... ... ... 27 

Cambodia, ... ... 28 

Sukhothai, Translation of the, ... ... 31 

on Allahabad Pillar, ... ... 221 

■ on Kosambi Pillar, ... ... ... 231 

on a statue of Buddha, ... 260 

Jaeschke, Rev. H. A., Translation of a MS. on Dancing on the 

10th and 15th day of the 5th month in Ladak, 77 

Notes on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan 

language, ... ... ... ... ... 91 

Jaya Chandra, Raj;i, ... ... ... 206 

Jerawur Wazier, Dogra army under, ... ... ... 71 

Jetavana, one of the most celebrated Buddhist Monasteries in 

India, ... ... ... ... ... ... 255 

Jogi-bir Mound,... ... ... ... 6 

Index. v 


Judnpur, Atali Musjid in, ... ... ... ... s| 

1 , Mosques at, ... ... ... 9 

Jungnas, Thlogan Pudma, the principal deity in Mystic Play 

of the Tibetans, ... ... ... .. ... 74 

Kdbar or Shirgarh, Antiquities of, ... ... 277 

Kakshivat Rishi, ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Kalidas on Kosambi, ... ... ... 224 

Kan.vnda or Krananda, ... ... ... ... 60 

Kanoj, ... ... ... 203 

Kdrsha, " Copper transf 01 ined," ... ... ... 14 

Kasapura (present Sultanpur) Antiquities of, ... 234 

Katinchun, a set of maskers in Mystic Play that make up the 

court of India, ... ... ... tmi # . 75 

Kashipur or Govisana, ... ... ... 174 

Kathcei, king of, ... ... ... ... 40 

Kesava Deva or Keso Hoy, shrine of, pulled down by 

Aurungzib, ... ... ... ... 159 

Kesava Sena, ... ... ... ... ... i:;o 

Khalsi or Srughna, ... ... ... 1C7 

Khobagurh, chief of, ... ... ... ... ... 101 

Kialan or Sacred Monasteries, ... ... 3 

Kosarn, the village of, ... ... ... 229 

Kosambi, Antiquities of, ... ... ... 223 

Krananda, a coin of, ... ... ... ... 24 

Kumara Gupta, epoch of,... ... so 

■ name of, stamped on bricks, ... ... S7 

Kusamba, founder of the city of Kosambi, .. 224 

Kusapura, ... ... ... ... 234 

Ladak, Mystic Play performed in, ... ... 71 

, MS. obtained in, ... ,., ... ... 77 

Lakshmana Sena, ... ... ... I34 

Lakhmaniya, the story of his bivth, ... ... ... 136 

Language, Pronunciation of the Tibetan, ... ill 

Lhatos, or, small square built -altars, ... ... ... 72 

Literary Intelligence, ... ... ... ... 45 m 

Maddwar, Archaeology of, ... ... ... ... 171 

Madipur, ... ... ... ... 171 

Mahanudy River, ... ... ... ... 101 

Maharattas, inroads of the,... ... ... ... 105 

their aid to Race Singh Deo,... ... ... 109 

Manu on Copper Coins, ... ... ... ... [" ]i; 

on Gold Coins, ... ... ... ... 17 

on Ancient Indian Weights, ... ... 14 

Masaudi, Arabic text of, quoted, ... ... ... 60 

Mathivra, legends of, ... ... ... 23 

• , description of, ... ... ... ... 155 

, invasion of, by Mahmud,... ... lfiO 

■ , Bactrian Greeks in, ... ... ... ... 167 


Metcalfe, C. T. Esq., Translation of an inscription fror 

Rajshahi, ... ... ... ... 


Mohammad-bin Toglak, Re-adjustment of the Coinage in the 

reign of, ... 

Multan, Temple of the Sun at, ... 
Mynpore, Gurh Sumbul near, 
Muir, J., On Vedic Theogony and Mythology, 
Ndgas, Coins of the Nine, ... 
Ndrwdr, dynasties of, 

coins of, 

or Padmiivati, 

Nature and form of the Siamese writing, 


Nine Ndgas, List of the, ... 

Oaths, On rings for taking, 

Panini's Grammar, notice of coinage in, 

Pasup ati, coins of, ... 

Patna, the Gurjat States of, 

the Maharajas of, 

extension of, 

cause of the decline of power of,... 

Anarchy and confusion in, ... 

Parasua Kot, Antiquities of, 

Pearse, Major, Extract of a letter from, on Buddhist antiquities 

of Hazara Valley, ... 
Phaya Ruang, Siamese king, inventor of Siamese alphabet, 
Pi-lo-shanna or Atranji Kliera, 
Prayaga or Allahabad, Antiquities of, 

the derivation of the word, 

Prithi Raja', 

Pronunciation of the Tibetan language, Note on the, 

Puranas (Silver Coins,) 

Purvarara m Vihira, ... ... ... 

Raee Singh Deo, the 21st Maharajah of Patna, 

his attempts to regain the Guddee of Patna, 

Rajendrala'la Mitra, Babu, On the Sena R.-ijas of Bengal, 

Rdjmahal, the rivers of, 

Rajsh dhi, an inscription from, 

Ram Chunder Deo, ,„, 

Raman Deo, 

Ramnagar or Ahichhatra, 

Remains, (ancient) at Saidpur and Bhitari, 

Reports of the Proceedings of the Archaeological Surveyor to 

the Government of India, for the season of 1862-63, 
Ruins, Buddhist at Bakhariyakund, Benares, 
Rig Veda, Cowell's Continuation of Wilson's Translation of the, 
Rings for taking oaths, on, ... ... 




Sahet-Mahei or Sravasti, 
Saidpur t Description of, ... 

Bhitari, ... ... ... ... ' 

some ancient remains at, 

Saka era, ... 

Saketa or Ajodhya, Antiquities of, ... 
Sa'kya Muni, his reference to ancient coinage, 
Samman, Shaik, a Mahomedan faqir, 

ehi, Great Tope at, 

Sarnath, near Benares, Buddhist Ruins at, 
Saraswati river, 
Sel, river, ... 
Sena Rajas of Bengal, 

Shah Nameh, notice of ancient Indian Weights, in the, 
Shah Deo, Hindus, the 2nd Maharaja of Patna, 
Shah Jehan,... 

Sheering, Rev. M. A., L. L. B. On Buddhist ruins at B 
rivakund, Benares, .. 

" On ancient remains at 

pur and Bhitari, 
Shirgarh or Kabar, antiquities of, ... 
Shrr Shah, 
Siamese Inscriptions, 


Sila'ditiya, the great king of Mai \va, 

Silenus, statue of, described by James Prinsep, 

Skanda Gupta, ... ... ' 

Soron or Sukara-Kshetra, 

" Spao," youthful dancers in Mystic Play, 

Sravasta Raja, 

Srughna or Khalsi, 

Suka Sena,... 

Sumanta Sen, 

Sumbulpur, origin of, ... 

Sukara-kshetra, or Sorou, ... 

Sat Tila or seven mounds, 

Synopsis of early Indian Coins, 

Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikan, 

Sophytes, coins of, 

Sopeithes, coins of, ... 

Svegders, Travels of, 

Travels of King Svegders, 

Tanda or Tadwa, Antiquities of, 


Tharu Rajas of Gauda, Genealogy of, 

Thomas, E., Esq., On Ancient Indian Weights,' ... 

Tibetan Language, Note on the Pronunciation of the, ... 







































14. 51 




Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from Rajshahi, 

Tsam Chut, or Maskers in Mystic Plays, 

Tdgulak, Muhajied-bin, Re-adjustment of coinage in the 

reign of, 
Types of coins of the Nine Nagas, 
Tomar Dynasty, kings of the, 
Theology and Mythology, Vedic, 
Ujain, coinage of, 
Uma'pati Misra, 

Vairatkhera or Barikhar, Anticpiities of, 
Vicramaditya, king of Sravasti, 

his visit to Ajndhya, 

" Parameswara," 

Vijata Sena, 

Vira Sena, .. 

Visa'kha the noble maiden, story of, 

Vishnu Pur una, ... 

Vedic Theology and Mythology, 

Wazier JEinvAR, Dogra army under, 

Weber on money weights, 

Weights, Ancient Indian, 

Wilson, Prof., on coins of the Vedic age, 

Translation of the Rig Veda, 

Writing, Siamese, 

Ya'jnavalkya, on copper coins, 

Zaug Bukha, or copper mask in Mystic Plays 

Zaskar, Mystic Play performed in, ... 

Zoroastrians, Religion of the, ... 




















14, 51 













No. I.— 1865. 

Description of the Buddhist Rums at Bdkariya Kund, Benares.-^By 
the Rev. M. A. Shearing, LL. B., and C. Horne, Esq., C. S., 
Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Photographs* 

[Received 15th April, 1864.] [Read 4th May, 1864.] 

The fact that Benares is the birth-place of Buddhism and that in it 
Sakya Muni first " turned the wheel of the Law" or in other words 
promulgated the peculiar dogmas of the Buddhist creed, is generally 
believed to rest on good historic grounds. This circumstance alone, 
independent of the concurrent testimony of Hindu writers, gives a 
high antiquity to the city. If, as there is reason to believe, Sakya 
Muni in the early part of the sixth century, B. C. in his own estima- 
tion attained to the mysterious and mystical condition of Buddhahood 
under the Bodhi tree at Gya, and thence proceeded to Benares, we 
may fairly imagine that he did so because it was then a city of much 
influence, if not also of great sanctity, among the Hindus, especially 
the Brahmins. In this case the true epoch of ancient Benares must 
date from an earlier period still. 

Had the Hindus been imbued with the desire of recording the 
memory of themselves in huge buildings of brick and stone, as the 

* Copied in the lithographs issued herewith. 

2 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1, 

Buddhists confessedly were, they would not have left their most sacred 
city, and one of their most ancient, without some irrefragable proofs in 
column or cornice, of their residence there prior to the Buddhist reform- 
ation. In the present state of ignorance respecting the archaeological 
remains in Benares, it would be hazarding too strong a conjecture that 
no such proofs actually exist ; but this much may be said, .that the 
probability of their existence is exceedingly small. 

As the habits of the Buddhists on this point were, as just observed, so 
contrary to the practice of the Hindus, we are inclined to believe that a 
strict investigation instituted in places where Buddhism was once famous 
and powerful, would in most cases bring to light certain relics which 
they have left behind them. New discoveries of Buddhist remains are 
continually being made in various parts of Northern India, every 
instance of which is a fresh illustration of our conviction that Bud- 
dhism has preserved the footprints of itself in all places wheresoever it 
eminently flourished. That it existed in Benares during many 
centuries and was the dominant faith professed there, casting into the 
shade the elder creed, and asserting proudly its triumph over it, 
admits not of the smallest doubt. It is therefore highly interesting 
to inquire, what Buddhist remains are yet traceable in the city, 
whereby its historical position as one of the chief seats of Buddhism 
may be tested. Strange to say, until very recently, few or no remains 
in the city proper had been discovered, but the reason of this, we fully 
believe, was, that they had never been sought after. It is true, 
extensive ruins have been found at Sarnath, and have been frequently 
described, but these are three miles distant from the present city, 
although it is possible, and indeed probable, that they were once 
situated in, or were adjacent to the ancient city itself. 

Now while the hope of finding any buildings of the early Buddhist 
period in Benares might be pronounced too sanguine, yet, on the 
other hand, he would betray a singular ignorance of the massiveness 
and durability of Buddhist architecture, who should venture to assert 
that it was otherwise than exceedingly likely that portions of buildings 
of the later Buddhist period were still existing, waiting to be discovered. 
Even as late as the seventh century, A. D., when Hinduism had regain- 
ed much of its ancient prestige and influence, at the time that Hwan 
Thsang visited Benares, there were then in the city, according to the 

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kuml. 3 

testimony of that keen and accurate observer, upwards of thirty Kia 
Ian or sacred monasteries; — to most or all of which, temples were pro- 
bably attached — and with them about three thousand priests and 
disciples were associated. It cannot be for an instant supposed, that 
these monasteries, which were unquestionably built of strong material, 
have all been swept away witli the lapse of aires, and have " left not 
a wreck behind." Indeed the existence of the Sarnath ruins, which 
are mostly of the later Buddhist period, — some of which were seen by 
Fa Elian in the filth century, and nearly all by Hwan Thsang in the 
seventh, is a strong argument for believing that portions, more or less 
considerable, of some, perhaps of most of these edifices, are still 
discoverable. We must not imagine that in any instance they are 
existingin their original integrity, but on the contrary, that where they 
exist at all, they have been appropriated b\ Hindus and Mohammedans, 

and principally by the latter, lor their own purposes, and that therefore 
they have become blended with other buildings from which they must, 
lie disintegrated. The use of numerous pillars in the cloisters of 
Buddhist monasteries, which were mostly on a uniform pattern, greatly 
aids the identification of the remains of this ancient period. 

A careful examination of Benares will reveal those portions of the 
city which contain buildings, or parts of buildings, OT BCulptured 
stones, or other objects of undeniable antiquity. Such ancient remains 
are for the most part, we believe, only to be found in the northern 
division of the city, and among the narrow streets on its eastern 
border, running parallel with the Granges, in a thin band, as far as the 
Man Mandil Observatory. 

Under the conviction that Buddhist remains were to be met 
with in Benares, a search was made for some of them in the coura i of 
the year 1863. On the very first day of the search the ruins at 
Bakariya Kuml were discovered, which we shall now proceed to 

These ruins arc situated at the north-west corner of the city in the 
Alaipore Mahalla, and are visible from the Raj Ghaut road leading 
from the cantonments to the Granges. The path conducting to the 
tank or Kund leaves the main road a short distance to the west of the 
420th mile-stone. The tank commonly known as Bakariya Kund, is 
about 300 yards distant from this road, and upon the summit of its 

4 Description of the Buddhist Rums at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1, 

banks the ruins are for the most part to be found. In the hot season 
very little water remains in the Kund, but in the rains it contains a 
considerable body of water. It is about 550 feet in length and 275 in 

On approaching the tank you pass along the foot of a high mound 
on its northern side, on the top of which lie several blocks of stone. 
Proceeding to the western bank you perceive a massive breastwork 
formed by large stones, bearing upon them various masonic signs, some 
of which are similar to those inscribed on the stones at Sarnath, and 
sustaining a solid platform or ten-ace, which runs by the side of the 
Kund to a great distance. This terrace is 20 feet above the tank, and 
supports two others of smaller dimensions, one above the ooher, each 
of which is girded by a breastwork of huge stones. The lower terrace 
is 130 feet broad, and 270 feet long on its western face, and 330 on its 
eastern face overlooking the tank. It was originally held up by the 
wall of heavy stones just alluded to, but this wall is in many 
places much broken down, especially towards the Kund, the great 
blocks lying in disorder at its ancient base. Nevertheless extensive 
portions are still standing. On the northern face about 70 feet are 
visible, while the western wall, which extends to 267 feet, is almost 
continuous throughout. The height of the terrace is constant, but the 
height of the wall varies greatly, owing partly to its being in a state 
of ruin, and partly to the circumstance of its forming in one place the 
flank of an old edifice, where it attains a height of at least 30 feet, 
measured from the ground on the western side, which is on a higher 
level than the tank. Two small windows or doorways open through 
this part of the wall, and over each a single stone projects, forming its 
eaves. The bare appearance which the wall would here have presented 
to the eye, is obviated by a broad moulding half-way down, a foot in 
width, and by a noble cornice parallel with it above. 

Ascending the terrace, you come to the building itself, which is 
occupied by Mussalmans, one portion being partitioned off and used as 
a zenana. The beams and slabs constituting the roof are in some 
cases 9 feet in length, and the roof is supported by three rows of 
immensely thick stone columns, the capitals of which are in the form 
of a cross. The cornice decorating the walls is not of modern narrow- 
ness, but is twelve inches deep, and is ornamented with carvings of 

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 5 

various elegant devices. As the building is divided into two distinct 
sections, and moreover as the spaces between the pillars are in several 
instances filled up with a mud wall, it is impossible to gain a correct 
idea of its original grandeur. The outer wall on the western side is 
strengthened by a huge buttress of stone, 14 feet wide and 15 feet 

With pillars, breastwork, and buttress, of such prodigious strength, 
it seems not improbable that formerly there were several stories above 
this lower one, but this point is merely conjectural and is not easy to 
be decided. Moreover it is not unlikely that other structures once 
existed along the border of the ten-ace throughout a considerable 
portion of its extent, not only on its western side, but also on its 
northern and eastern sides. 

Directly in front of the ancient building just described, are two 
other extensive elevations of the ground or terraces, one over the 
other, as already stated. The lower elevation is 86 feet long by 62J 
broad, and about 4 feet in heighth. The upper is 48J feet by 24, 
and is crowned with an ornamental cornice, which runs in an unbroken 
band throughout a large portion of the circuit of the terrace, but 
this may possibly be of comparatively modern date, the Mohammedans 
having selected this spot for a mausoleum, and in many cases adopted 
the prevailing forms of ancient ornamentation. The breastworks of 
the two terraces by which the enclosed soil is sustained, although they 
have been evidently at times extensively repaired, nevertheless appear 
as ancient as the neighbouring building. 

Beyond the two upper terraces is another raised terrace, which in 
all likelihood was originally connected with one of them, but is now 
isolated from them. On this possibly stood a Buddhist shrine, con- 
nected by a cloister with a building on the main terrace. A short 
distance further on also, are remains of the foundations of probably 
another, but the traces of this are almost obliterated. 

On the eastern side of the Kund is a mound 220 feet long by 90 
broad, running parallel with it, which might be taken for a mud 
embankment thrown up from the tank, were it not for the circumstance 
that layers of large Buddhist bricks, lying in situ, crop out from its side, 
and that upon its summit and slopes are numerous blocks of sculptured 
stones, symbols of bygone glory. One brick measured 20 inches in 

6 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1, 

length, and the bricks of an entire layer were 3| inches in thickness. 
Among the stones was an enormous segment of a kalas or jagged 
circular stone found on the pinnacles of temples. The original kalas 
of which this segment is exactly the fourth part, was not less than 9 feet 
in diameter, and of proportionate thickness, and must have belonged 
to a temple of vast strength and dimensions. Several small kalases 
are lying not far from this segment. Eight of these were counted at 
one time. Excavations into the mound would probably throw some 
light on the buildings formerly standing here. 

To the east of the mound is a small round structure called Jogi-bir, 
on the site of which, we were informed, a devotee buried himself alive. 
It is made of earth, but on the top is a hollow circular stone, the 
exterior surface of which is divided into sixteen equal sections, each 
of which exhibits the sculpture of a man, with one leg turned up, and 
the hands apparently grasping a garland which encinctures and connects 
together all the figures. The stone is in a reversed position. A 
portion of one similar to it found at the foot of a tree, was afterwards 
removed, and forms one of a group of sculptured stones taken from 
Bakariya Kund and photographed. Both of these stones were pro- 
bably capitals of highly enriched columns. 

To the south of the tank is a ghaut, the stones of which are scat- 
tered about in great disorder, so that looking at it from a distance, it 
has the appearance of an utter ruin. And such it really is. But it is 
nevertheless a comparatively modern structure, for the stones of which 
it is composed, judging from the elaborate and finished carvings on 
many of tbem, have been contributions from fallen edifices in the 

At the south-west corner of the tank is a water-course, depressed 
considerably below the ground on either side. It is not improbable that 
formerly this was the main source of water supply to the tank. To the 
south of this water-course, overhanging the Kund, is a huge breast- 
work of stone, on the top of which is a spacious courtyard and a 
Mohammedan Dargah or place of prayer. It is difficult by reason of 
the carved stones used in the foundations, the underlying mortar and 
the evident frequent repairs, to say whether any portion of this breast- 
work or of the buttress jutting out at its base, is really ancient, al- 
though some portions seem to be so. The buttress is continuous with 
the stone ghaut, and merges into it. 

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bahariya Kund. 7 

To the east of the Dargah is a small mosque, 37 feet long by 19 J 
feet broad, open to the east, and supported by three rows of pillars, 
five in each row. The pillars in the second row have deep scroll 
carvings on their sides, with ornamented corners consisting of lotus 
seed-pods, one on another. Each pillar is 7 feet 9 inches high, includ- 
ing the capital, and the latter is 2 feet 6 inches in length and 2 feet 
4 inches in width. The capitals of the outer pillars are somewhat 
larger than those of the inner, and are in the form of a cross, the 
extremities being rounded off ; while the upper surface of each limb 
exhibits a convex curve, the line of which rises higher in proportion 
as it recedes from the extremity. The architrave is about a foot in 
thickness, and on it the flat stone roof rests. Seven niches are placed 
at intervals round the three walls of the room. The entire building 
is of stone. The western wall, on its outer side, is strengthened by a 
buttress, at the base of which runs a beautifully carved band, 11 inches 
broad, which projects a couple of inches from the wall, and below it is a 
cornice 10 inches in width and 7 in depth, bearing on its front a broad 
band of exquisite carving. Some parts of this building are certainly 
original ; and there can be no doubt of the antiquity of the pillars, 
which belonged to some Buddhist cloister, or of the fact of the 
modern character of the enclosing wall. 

A few steps off, is an enclosure in the form of an irregular parallelo- 
gram, a wall being on either side, and two small Buddhist buildings 
at its extremities. That situated at the northern extremity is in some 
respects like the mosque just described. Its carvings, however, are not 
all the same, and its ornamented band is of a very ancient type. 
There is a small building used as a Ranza attached to its north-west 
angle, and sustained by ancient pillars and modern walls. The building 
is surmounted by a low cupola of primitive construction. It is not 
unlikely that originally there were cloisters on this bank of the Kund, 
and that the three small buildings just described were all at one time 
connected together. 

The edifice at the southern extremity of the enclosure well displays 
the old Hindu and Buddhist method of making a roof by the imposi- 
tion of stone beams, one upon another, cross and corner-wise until they 
met in the middle. The roof of this building exhibits a mass of such 
beams piled upon each other, exactly like the roof of a house which 

8 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Ktind. [No. 1, 

children build with their little wooden bricks. A second object of in- 
terest here is a cut stone screen, which serves the place of a window. 

Nearly a hundred and fifty feet to the east of the last mentioned 
buildings, is another which has evidently been erected with old materials, 
and is of doubtful antiquity. It has four pillars, two outer and two 
inner, exclusive of others imbedded in the walls, and has five recesses 
on its three sides. The carvings have been to some extent obliterated 
by the whitewash with which the mosque is bedaubed. 

Still further on eastwards, at a distance of 75 feet, is a terrace 
walled round by a stone breastwork 48 feet long by 36 broad, on 
which stand four exquisitely carved columns, sustaining an ancient 
roof, the remains probably of a chaitya or Buddhist temple, or of its 
innermost shrine. Its position is exactly opposite the Buddhist temple 
to the west, yet to be described, from which it is distant 550 feet. 
The columns are 7 feet 7 inches in height including the base, and 
are elaborately ornamented ; in which respect they differ from the 
pillars of the other temple, which, for the most part, are destitute of 
ornamentation. The four sides of the base display an elegant carving of 
a vase with flowers drooping low over the brim — a device always found in 
these parts in Buddhist shrine-pillars. The well-known representation of 
a face with a floreated scroll streaming forth from the mouth, eyes and 
moustache, is repeated four times on each column, and above it runs a 
band of beads, each of which is nearly an inch in diameter. An arc 
of the sun's disk rests upon this band, and higher up, the column 
becomes octagonal. It then becomes quadrilateral again, and on each 
side is an exquisite design, exceedingly well executed, of an overflowing 
vase. The pillar is crowned with a capital, beneath which is a broad 
double moulding. The cornice above the architrave is also beautifully 
cut. But the ceiling of this shrine, consisting of overlapping stones 
built as before described, is perhaps its most striking feature. Each 
stone is richly carved, and was originally coloured, while representations 
of suns and lotuses are depicted upon them in bold relief. Taking it 
altogether, this little remnant of antiquity is a charming piece of art, 
and is in itself a proof of the delicacy in taste and expertness in 
chiselling of the architects of those times, and is also a proof of the 
sad degeneracy of their posterity. 

This Chaitya seems to have been the eastern extremity of the 

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 9 

range of ancient buildings under notice. Leaving it, the boundary 
line took a southerly direction and probably included several buildings 
similar to those on the northern side, very faint traces of the found- 
ations of which, at the most, are visible. The boundary line, however, 
on its southern side takes in a remarkable structure, consisting of a 
massive stone breastwork, 130 feet long, 90 feet wide, and 5 feet 4 
inches high, sustaining a terrace now used as a Mohammedan burial- 
ground. The breastwork is in some places in decay, but to a great 
extent is in good condition. Its stones, especially where exposed in 
the foundations, have masonic marks upon them, and some have as 
many as three symbols in a row. It is surmounted by a fine cornice 
six inches deep. Ascending the terrace no buildings besides Moham- 
medan tombs are visible, but it is probable that an extensive Buddhist 
edifice stood on this spacious area. On the western side, exactly in 
the centre, is a projecting buttress, originally the Singhasun, round 
which the moulding also runs. On this spot may have stood a gigan- 
tic figure of Buddha, visible to every one entering the court — for such 
we hold it originally to have been. Indeed the large terraces which 
have been described, may all have been cloistered courts, where dis- 
ciples and devotees congregated for religious purposes. An inspection 
of the Atallah and Juma mosimes at Jaunpore, formerly Buddhist 
monasteries, confirms this view. 

The most remarkable of these Buddhist ruins yet remains. This 
is the temple, to which allusion has been already made, and of which 
a separate Ground Plan has been drawn. The Mohammedans have 
appropriated this temple and capped it with a dome, and now use it as 
a mausoleum. It stands on forty-two pillars, all of which are in good 
order with the exception of one in the southern portico, which has 
been twisted by the fall of a large tree upon it. Formerly, there were 
evidently two pillars more than there are at present, sustaining the 
heavy entablature of the southern portico, so that the whole number 
of pillars originally, was forty-four. Of these, thirty-two supported 
the temple proper, and four the roof of each of the northern, southern 
and eastern porticos. To the west, there is no portico, but simply a 
sort of projecting buttress or Singhasun, on which probably the chief 
idol stood, and was at once seen by persons coming in through the 
main entrance on the east. The northern and southern porticos are 


10 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1, 

15 feet long by 10 wide, while the eastern is only 12 feet by 10. 
The inner part of the temple is 18 feet square. Round the whole of 
the exterior of the temple, above the capitals of the columns, and sup- 
ported by their external limb, runs an eave-stone nearly 3 feet in 
width, and, as at the Atallah, Juma Musjid, Pan Dareba at Juanpore, 
this eaves-stone has been made to imitate wood, thus confirming 
Fergusson when writing about this class of structures. 

Each column is 8 \ feet in height, of which the quadrilateral shaft 
between the capital and the plinth is 4| feet. The capital is in the 
form of a cross, each limb consisting of two poilions, the lower being 
bell-shaped with an ornament in the corners. The columns in the 
temple proper stand two or four together, and the abacus or square 
stone upon them, between the capital and architrave, is 13 inches deep, 
and is beautifully carved. The architrave has a rich double band 
sculptured upon it, which passes all round the temple including the 
porticos. Above this is a flat stone, and above it again a row of 
niches which are probably of Mohammedan origin. 

Viewing the temple from the outside, a practised eye soon distin- 
guishes between the ancient portion and that added by the Moham- 
medans. Above the portico, all below the octagonal breastwork is 
undoubtedly of Buddhist workmanship, and the remainder of Moham- 
medan ; but the Mohammedans, there is reason to suppose, availed 
themselves of old materials. At the termination of the breastwork at 
each corner, rests a small kalas, about two-thirds of the circular disk 
of which is exposed, the remainder being inserted into the wall. 
Although so many ages have elapsed since this temple was erected, 
and although it has been exposed to the alternate ruthlessness of 
Hindu and Mohammedan fanaticism, nevertheless with such wonder- 
ful skill have its proportions been designed and its blocks of stone 
been joined together — yet without cement of any kind — that at the 
present moment, in spite of its aspect of hoary antiquity, it seems 
almost if not quite as durable as on the day on which it was finished ; 
and it is unquestionable that if it be not barbarously damaged by 
uncivilized hands, it will continue to stand for centuries to come. 
The simplicity combined with the great strength of its parts, and the 
symmetrical arrangement of the whole, give to the building, notwith- 
standing the general scantiness of its ornamentation, an appearance which 

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 11 

the most fastidious must pronounce to be of no mean order of beauty. 
A small cloister was originally connected with the south-west corner 
of the temple, as is shown by the continuation of the ancient basement 
moulding, a moulding which surrounds indeed all Bud'dhist buildings 
in these parts. This was probably the vestry or retiring room of the 
officiating priests. Some of its walls are still visible. 

It is greatly to be regretted that a large portion of the site of these 
ruins is in a disgustingly filthy state, so that none but the most ardent 
investigator would care to visit a place so foul and abominable. 

As to the date of the buildings which have been briefly described, 
some of them at least must have been erected as early as the large 
tower at Sarnath, which General Cunningham considers was in exist- 
ence in the beginning of the fifth century of our era, and was then 
seen by the traveller Fa Hian. They formed probably one of the 
thirty monasteries referred to by Hwan Thsang, to which allusion has 
already been made. When looking upon these extensive rains, we 
cannot fail to recall the time when they were frequented by crowds of 
priests and disciples of the Buddhist faith. Then probably the tank 
was surrounded on three sides by a lofty terrace of stone, while a large 
ghaut or flight of steps was on its southern side. Around the edges 
of this terrace, both to the south and west, ran cloisters, and to the east 
there must have been massive temples capable of carrying such caps or 
' kalases,' one of them nine feet in diameter, as have been referred to 
in this description. It is a matter of much interest to the archaeologist 
to try and save from total oblivion these few traces of the past, when 
the Buddhists, who long ages since were expelled from the country, 
were still famous, if not powerful, and were already engaged in that 
tremendous struggle with the Brahmins, which eventually terminated 
in their own utter extinction in India. 

We propose shortly submitting some notes relating to the numerous 
symbols found on the stones at Bakariya Kund and elsewhere, 
commonly known as mason's marks, and would invite correspondence 
with any parties interested in the subject. A comparison of symbols 
found in various places would be curious, and would render our paper 
more complete. 

In illustration of the foregoing paper, there are herewith submitted 
two Plans, one representing this entire locality, and the other the 

12 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1, 

Buddhist Temple still standing ; and in addition three Photographic 
Plates, of which the description is as follows : — 

Plate, No. 1, shews the Temple before alluded to, a full account of 
which has already been given. 

Plate, No. 2, exhibits the remains of a Buddhist shrine consisting 
of four handsomely carved pillars, standing on an ancient platform, with 
the usual Singhasun facing to the east. The ceiling, which has been 
described in another place, is unfortunately concealed from view in the 

Plate, No. 3, represents a group of stones and pillars brought from 
Bakariya Kund. To the right and left are two exquisitely chiselled 
shrine pillars, which are in many respects alike, but the grotesque 
faces on the four sides of the apex of each pillar, are in no two cases 
the same. The two bases also are different, for on the pillar to the 
right, one-half of the chakra is depicted, the symbol from which 
Buddha derived his title of Chakravarti, while the left pillar displays 
in this position a deeply compressed human face. Above these 
portions of the base, the columns become octagonal, and at each angle 
is a comical face, half on one side and half on the other, with flowing 
scrolls proceeding from the same. Over the faces a beaded band 
encompasses the columns, upon which rests the arc of a disc on each 
of the eight sides. Higher up, the columns again become quadrila- 
teral, and exhibit flattened urns in bas-relief, overflowing with wreathed 
scrolls, a device exceedingly common on pillars of this age, (about 
500, A. D., as we imagine). The uppermost portion of the pillars, on 
which the human faces are represented, is somewhat larger in circum- 
ference than the base. The dimensions of the pillars are as follows. 
Height 2 feet 8 inches, each face at apex 13 inches. 

Between these pillars are two large blocks of stone, which, like the 
topmost stone of the group, appear to have formed portions of a frieze 
nmning round some sculptured chamber, but as they are of different 
proportions, they probably belonged to different structures. The 
figures appear very bacchanalian. In the top stone, the man rests his 
left arm on a large wine jar of a Grecian pattern, whilst with his right 
he lifts the wine-cup. The other two figures are in nearly the same 
attitude. A narrow band, beaded or plain, ran round the figures, and 
by drooping between them, connected together all the portions of the 

VohXXXTV. Part 1 

PI: I 

On Swim Er, „. , :, 


aicuUa, April , !Sb6 

Bxnal As- Soo Bengal. 

Vol: XXXIV. Part. I PL: U 



ma Photograph ~hy H .L. Fraz 


Lilli:tjH.M Smith. S.G.O. Calcutta June 1865. 

Mas Soc Bengal 

Vol.-XXXV. Fart I, ri. 111. 

Be from a Photo gr apt hy H . I 

'.::. ; ,....!.,:.. ■- Calcutta Jimel866. 




Journal As Soc. Bengal. 

■•' :; : $$< S" >!-:• 




Js Soc Rpn.s:ai 

Vol.-XXXfV P< I Flair V. 



VolXXXlV Ft I. FUte VI 

tone from a Photograph by 11 I, t'raier. 


LiLh 3oy H M. Smith, Surveyor General's Office Calcutta, Aug' 

Vol. xxxiv An. i n. w/ 

Ancient stonework 

3 T 




7%^ ^wo pilla r« 
ma rkediti ha it: fallen 


□ D CZI 

Modern buddings in which 
nia-Tiy old stone* are used 


czj en 





of the 

Buddhist Temple at Bakarya Kund. 


15? March 18 84-. 






Srrbon uf udmih jiilltir as 

AUo of a /biwfbttt orit t> fut 

Seals 8 £ef °1 IncJv 

a i 4 

1865.] Description of (he Buddhist Rains at Bakariya Kund. 13 

original frieze. Beneath the loop of the drooping cord is the repre- 
sentation of a gem carved in the stone. Many figures similar to those 
now described, have been lately found among the ancient buildings in 
Jaunpore. Plate, No. 4, which represents a group of stones taken 
from these buildings, is added for the sake of comparison, as it 
pourtrays strikingly this similitude. In the College grounds in 
Benares, are some magnificent sculptures brought from Sarnath, one of 
which is a long frieze, cut with great boldness, the figures of which 
are connected by a narrow band or garland. A photograph of this 
frieze may perhaps at some future time be sent to the Society. The 
length of what remains of it is 26J feet. 

The topmost stone shews the projecting position it occupied, by its 
under-cutting, but it is hard to say in what part of the building this 
found a place. The next stone beneath it consists of a circle, formed 
by a narrow band, and surmounted by an elegant Ornamentation indi- 
cating the central position which it originally occupied, which was 
probably the crowning decoration of a niche. In the circle itself a 
very merry face is depicted, by no means that of an ascetic. The 
large circular stone below this, represents eight human figures standing 
in most uncomfortable postures and supporting a cord or garland. 
This was probably the capital of an ornamental column; ami there is 
reason to think that it must he assigned to a later date, on the ground 
that ancient Buddhist sculptures rarely if ever exhibit any distortion 
of limbs, while the Jains and modern Brahmins twist and distort their 
figures in every possible manner. The other hall' of this circular stone 
lies at the College, and as Major Kittoe is stated to have taken stones 
from Bakariya Kund until stopped by the people, may have been 
brought from this place. 

In addition to these Plates which have now been described, 
Mr. Tresham has kindly taken two others, one representing the south 
end of the Kund, No. 5, and the other a portion of the retaining wall 
on the western bank, No. 6, copies of which are also forwarded. 

14 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1, 

Ancient Indian Weights. — By E. Thomas, Esq. 
(Continued from p. 266 of Vol. XXXIII.) 
[ Eeceived 28th September, 1864. ] 
I concluded the first portion of this article with a suggestive recti- 
fication of the reading of a passage in Manu, tending to prove that 
coined money was in use at the period of the compilation of the text 
of India's earliest lawgiver. Any question that might have remained 
on this subject may he satisfactorily set at rest by the testimony of the 
published Sanskrit version of Yajnavalkya,* the commentary on which, 
known as the Mitdkshard, defines the Kdrshika as " measured by a 
Karsha" (Karshenonmita) ; while the copper Karsha itself is described 
as Tdmrasya Vikdra, or "copper transformed," i. e., worked up from 
its crude metallic state into some recognised shape. f This proves, in the 
one case, that the interpretation of the term Karsha, as a coin, or 
fabricated piece of whatever description, is fully authorised ; and, in the 
other, that the copper Kdrshdpana, as Manu's text would imply, con- 
stituted the ready referee of weight, which its general currency as a 
coin of the period was calculated to ensure. Indeed it is curious to 
note how near an adherence to very primitive customs this state of things 
discloses, in that the original idea of the use of definite and subdivided 
weights of metal for commercial purposes, is still so closely identified 
with the secondary function these fixed units had come to fulfil in the 
guise of money, as circulating measures of value, while they retained 
their hereditary acceptance as bases of the metric system. J This 
duality of function remained so essentially associated in the minds of 
the people, that the revised scales of weights of the British Govern- 
ment, in compliance with local predilections, were adapted and adjusted 
under a similar system, — the current Rupee recommending itself as the 

* Mitakshara, i. 364. 

■f Professor Wilson missed the full force of this explanation in adhering to 
the old translation of Manu — where " Karsha or Pana" are given. — " Ariana 
Antiqua," p. 404 ; Prinsep's " Essays," i. 53, note. 

J An early example of the use of the Karsha as a weight is given in the 
Buddhist Legends (Burnouf, Introd. Hist. Bud., p. 258), where one Kdrslia 
weight of sandal wood is stated to have cost " 500 Karshapanas." The custom 
of employing current coins as measures of weight appears to have become 
subsequently so much of a recognised system in Hindustan, that Sikandar bin 
Bahlol extended their metric functions into tests of measures of length — 41 £ 
diameters of his copper coins being assigned to the Guz or local yard. — Num. 
Chron., xv. 164. 




Ei I hy Shaik Mrameeroddeen.lCll'Waterloo Street. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weiyhts. 15 

initial datum and " foundation of the Ser and Man"* and as the 
criterion and handy test of the higher weights. 

To the must casual inquirer, perusing the precepts and enactments 
embodied in the Statutes of Manu, the existence of some conventional 
means of meeting the ordinary wants of commerce and exchange, in- 
cident to the state of society therein typified, would be, so to say, sell- 
evident. The scale of fines, the subdivisions of the assessments pf tolls, 
the elaboration of the rates of interest, and even the mere buyings and 
sellings adverted to, so far in advance of any remnant of a system of 
barter, would necessitate the employment oi coined money, or some 
introductory scheme of equable divisions of metal, authoritatively or 
otherwise current by tale, f without the need of weighing and testing 
each unit as it passed from hand to hand. We need not attempt to 
Bettle the correct technical definition of coined money, or what amount 
of mechanical contrivance is required to constitute a coin proper, — it is 
sufficient to say that we have flat pieces of metal, some round, some 
square or oblong, adjusted with considerable accuracy to a fixed weight, 
and usually of an uniform purity, seemingly verified and stamped anew 
with distinctive symbols by succeeding generations, which clearly 
represented an effective currency long before the ultimate date of the 
engrossment of the Laws of Manu. The silver pieces of this chis^, the 
Purdnas, are found in unusual numbers, and over an almost unlimited 
extent of the entire breadth of Hindustan : from the banks of tin; 
sacred Saraswati ; under eighteen feet of the soil which now covers 
the buried city of Behat ;{ down the Ganges to the sea ; on the 
eastern and western coasts; and in the " Kistvaens" of the ancient 
races of the Dakhin.§ That the silver coins should have been pre- 
served to the present time, in larger numbers than their more perishable 
and less esteemed copper equivalents, was to be expected, especially 
looking to the reconversion of the latter into newer dynastic mintages, 

* Prinsep's Useful Tables, ii. 95, 104-6 ; " Jour. As. Soc., Bengal," 1834, 
Appendix, p. 61, &c. See also " Jour. As. Soc, Bengal," i. 445. 

t One example may suffice. " The toll at a ferry is one pana for an empty 
cart; half & pana fov a man with a load; a quarter for a beast used in agri- 
culture, or for a woman; and an eighth for an unloaded man." — Mann, viii. 

X "Jour. As. Soc, Bengal," iii. 44. Prinsep's "Essays," i. 73. For range 
of localities, see also A. Cunningham, " Bhilsa Topes," p. 354. 

§ Caldwell, " Dravidian Grammar," p. 526. Walter Elliot, " Madras Journal 
Lit. and Science," 1858, p. 227. 

16 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1, 

and their proverbial absorption for the construction of domestic utensils. 
But with all this, the relative proportions of each, which reward modern 
collectors,* would seem to indicate that, of the joint currencies, the 
silver issues must have already constituted a large measure of the 
circulating media of the day ; and this evidence is by no means un- 
important, as showing that while the standard of value was, from the 
first, copper, the interchangeable rates of the two metals must have 
been in a measure recognised, while these imperfect currencies were in 
the course of formation and reception into the commerce of the 

The tenor of the entire text of Manu conclusively demonstrates that 
the primitive standard of the currencies of the Indians, bike that of the 
geographically less isolated, though equally independent originators of 
their own proper civilisation, the Egyptians, was based upon copper, a 
lower metal, which, however it may astound our golden predilections 
of modern times, was clearly in so far preferable in the early conception 
of interchangeable metallic equivalents, that it necessarily constituted 
the most widely distributed and diffused representative of value, brought 
home to the simplest man's comprehension, and obviously in its very 
spread the least liable to sudden fluctuation from external causes, such 
as would more readily affect the comparatively limited available amounts 
of either of the higher metals. Hence, in remote ages, under an im- 
perfect philosophy of exchange, copper may be said to have been the 
safest and most equable basis for the determination of all relative 
values ; and so well did it seemingly fulfil its mission in India, that as 
civilisation advanced with no laggard pace, and foreign conquest brought 
repeated changes of dominant power, and whatever of superior intel- 
ligence may have accompanied the intrusive dynasties, the copper 
standard continued so much of a fixed institution in the land, that it 
was only in Akbar's reign (a. d. 1556 — 1605)f that it even began to 

* Col. Stacey's collection contributes 373 silver coins of this class to 30 
copper pieces (" Jour. As. Soc. Bengal," vol. xxvii. p 256; 1858). The British 
Museum cabinets show 227 silver against 2 copper punch coins. Of the former 
57 are round ; the rest are square, oblong, or irregularly shaped. 

f The revenues of Akbar's magnificent empire were all assessed in Bdms ; a 
copper coin weighing about 324 grains [N. C., xv. pp. 163 — 172]. The total 
demand of the state in a.d. 1596 is given as 3,62,97,55,246 dams. The payments' 
in kind, in the province of Kashmir, are consistently reduced into equivalents in 
dams, and the single exception to the copper estimate occurs in the Trans-Indus 
Sirkdr, of Kandahar, where the taxes were collected in Persian gold Tomans and 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 17 

lose its position as the general arbiter of all fiscal and mercantile 
transactions. With the accumulated increase of wealth, its cumbrous 
volume made an opening for the silver Rupee, which established itself 
permanently in its place, and as time went on, gold Muhars had an 
exceptional and temporary acceptance ; but, like the rupees of that mon- 
arch, they were left to find their own level in the market, as certain 
inexperienced servants of the East India Company discovered, to their 
astonishment, to be still the ruling idea of the community at large, 
when, in subsequent times, they incautiously declared gold a legal 

I have already extracted from the ancient Sanskrit code the Contem- 
poraneous definition of the weights of metal in use "for the purpose 
of worldly business." I will now examine how much of an approxi- 
mation to the conventional notion of a money currency bad been reach 
ed, at the period of the composition of the Vedas and other archaic 

Professor Wilson was under the impression thai he had discovered a 
reference to coined money in the Vedas, where, in the enumeration of 
the gifts bestowed upon the Rishi Garga, mention is made of "ten 
purses" of gold ;f unfortunately, the contents of these "purses, bags 
or chests" or whatever may have been the intentional meaning of 

hosayih in this place, d >t figure in the original text of the hymn 

but form part of the conjectural additions of the commentate] 
Swyana.\ As such, it is useless to speculate further on the passage ; 
but the words dasa hiranya pindtm, "ten lumps of gold," in the sue 
eeeding verse, seem to have a much more direct bearing on the general 
question, and would almost in themselves establish a reckoning by 
tale. Had the text merely confined itself to the expression "lumps 
of gold" in the generic sense, crude and undefined fragments of metal 

Dinars [Gladwin's " Ayin Akbari," ii. pp. 3, 107, 110. Sec also i. pp. 2 3 4 
35, 37,39]. I do not lose sight of the fact of the long-continued use of an 
Intermediate mixed silver and copper currency, which RJled in the divisions 
between, and co-existed with higher and lower coinage of unalloyed metals I N 
C, xv. pp. _ 153, 163 ; Prinsep's "Essays," Useful Tables, p. 71]. /i,;„',. s like 
the old Kdi-sha, wore also occasionally used as weights (See Ayin-Akbari 
i. oU/ ). 

* Sir James Steuart, « The Principles of Money, &c, in Bengal." Calcutta 
1772, p. 26 ; Prinsep's " Essays," Useful Tables, pp, 73, 76, 77. 

f " Itig Veda Sauhita," iii. pp. xvi. and 474. 

t " Rig Veda," text, vol. i. p. 699 ; Max Midler. See also Wilson " ft. V. 
S.," i. p. xlix. and iii ; and note 4, pago 471, 


18 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1, 

might have been understood ; but the deliberate enumeration of ten 
horses and ten lumps of gold,* would seemingly enforce the conclusion 
that those lumps were fixed and determined sections of the metal of 
habitually recognised value, or precisely such divisional portions of 
gold as we see in the parallel cases of the silver and copper of which 
Manu speaks, and whoseextant survivors find a place in our medal 

In addition to this allusion to what I suppose to have been Suvarnas, 
the Vedas, on two occasions, distinctly name the Nishka. The first 
reference to this money-weight is to be found in a hymn by that most 
mercenary Rishi, Kakshivat,| devoted to no deity, but to the glori- 
fication of a mundane prince dwelling on the Indus, whose beneficence 
is eulogised, in an extended play upon the number of his gifts, among 
which the Rishi confesses to having " unhesitatingly accepted 100 
Nishkas, 100 vigorous steeds, and 100 bulls ;" evidencing, as in the 
previous instance, a numerical computation by pieces of recognised 
value — much in advance of the primitive test of scales and weights. 
Again, in a subsequent Sukta, Gritsamada, a Rishi of some celebrity,]; 
in addressing the divinity Rcdra, says, " He shines with brilliant golden 
ornaments."* * " Worthy thou bearest arrows and a bow ; worthy 
thou wearest an adorable omniform necklace. "§ 

The mediaeval scholiast substitutes the word hd?-a } a necklace, for 
the Nishka of the original text,|| an interpretation which is followed 
by the modern translator. It would seem that one of the derivative 
meanings of the word Nishka, as in the parallel instance of Dindra,^ 

* " Rig Veda Sanhita," 4th Ashtaka, 7th Adhyaya ; " Sukta," xlvii. verse 
23 — " I have received ten horses, ten parses, clothes, and ample food, and ten 
lumps of gold, from Divodasa." 

I should prefer the substitution of " cakes or balls" of gold for the " lumps" 
of the translator. Mr. W. Elliot mentions that "the Canarese guligc (Sanskrit 
gutika) was the ancient name of a class of small spherical coins." See figs. 3, 
4, 5, pi. vii., vol. iii., " Madras Journal" (1858). Whence, also, the gold A'dal 
Gutkah (Gutka) of the " Ayin-Akbari," i. p. 32. 

f Wilson," Rig Veda Sanhita," ii. p. 17. See also i. 312, 316, &c. 

% Wilson, " Rig Veda Sanhita," ii. p. 207. 

§ Wilson, " Rig Veda Sanhita," 2nd ashtaka, 7th adhyaya. Sukta xxxiii. vol. 
ii. p. 291-2. 

^fcmf* Trnr^Tfsr ^r^fcr^j ymj; f^wr i ^4%^' ^i^ fV^n*i *r 
*n %5ft*iT ^*Kfa ii \° ii 

|| Max Muller, " Rig Veda," ii. p. 579. 

^f Max Muller, " Sanskrit Literature," p. 247, 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 19 

came in process of time to apply to " an ornament of the neck," the 
component elements supplying- the designation in either case. From 
the passage in question we may reasonably infer that the Nishka of 
the Vedas had, even then, attained so much of a definite and unvarying 
form, and partial ornamental fashioning, as to he suitable for decorative 
purposes in its current shape ; a deduction which would further imply 
that the piece itself was understood, or admitted to be of a constant 
and uniform make, and that, in effect, it carried its description in its 

It is a question whether it is not also necessary to amend the trans- 
lation of the adjective, Vis'wa riipa, from " omniform," to the more 
intelligible " pervaded," or covered " with forms" or symbols,* a 
rendering which would singularly accord with the state in which we 
find the silver money of the period. Should any difficulty be felt at 
the supposition of the adornment of a god with so obvious a work of 
man's hand, it may be said that bows and arrows are scarcely divine 
weapons; but the inherent tendency of lightly-clad, imperfectly domi- 
ciled races to wear on their persons their more valuable and easily 
portable wealth, would naturally suggest the notion that the deities 
followed a similar practice; and the expression instructs us that the 
people among whom it was uttered were in the habit of hanging round 
their necks sections of the precious metals, even as their successors in 
the land for ninety generations have continued to do; having thereby 

* This rendering is in complete harmony with Burnonf's " Dfnaras marques 
de signes" (laksha/nihatam d/tndra dva/yam), two dinars impressed with symbols. 
A difficulty has been felt about the supposed Latin origin of the word Ih'.nir ; 
but, if the passage quoted by Burnouf truly represents the tabric of the earlier 
mintages, it does not matter what torm the original recorder or translator 
applied to the piece itself; he may well have used the conventional word of hia 
age for gold coin, without damaging the authenticity or antiquity of the legend, 
or losing sight of the character of the old type of money he was then describing, 
and which must have been still abundant in the land. But apart from this, 
Colebrooke, in his Algebra of the Hindus (p. exxxiii.), has affirmed that Dinar 
"is a genuine Sanskrit word," the derivation of which Professor Goldstiicker 
explains by di (preserved in didi, and kindred with dd/u, dip), hence the participle 
dina, " shining," with the affix dm, implying "pre-eminence." As regards the 
term Nishlra, Max Midler has thrown out a suggestion that it may be in some 
way associated with the name of the Indo-Scythian king Kanlshka (" Sanskrit 
Literature," p. 332). Professor Goldstiicker, on the other hand, thinks that the 
word may be satisfactorily derived from nis, " out," and ka, " splendour" (from 
lean, "to shine"). Nishka occurs in Panini, v. 1, 20; v. 1, 30 : v. 2, 119. 

See " Introduction a l'Histoire de Buddhisme," p. 423 ; Max Midler, 
" Sanskrit Literature," p. 245 ; Prinsep's " Essays," i. 246, note 3 ; and " Jour. 
As Soe. Bengal," vi. 459. 

20 Ancient Indian Weights, [No. 1, 

in many instances, undesignedly preserved to history the choicest and 
most interesting numismatic memorials of olden time. 

Dr. Weber has collected from the Sutras and later Vedic writings, 
a number of references to money weights,* the most interesting of 
which are the notice of the silver Satamana by Katyayana (xx. 2, 6), 
and the mention of a " yellow-gold satamana" (hiranyam suvarnam 
s'atamdnam) in the Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 7, 2, &c), showing that 
the term satamana, which is given by Maim exclusively as a weight 
of silver, had come to be used indifferently with its coincident metric 
denomination, the Nishka, which, in earlier times, specially implied a 
measure of gold,f The quotation of Suvarna S'aldkdni from the 
Sruti,J is also of importance, the S'aldka identifying the gold piece 
directly with the parallel issue of silver, the residuary specimens of 
which retain the name to this day in the South of India. § 

Having obtained from the Vedas themselves so much of an indica- 
tion of the use of circulating monetary weights at the very early period 
to which those hymns are now admitted to belong, my task in proving 
an obvious advance upon the rudimentaiy phase of the science of money, 
under Manu, will be simple ; especially as so much has already been 
incidentally brought forward, tending to dissipate any remaining doubt 
as to the existence of a coined copper currency, much anterior to the 
epoch, when the customs and usages of preceding ages had to be 
acknowledged as the practical basis of, and as far as might be, conciliated 
in, the new code which was to make Brahmanism absolute. || As I 
have already stated, there is no direct evidence to show what technic 
art had achieved in those days, or what form or finish was given to 
the current money ; but, as with the copper, so with the divisional 
parts of gold and silver, in the table quoted from Manu (viii. 131 — 137) ; 
their classification represents something more than a mere theoretical 

* « Zeitschrift," 1864, p. 138-9. 

f See also the quotation from " Yajnavalkya," section i. si. 364 ; Num. Ckron., 
1864, note, p. 56. 

J Madhava in Kalanirnaya. 

§ Walter Elliot, " Madras Journal of Lit. and Science," 1858, p. 224. Sal dim 
(Telugu), " A dent or mark on a coin denoting its goodness." — Wilson, 
" Glossary." The leading meaning of the Sanskrit S'aldka is given as a dart, an 
arrow : one of its derivative meanings is " an oblong quadrangular piece of 
ivory or bone used in playing a particular game ; a domino." — Wilson, " Sanskrit 

|| " No greater crime is known on earth than slaying a Brahman." — Manu, 
viii. 381. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 21 

enunciation of weights and values, and demonstrates a practical 
acceptance of a pre-existing order of things ; precisely as the general 
tenor of the text exhibits these weights of metal in full and free em- 
ployment for the settlement of the ordinary dealings of men, in parallel 
currency with the copper pieces ; whose mention, however, is neces- 
sarily more frequent, both as the standard and as the money of detail, 
nmid a poor community. Their use in the higher totals would seem 
to icier to an earlier stage of civilisation, or to a time when the inter- 
changeable values of the different metals were less undcrst 1 ami even 

more imperfectly determined. There is no attempt to define these 
relative values, ami the omission may, perchance, have been intentional ; 
though some such scale would soon settle itself by custom, and the 
lawgivers may wisely, in their generation, have abstained from attempt- 
ing, like our own modern statesmen, to fix the price of gold for all time, 
to give permanency to an ephemeral balance, or otherwise to swerve 
from the ancient simplicity of their own copper Standard. Neither 
need there be any distrust of the contrasted passages, as representing 

different stages of national advancement. The collection of a code of 

human laws would necessarily embrace the progress and practical 
adaptations of many generations of men, the older formulae being 
retained in the one case, side by side with the more recent enactments 
and theil modified adjuncts. In a compilation of this kind, the retention 
of such apparent anomalies would indeed be a negative sign of good 
faith ; and as we have to admit considerable uncertainty as to the exact 
epochs of the origin, application, and classification of these laws, and 
astill greater margin of time to allow for their versification and ultimate 
emhodynient in writing, it would be as well not to lay too much stress 
upon their internal evidence, when all the legitimate deductions we 
seek can be established from external testimony. 

The next contrihution to the history of coinage in India is derived 
from the unexpected source of the Grammar of Panini, in the text of 
which pieces of money in a very complete form are adverted to.* That 

* Professor Goldstiicker has been so obliging as to examine Panini for refer- 
ences to coins, and to furnish me with the following note on the subject : — 

"That Panini knew coined money is plainly borne out by his Sutra, v. 2, 119, 
riipad ahata. . . .where he says, 'the word r&pya, IB in the sense of " struck" 
(dhata), derived from rupa, "form, shape," with the taddhita affix yo, here 
implying possession; when riipya would literally mean " struck (money), having 

22 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1, 

nominal terms should appear in the grammar of a people would, at the 
very least, imply that the object designated had attained extensive 
local recognition. Without touching the higher ground, as to how 
soon in a nation's linguistic progress fixed grammatical definitions 
may become a religious, intellectual, or material need, it cannot but be 
conceded that if the name and description of a coin find a place among 
rules for the formation of words, tliis should be evidence sufficient to 
prove that such a product of mechanical art must long have passed 
into the dealings and commercial life of the nation at large ere it could 
have become incorporated in the conventional speech, and been sanc- 
tioned in the teachings of the schools. 

Admitting these inferences, it remains to decide upon the date of 
the grammarian himself. Professor Goldstiicker conceives that he has 
lately obtained most important confirmatory testimony that Pdnini lived 
before Buddha Sdhja Muni (b.c. 543).* Accepting this period for the 
record in iwiting of the passage in question, I am satisfied to leave the 
limit of the anterior currency of the coins open to free discussion. 

The allusions to money in the sacred literature of Sakya Muni are 
so frequent, in comparison with their rare occurrence in the Vedic 
writings, as to have led one of our modern inquirers to infer that the 
Buddhists understood and employed the art of coining long before their 
Brahman adversaries ;f a more simple and satisfactory reason may be 
assigned for the apparent data, in the fact that the Vedas and their 
supplemental rituals refer to an ideal polytheism, while the Buddhist 
scriptures are based on the personal biography of a man living in the 
flesh among the people of India, whose manners and customs are thus 

a form." ' Katyayana and Patanjali make no observation on these words, but 
the Kasika-vritti says that 'form' here means 'the form or shape of a man 
which was struck on it;' and considering that rupa, 'form,' is in this Sutra 
used without any addition — or emphatically, the ellipsis of purusha, ' man' — is 
perfectly natural and justified. As to the date of the Kasikavritti, nothing 
positive is as yet known of it ; it is certain, however, that it is much later than 
the Hahabhashya; but even without its interpretation, I hold that no other 
sense than that put by it on this Sutra could rationally be attributed to it." 

* While on the subject of dates, I may mention that since the publication of 
the earlier portion of this article, a paper has been presented to the .Royal Asiatic 
Society, by Dr. Whitney, " On the Jyotisha Observation " (adverted to in Note 
14, page 255, "Journal As. Soc. Bengal," 1861) questioning the accuracy of the 
results of previous calculations. The utmost possible limit of error, however, 
is admitted to lie between 1120 and 1187 B.C., instead of within the 1181 and 
11S0 h.C, already quoted. 

f Spence Hardy, " Eastern Monachisni," Lond., 1850, p. 66. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 23 

incidentally portrayed. So that the Vedaa proper, as might be antici- 
pated, furnish hut few references to money, and Manu confines his 
notices to the formal letter of the law, though that brings within its 
circle even the definition of the lowest rate of wages, which is fixed at 
one pana a day, with an allowance of grain, &c. (vii. 126). The 
Buddhist legends, on the contrary, abound in illustrations of every-day 
life, including ordinary commercial dealings, frequent mention of 
charitable donations and distributions ; and in one instance they have 
preserved a record of the quaint item, that the Anonyma of her day, 
in the ancient city of Mathura, estimated her favours at 500 puninas 
(about £16). Burnouf, who cites this anecdote, lias further collected 
in his " Introduction a l'Histoire dc Buddhisms," numerous passages 
mentioning suvarnas, puranas, kakini (ratis), and kdrshapanaa,* and 
among other things he reproduces a tale which exemplifies the curious 
custom of the women of the period indulging in the habit of ornamenl 
ing the skirts of their garments with karshapanas. The notice of 
Dindrsf has already been referred to, but the most important passage 
under the numismatic aspect, in the Buddhist literature, is to be Hound 
in the text of the " Mahawanso," where it is stated that the Brahman 
Chanakva, the adviser of Chandra Gupta, " with the view of raising 
resources, converted (by recoining) each hoha pana into eight, and 
amassed eighty kofis of kahdpanas. , '\ 

If the Buddhist legends are to be taken as in any way correct ex- 
ponents of the state of civilisation existing at the period to which they 
professedly refer, it is clear that the act of recoining, and by conversion 
and depreciation making each Icdtslmpana into eight, would imply 
unconditionally, not only that the art of coining had reached its most 
advanced stage, but that the ideas and customs of the country had been 
already trained by long usage, to identify the regal stamp with the 
supposed assurance of fixed intrinsic value — a fallacy that was very early 

* Pp. 91, 102, 103, 145-7, 236, 238, 243, 245, 258, note 329, note 597. 

+ Ibid, 423. 

% Tumour's " Mahawanso," Ceylon, 1837, p. si. : and M. Miiller, " Sanskrit, 
Lit." 289. The Ceylon writers wrote according to their own lights, as unlike 
the people of India Proper, who seora to have reserved the term Karshapana 
for the copper coinage. The inhabitants of Ceylon and the Western coasts 
appear to have coined both gold and silver into Kdrshdpniins, Maxims, and 
other established weights; though the generic term Karshapana m books and 
inscriptions usually indicates copper coin in the absence of any specification to 
the contrary. 

24 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1, 

taken advantage of by the ruling powers. For, while the primitive 
currencies which bear no royal impress, were endued with, and retain to 
the present, a remarkable uniformity of weight and fineness of metal, as 
in the very nature of things it was necessary for them to be full measure, 
that they might exchange against full measure in return ; on the other 
hand, from the moment true coins, in our modern sense, make their 
appearance, irregularity accompanies them, so that in the Indian series, 
in one of the first completely fashioned mintages, that of the silver 
Behat type, bearing the name of Kunanda* the weights of fully- 
stamped well-preserved specimens vary from 29 to 38 - 2 grains. 

The Ceylon annals casually illustrate the subdivisions of the kdrshd- 
pana, as they may be inferred to have existed under Manu (viii. 404), 
in the descending scale as 1, J, J, £. The IJhikkhus oi " Wesali " 
(Bassahr, north of Patna) asking alms, in 443 B.C., say, " Beloved ! 
bestow on the priesthood either a kdhdpan, or half, or a quarter of 
one, or even the value of a mdsa."f Without insisting upon this last, 
which would constitute -^ of the kdrshdpana, I may notice once again 
the permanency of Indian institutions, in the fact that Akbar's copper^ 
coins were retained under the original and simple division of 1, J, J, 
J, in the presence of, and associated with, the most curious complica- 
tions of the weights and values of the currency of the precious metals. 

There is little else that will immediately serve our purpose in the 
notices of Ceylon coins.§ Nor do the more promising inscriptions of 
the Western Caves throw any particular light on the primitive coin- 
ages of Northern India. They contain numerous records of donations 
of kdlidpanas, and in one place notice a Kdhdpan SdJa, or Hall for 
the distribution of kdrshdpanas. || Huns\ and Padilcas are often cited 

* Prinsep's " Essays," i. p. 203, pi xi., fig. 16 ; vol. ii., pi. xliv., figs. 2, 3, 4 ; 
" Ariaua Antiqua," p. 415, pi. xv., fig. 23. 

f Mahawanso, J. A. S., Bengal, vi. 729. 

% " Ayin-Akbari," i. 36. 

§ Other references to money are to be found, " Mahawanso," pp. xli., 10 ; 
Spence Hardy, " Manual of Buddhism," pp. 119, 218, 219. 

|| " Bombay Jour. Royal Asiatic Soc," 1853 ; Dr. Stevenson's " Kanheri 
Caves, Inscrip." No. x. p. 9, and the revision by Mr. E. W. West in 1862, p. 1, 
et seq. # See also " Nasik Cave Inscriptions," 1853, p. 3 ; and " Sahyadri 
Inscriptions," 1854, p. 1. 

^[ The mention of Huns thus early is of some value in this inquiry, as showing 
the age of the name, associated with the near coincidence of its authorised 
weight with that of the old Parana. Mr. Elliot derives the word from pon t 
" gold ;" Canarese lionna. The Yaraha, or modern Pagoda, being merely a 
double honna of 32 gunjas. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 25 

and special respect seems to have been shown to a currency called by 
the local name of Ndndigera. 

In attempting to ascertain the relation of the weights of ancient 
and modern days, and to follow the changes that time and local custom 
may have introduced into the static laws of India, the capital point 
to be determined is the true weight of the rati, as it was understood 
and accepted when the initiatory metric system was in course of form- 
ation. Two different elements have hitherto obstructed any satisfac- 
tory settlement of the intrinsic measure of this primary unit — the one, 
the irregularity of the weight of the guvja seeds themselves, which 
vary with localities and other incidental circumstances of growth ;* 
the other, the importance of which has been rather overlooked, that 
the modifications in the higher standards, introduced from time to 
time by despotic authority, were never accompanied by any rise or 
fall in the nominal total of ratis which went to form the altered 
integer. From these and other causes the rate of the rati has been 
variously estimated asf 1*3125 grains, 1*875 grains, 1953 grains, and 
even as high as 2 25 grains. 

We have Manu's authority for the fact that 32 ratis went to the old 
silver dharana or purdna, and we are instructed by his commentator, 
in a needlessly complicated sum, that the kdrsha was composed of 80 
ratis of copper. We have likewise seen that this kdrsha constituted a 
commercial static measure, its double character as a coin and as a 
weight being well calculated to ensure its fixity and uniformity in 
either capacity within the range of its circulation. I shall be able to 
show that this exact weight retained so distinct a place in the fiscal 
history of the metropolis of Hindustan, that in the revision and read- 
justment of the coinage which took place under Muhammad bin 

* Colebrooke, As. Res. v. 93. 

t Sir W. Jones, " As. Res.," ii. 154, " Rati-=\-fg of a grain." Prinsep, U. T. 
(180-"-96) ; Jervis, " Weights of Konkan," p. 40 ; Wilson, " Glossary." sub voce 
Rati. Col. Anderson, working from Akbar's coins, which were avowedly in- 
creased upon the old ratios, made the rati 194 (Prinsep' s " Essays," ii., U. T., 
p. 22). We need have no further difficulty about Shir Shah's or Akbar's coin 
weights now that we know the bases upon which they were founded. Indeed, 
the determination of the trne value of the kdrsha enables us to explain many 
enigmas in the numismatic history of India ; why and whence Muhammed bin 
Tughlak adopted his new 140 grain standard ; why the unequally-alloyed billon 
coins of Firoz and others were all kept at one determinate weight, &c , &c. ; N. C, 
xv. 136, and notes, pp. 153, 163. 

26 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1 

Tughlak, in a.d. 1325,* this integer was revived in the form of silver 
coin, and was further retained as a mint standard by his successors, 
till Shir Shah remodelled the currency about the middle of the 
sixteenth century. In the same way I have already demonstrated 
elsewhere,f in illustration of an independent question, that a coin retain- 
ing with singular fidelity the ponderable ratio of the ancient purdna, 
was concurrent with the restored hdrsha under Feroz Shah (a.d. 1351 — 
1388) and other kings. And to complete the intermediate link, I 
may cite the fact that when the effects of Greek and Scythian inter- 
ference had passed away, the 32-rat i Purdna reappeared in the Punjab 
and Northern India, as the silver currency of the local dynasty of 
Sya'la and Samanta Deva,| and furnished in its style and devices the 
prototype of the Dehli Choha'n series of " Bull and Horseman" coins, 
the Dilliwdlas, which were retained, unaltered in wieght, by the 
Muhammedans, in joint circulation with the silver double Dirhams of 
174 grains, of their own system. § 

Extant specimens of Syila's coins in the British Museum weigh 
544 grains and upwards. 

If this double series of weights, extending over an interval of time 
represented by 24 or 25 centuries, and narrowed to an almost identical 
locality, are found not only to accord with exactitude in themselves, 
but to approach the only rational solution of the given quantities, the 
case may be taken as proved. 

The ancient purdna hall-marked silver pieces range as high as 
55 grains; copper coins of Edmadata || are extant of 137.5 grains; and 
other early coins of about 70 grains ; while, in parallel exemplification, 
the later standard weights, under the Muhammedans at Dehli, are 
found to be 56 and 140 grains. Hence — 

140-5-80 ratis = 175 grains. 
56-=-32 „ =1-75 „ 

* " Coins of the Patan Sultans of Hindustan," Num. Chron., 1847, coin No 
87, and vol. xv., No. 24, page 130. 

f Num. Chron., xv., notes, pp. 138, 153, &c. In the minor subdivisions, the 
345 and 17 '4 of coins Nos. lis. and lx., p. 155, singularly accord with the weight 
required for the \ and | kdrsha. 

% J. A. S. Bengal, iv. 674; J. E. A. S., ix. 177; Ariana Antiqua, p. 428; 
Prinsep's Essays, i. 313. 

§ N. C, xv. 136 ; Prinsep's Essays, U. T., p. 70. 

|| Prinsep's " Essays," i. p. 216, pi. xx., figs. 47, 48. 


Ancient Indian Weights. 


and this is the weight I propose to assign to the original rati ; there 
may be some doubt about the second decimal, as we are not bound to 
demand an exact sum of even grains, but the 1'7 may be accepted with 
full confidence, leaving the hundredth at discretion, though from pre- 
ference, as well as for simplicity of conversion of figures, I adhere to 
the If. Uuder this system, then, the definition of each ancient weight 
by modern grains will stand as follows : — 

(\ Masha 

= 2 Ratis 

or 3' 5 grains 

Silver . ,i 1 Dharana, or 


= 32 


„ 560 „ 

(^ 1 Satamana 

= 320 


„ 560- „ 

?1 Masha 

= 5 


„ 8-75 „ 

p J 1 Suvarna 

Uold . . < j pala ^ - r Nishka 

= 80 
= 320 

» 140- „ 
„ 560- 

(^ 1 Dharapa 

= 3200 


„ 5600- 

Copper . 1 Karsha 

= 80 


» 140- „ 


= 40 


» 70- „ 

Subdivisions of Karsha . . 


= 20 


„ 35- „ 


= 10 


„ 175 „ 

On some Siamese Inscriptions. — By Dr. A. Bastian. 
[Received 12th May, 1864.— Read 1st June, 1864.] 

Of the Indo-Chinese alphabets, the most interesting one is that of the 
Siamese. The others, as those of the Cambodian, the Lao, the Shan, 
the Talein, &c, are all derived, more or less directly, from the Pali 
characters, which connect them with the circular alphabets of South India 
and the vernacular Singhalese. The Siamese flows more immediately 
from the Sanscrit and has, for instance, preserved the three sibilants, 
whereas there is only one in the Pali and its cognate languages. For 
a great many of those terms, which all the Buddhistic literatures of 
eastern India have purloined from the Pali, the Siamese possesses two 
forms, one taken from the original Sanscrit, and the other modified by 
its passage through the medium of the Pali. In writing the sacred 
books of the Trai-Pidak, the Siamese do not employ their vernacular 
letters, but have borrowed the Pali ones from the Cambodians, and 
call them therefore Akson (Akkara) Khom or Khamen letters. The 
Birmese use only one alphabet, (with the single exception of the square 
characters), whereas the Laos and Cambodians have varied a little the 

28 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

forms of their Pali alphabet for profane uses, hut have never employed 
two distinct alphabets, as has been the case in Siam. The introduction 
of the Pah alphabet in Ultra- India, is connected everywhere with the 
arrival of Buddhaghosa, the Brahmin of Maghada, who visited Ceylon 
to translate the Atthakatha, but the invention of their vernacular 
alphabet is ascribed by the Siamese to their favourite king Phra- 
Ruang, whose exact date is a great point of controversy amongst them. 
In the Phongsavadan Muang nda, or the history of the northern towns, 
it is said, that Phaya Huang, (who was carried by his kite to foreign 
lands, like the Raja of Dewaju), invented for the nations, subjected to 
his rule, the Xieng thai (Siamese strokes or letters), the Xieng mon 
(Peguan letters), the Xieng khom (Cambodian letters), and the now 
unusual employment of the word Xieng (inclined or oblique) seems 
to have reference to the straight and angular shape of the Siamese 
letters, (recalling the ancient alphabets of the Bugis and Battas in the 
Eastern Archipelago), in contradistinction to the circular one of the 
Pali. But without going farther into the claims of Phaya Ruang to 
the invention of the alphabet, a subject which would require a disser- 
tation by itself, I shall lay before you the translation of an old stone- 
inscription, found at Sukhothai, (the ancient capital of Siam during the 
reign of Phaya Ruang and before him,) and placed at present in the 
palace of Bangkok, by the order of the reigning king. You will see 
that the king mentioned in it under the name of Ramkhamheng, 
assigns to himself the honour of having invented the written character, 
which he, (a very interesting circumstance,) calls Lai-su. The present word 
for books in the Siamese language is Nangsii, pronounced by a fanciful 
whim and against all rules of Siamese grammar, as Nong-su. Nang-su 
means verbally the writing on skins (nang), and thus illustrates in a strik- 
ing way, the old traditions of the Lawa, Karen, &c, regarding the former 
existence of parchment books, and it appears that the Siamese, a 
people of quite recent growth, as they could not understand the reason 
for the appellation, gave intentionally a different pronunciation, al- 
though they retained the original spelling, a manner of proceeding, 
which could be illustrated by many similar examples in the Siamese 
language. The other term Lai-su " would, according to the same 
analogy, mean writing in (various) colours, or writing in stripes." A 
Chinese officer who visited Cambodia in the year 1295, says of the 






3 * ^3 * 

« •§ g 8 

r S «> 2 




1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 29 

literary sect, which, according to his accounts, then existed in the coun. 
try, " Their books and public records are written on buck-skin dyed 
black, and cut into the required dimensions. They work down a paste, 
resembling the China white lime. Of this they form little sticks, and 
taking one into the hand, like a pencil, form characters, which can 
never be effaced." He must mean the black books, still in use, amongst 
the Birmese, Siamese and Cambodians, on which they write with a 
soft chalk-stone. In the convents they employ wooden tablets, cover- 
ed with a black varnish, on which the writing of the boys, who trace 
the letters for exercise, can be easily blotted out, and the same material 
is used afresh. For documents and memorials, these black books are 
at present made of vegetable substances like the white paper books, 
and afterwards covered over with a black varnish. The writing is, 
however, far from being indelible, and can be effaced without difficulty. 
If the book is written full and not required to be kept, the leaves 
(folded up in zigzag,) are rubbed over with a preparation of burnt peas 
and charcoal, and then used again, as if new. In especially valuable 
books, the letters, for appearance' sake, are traced with a yellow dye, 
a preparation from gamboge, on a smoothly varnished surface, but 
gradually crumble off and become illegible, because the fluid does not 
enter into chemical composition with the material of the substratum. 
The white books are written on with Chinese ink. On the leaves of 
the Talipoin-palm the letters are traced with an iron style. The 
change from parchment to paper took place very likely in the rigorous 
times of Buddhism, when the pious priests would not allow the killing 
of animals to carry on its fabrication. 

The inscription, translated here, is written in an ancient kind of 
character, differing from the present one. The vowels are still written 
in one line with the consonants, and the diacritical points of the mo- 
dern alphabet are mostly dispensed with. The complicated system of 
accentuation in the Siamese of to-day, has developed itself only gra- 
dually, and can be traced back in old books to that simplicity, which 
still reigns in the ruder dialects of the Laos, and makes them unintel- 
ligible to the polished ear of the low-landers. I was enabled by the 
help of some learned friends in Bangkok to extract the antiquated 
alphabet of the inscription, but have not brought it yet to the state of 
perfection, which would be desirable for publication. The first lines 

30 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

in the commencement of the inscription, are to be found in the book 
about Siam by Sir John Bowring, to whom the king had sent it, and 
as the form of the letters can be looked for there (Vol. I. p. 278), I 
abstain from giving specimens. 

Two other stone-inscriptions from the neighbourhood of Xiengmai, 
which were obtained by me in Bangkok, are written hkewise in an 
ancient character, related to that of the inscription of Sukhothai, 
although differing in many particulars. Both speak of royal offerings 
and the deposition of relics to establish the sacred period of 5000 years, 
in terms similar to those employed by the Birmese king Mentara, but 
I have not yet advanced far enough in the explanation of the cha- 
racters to translate the whole of them. Even the present translation, 
which I offer here, is still a very imperfect one, but whenever I was at 
a fault to make out a satisfactory explanation, I was sure to find the 
best informed Siamese in the same predicament. The inscription of 
Sukhothai covers the four sides of a conical stone, and in the same 
court of Vat Keoh in the royal palace at Bangkok, is placed at its 
side, another stone, which was brought from Kampheng-phet and bears 
a Pali inscription. Besides these, stone insciuptions are found in the 
Siamese province of Ligor, and at the old pagoda of Pathomma-chedi 
at Nakhon-Xaisi, where also brick medallions are disinterred, resem- 
bling those of Tagoung and other localities, and containing the con- 
fessional formula of the Buddhists. 

I have added for comparison, a few specimens of several inscriptions, 
which I copied at length from the stone monuments in Cambodia. 
The ancient characters, called Akson Mihng, abound chiefly at Nakhon 
Tom, but are found also at Nakhon Vat, intermixed with inscriptions 
of modem date. They are believed by the natives to be wholly unintel- 
ligible, but seemingly without real foundation, as I have already suc- 
ceeded, by consulting the more intelligent members of the priesthood, 
in decyphering the names of gods, kings and towns, mentioned in them. 

Some characters in ancient Devanagari, (resembling the Bengal 
inscriptions of the 12th century,) I found at the side of Cochin Chi- 
nese letters on a sepulchre in the plain of tombs at Saigon, a town 
which belonged for some time to the kingdom of Chiampa. The 
sepulchre was that of a priest and the Cochin Chinese Buddhists 
on such occasions, sometimes mix their writings with fanciful letters of 
their own invention, and intersperse them with Chinese characters. 

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 31 

Translation of the Sukiiotiiai Inscription. 
" My father was called Sinitharatthija, my mother, lady (nang) Siiang, 
my elder brother, Ban-Muang. I had of the same mother (womb), 
five brothers and sisters, three being brothers and two sisters. Of my 
elder brothers, the eldest died and departed at a time, when I was still 
young. When I became large and grown up to about nineteen, the 
chieftain (Khun) Samxon of the " myang" (town or country) Xot 
came up to the place of " myang" Tak. My father went to attack 
Khun Samxon and fight him on the outworks of his camp. Khun 
Samxon does not delay, he comes forth from the camp. Khun Samxon 
spread out his troops, covering the open plains of the fields and chased 
my father, who fled hastily, being defeated. I do not fly. I (ku) 
mount the elephant, rushing on upon the army. I push on before my 
father ; I close with Khun Samxon ; I myself throw down the elephant 
of Khun Samxon, mounted on which he had come up to the town. 
Khun Samxon is defeated ; he is beaten and takes to flight, jumping 
on a horse. My father then raised my title, I was called Phra Ram 
Kamheng (the courageous Lord Rama), because I had thrown down 
the elephant of the chieftain Samxon. All the time of my father's 
life, I gave support to my father ; I gave support to my mother; I 
procured the flesh of stags and fishes ; I brought them up to my father. 
I procured fresh areca, sweet areca, which I had tasted myself to be 
savoury, tasted myself to be good ; I bring this up to my father. I 
set out against the savages, the tribes provided with elephants, to 
obtain slaves for my father. I fall on their villages, on their towns. 
I get elephants, get tusks ; I get males and females ; I get silver ; I get 
gold ; I biing it all up with me and deliver it over to my father. Then 
my father dies. There is still an elder brother. I give support to my 
elder brother, in the way, as I had supported my father. My elder 
brother dies. Now the towns come to me, all the four towns. Of all 
these towns of mine, of me, the father-benefactor (Pho-Khun) Ram- 
khamheng, this town here, the town of Sukhotay excels. The waters 
are full of fish, in the field grows rice. The Lord of the town does 
not exact any duties, he does not tax the people. Undisturbed they 
go along the roads, leading oxen to trade in them, mounting horses to 
trade in them. If they wish and desire to trade in elephants, let them 
do so. They may trade in them in the same way, as they are used to 

32 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

trade in horses or in cattle. If they should like to trade in silver, 
trade in gold, trade in slaves, they are free to do so. Let them fearlessly 
transact their business before the face of the lords, before the host of 
princes and young nobles. If death occurs, the property of the father 
goes to his sons, of whatever it may consist. His children, his wives, 
his servants, his slaves, the fruit-gardens of betel and areca, all and 
every thing, what the father possessed, is inherited by his son. When- 
ever disputes arise between the common people and members of the 
nobility, they will be examined into and decided with justice, both 
parties being equally regarded as subjects. The judge must not side 
with the person who clandestinely steals and defrauds. He must not 
harm the property of the litigants and take from it by his greediness. 
Whenever traders to buy or sell come in companies to visit the town, 
let them come. Such as wait for me at the northern frontier, requir- 
ing my assistance, shall have it. If they are in want of elephants, or 
of horses, or of slaves, or of money, it will be given to them. After 
the goods have been stapled* up in the town and stored, there will be 
made an election of slaves and a rejection of slaves. Such as are 
clever in spearing, clever in fighting, shall not be killed, neither shall 
they be beaten. There is under the portico a bell hung up for the use 
of the people, the royal subjects, in the centre of each village, in the 
centre of each town. If in quarrels or injuries of any kind, they wish 
to speak their mind before the lord or complain to the nobleman, it is 
not difficult. They go and ring the bell, which has been hung up 
there for them. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the father 
(sovereign) of the country, takes it up, he has the matter enquired 
into and the names of the parties searched out. 

" Furthermore in this city of Sukhotay there are planted orchards 
of areca-palms and betel-vines, all over the town. On every place 
there are groves of cocoanut trees in great abundance. In this town 
are parks of the resin tree and plenty of them. In this town are mangoes 
and plenty of them. In this town are tamarinds and plenty of them. 
In this town there is liberty to build and plant for whosoever wishes. 
In the middle of this town of Sukhotay there is a stone basin with 
a bubbling fountain, the water is clean and clear and good to drink 
without being distilled, clear like the water of the Ganges (khongka). 
* Sic in MSS. Query [secured] ? — Eds. 

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 33 

There is a river, which surrounds this town of Sukhotay in three 
windings, even at the dry season, two thousand four hundred fathoms 
in extent. The people in this town of Sukhotay are addicted to alms- 
givings, are addicted to observe the precepts, are addicted to make 
offerings. The father- benefactor Raiukhamheng, the sovereign of this 
town of Sukhotay, he with all his ladies, with the host of lords, all 
men and women, the whole of the princely race, the sons of nobles, all 
males and females, as many as there are, the whole multitude, all of 
them, persevere piously in the religion of Phra-Phuth (Buddha"). 
They keep the precepts during the time of Lent, every one of them. 
When the rainy season is concluded, they celebrate the processions to 
throw presents to the priests during one month, and then it is finished. 
To solemnize this festival, they contribute artificial fruits; they collect 
the fruits of areca; they bring flowers ; they bring cushions ; they will 
reap the fruits of meritorious rewards. Those who present cushions, 
will sleep on aostly canopy couches. The variety of the presents in 
multifarious patterns, heaped up by royal command and by the com* 
mon folks, are innumerable, glittering in such quantities that they 
cannot be counted ; they block up all places, filling every spot. The 
lines of presents extend in piles beyond the precincts of the town till 
to the outskirts of the jungle. If they have to be transported inside 
the palace, there is one uninterrupted mass of goods stretching around, 
before and behind, from the jungle outside. Then in praying and 
ejaculating pious words, the air resounds with the clashing of voices, 
with the echo of voices, in the passing and repassing of voices, with 
singing voices. According to every one's liking, he who feels inclined 
and wishes to gamble, may gamble ; who feels inclined to play, may 
play ; who feels inclined to promenade, may walk about. In this town 
of Sukhotay there are excellent singers with melodious voices. At 
the height of the festival the people use to come in in crowds, jostling 
each other and eager to look on, how they light up the fire-works and 
let them off. This town of Sukhotay contains a gong, split in halves. 
This town of Sukhotay possesses a temple ; possesses a statue of Bud- 
dha, 18 cubits high ; possesses a large image of Buddha ; possesses a 
holy convent ; possesses aged teachers; possesses a high priest. To the 
west of the town of Sukhotay there is a jungle-monastery (of hermits). 
The father-benefactor Raiukhamheng bestows alms on the high priest 


34 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

(Maha-thero or the great Thero). Amongst the aged teachers there is 
a learned one, who has read through the Pidok in all its three parts. 
He is the head of the tribe of savans, excelling above all others in this 
town of Sukhotay, and there is none like him, from the town of 
Svithammarat to here. In the midst of the jungle there is a monas- 
tery. It is very large and roomy and exceedingly beautiful. At the 
eastern side of this town of Sukhotay there is a monastery with vene- 
rable professors ; there is a royal lake ; there is a forest of areca-palms 
and betel- vines ; there are fields and cultivated tracts ; there are home- 
steads with gardens ; there are houses, large and small ; there is a forest 
of mangoe trees ; a forest of tamarinds handsome to look at and care- 
fully kept. At the south of the town of Sukhotay there is a market 
and a school-room ; there is the palace ; there is a forest of cocoa-palms, 
a forest of thorny areca ; there are fields and cultivated tracts ; there 
are homesteads and gardens ; there are houses, large and small. To 
the north of the town of Sukhotay, there is a convent with the cells 
of venerable teachers, who live by alms ; there is a pretty lake with 
plenty of fish ; there are plantations of cocoa-palms, plantations of 
resin trees, plantations of mangoes and tamarinds ; there is water in 
a cistern. There is also the lord Khaphung, the demon-angel, who 
is the mightiest in that mountain and above every other demon. In 
this country every one of the nobles reverences the town of Sukhotay, 
and observes the rules of adoration in his worship, paying homage. 
This town is an upright one. This town stands well with the demons. 
If mistakes are committed in the worsbip, if the sacrifice is not correct, 
the demons in yonder mountain do not guard and protect the town ; 
they disappear. 

When the era was dated 1214, in the year of the dragon, the father- 
benefactor Ramkhamheng, the sovereign of tins country (town) of 
Sisatxanalai- Sukhotay planted a palm tree, and after nineteen rice 
crops had gone by, he ordered the workmen to prepare the smooth 
surface of a stone, which was fastened and secured on the middle of 
the trunk of the palm tree. In the days of the dark moon, at the 
beginning and at the end, for eight days, and on the days of the full 
moon and the quaiters, the assembly of the aged teachers and the 
priests ascend the surface of the stone to rest ; and the whole circle of 
pious laymen accomplish the holy law in remembering and observing 

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 35 

the victorious precepts. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the 

sovereign of the country of Sitxaualai-Sukhotay, ascending to the 
.surface of the stone, sat down ; and the host of the lords and the BOU8 
of the nobles, the -whole multitude, paid homage to him for their vil- 
lages, paid homage for their towns. On the first and the last day of 
the dark moon, on the extinguished moon, and at the full moon, the 
white elephant was adorned in its trappings of costly gold, as it has 
always been the custom to do. Its name is Ruchasi. The father- 
benefactor Ramkhamheng, having mounted on its back, proceeds to 
worship the image of Phra-Phuth in the jungle. He has brought 
forth the engravings from the town of Xolajong, to place them in the 
foundation, together with the glorious relics, the jewels hoi}' and 
splendid from the cave on the source of the waters, the cave on the 
river's bank, from the precious fountain in the middle of the palm 
forest. Of the two halls, the one is called the golden, the other 
the strength of the protecting Buddha. The flat stone, called 
Manang-sila, in the form of an alms-howl, is placed (us Dagob) above 
the relics, to close the foundation formed by the stone. Then all men 
saw and acknowledged, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, son 
of the father-benefactor Sinitharathiya, had become king in the coun- 
try Sri Satxanalai-Sukhotay and over the Ma-kao, the Lao and the 
Thay ; over all towns, below and above, under the vault of heaven. 

All the inhabitants of the mountain U, the dwellers on the banks 
of the river, were called out in the year of the pig, when the era dated 
1209. They were ordered to dig and take out the holy relics. Hav- 
ing come upon them and seen them, they made offerings and worship- 
ped the holy relics. At a favourable day of the sixth month, they 
took them out and brought them, to be buried in the centre of the 
town of Sisatxanalai. A pagoda was placed upon them and stone- 
towers were erected in a circle around the holy relics. 

Then three years went by. In former times there was no written 
character of the Thai. When the era dated 1205, in the year of the 
horse, the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, having consulted with the 
learned teachers, established the letters of the alphabet for the Thai, 
which exist since that time, when the king arranged them for use. 
Then it was, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng became verily 
the king and royal lord to all the Thai, because then verily he became 

36 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1 

their teacher and instructor, enlightening the Thai, that they might 
know truly the merits and understand the law. But amongst the 
people, living in this country of the Thai, there is nobody equal in 
regard to firmness and boldness, in regard to courage, pre-eminence 
and strength, equally powerful to overcome the host of enemies. 

The country stretches far and wide, being enlarged by conquests. 
On the side of sunrise, it extends to the royal lake, stretching in two 
lines through the low grounds along the banks of the river Khong 
(Mekhong), up to Viengchan and Viengkham, which two forts have 
been placed there to form the boundary posts. On the south side it 
comprises the people who inhabit the district Phrek in Suphanna- 
phumiratburi, the boundary line being marked by Petchaburi and 
Srithammarat on the shores, which are washed by the waters of the 
sea. On the side of sunset, it extends to the countries of Xot and 
Bangkapadi, and there are no frontiers along the waters of the ocean. 
In a northerly direction it comprises the town of Phleh (Pre), the 
town of Nahn, the town Phlua, stretching to the banks of the 
large river, where the country of the Xava (Xao) constitutes the 
boundary. There are eatables cultivated in this territory, that the 
multitude of villagers and citizens may be provided with food, as it 
is right and just, according to the laws of line men." 

The discussion of the many important points, alluded to in this in- 
teresting inscription, I must leave for arrother occasion. It has been 
remarked above, that this truly enlightened king, under whom, the 
people might with more propriety than now, have been styled " the free'' 
(Thai), appears to be identical with the famous Phra Ruang, (at least 
with one of the different representatives of this name). The Siamese 
chronicles place his reign generally in the seventh century, but the 
Peguan history confirms his having reigned at about the epoch here 
mentioned, which has to be reckoned most probably in the Mahasak- 
kharat : if not, as the era appears to be counted backwards, it begins 
with the holy period of 5000 years. The first king of Siam makes 
the date of the inscription 1193 of the Christian era. The town of 
Sukhothay is one of the oldest capitals of Siam and continually cele- 
brated in the Phongsavadan muang nua, where one of the Brahmini- 
eal ancestors is called by the name of Satxanalai. The town of Tak 

1865.] On seme Siamese Inscriptions. 37 

lies now in rains, in the neighbourhood of the present Rahein, and 
belonged to the kingdom founded in Kampengpet. The mentioning 
of the ocean, in defining the frontiers there, recalls the traditions of 
the Taleins ; and Sukhothai itself is said to have been formerly a sea- 
port. According to the Siamese legends, Phra-Ruang sailed from it 
to conquer China (Krang Chin), in the same year in which the Chinese 
historians (616 P. D.) speak of a tribute brought from Siam. The 
mythic traditions of the Damdukban place the residence of Phaya 
Ruang in Nophburi or Lophburi, the ancient capital of the aboriginal 
occupants of the soil, before the emigration of the Thai. The demon- 
worship, mentioned in the inscription, continues still in various forms 
in all Buddhistic countries, and the processions to make presents to the 
priesthood may still be seen repeated every year at Bangkok, in the 
way here described. The presents are called Kathin, on account of 
their variegated components, in remembrance of the checkered gar- 
ments of the monks, which, according to the founder's institution, had 
to be sown together in incongruous patchwork. The royal custom of 
hanging up a bell, which might be rung by complainants seeking access, 
occurs also in the history of Hongsavadi and is known all over the 
orient. From the remark, that the stone placed over the relics had 
the form of an alms-bowl (batr), one would have to conclude, that the 
shape of the Dagoba is only indirectly connected with the lotus it is 
supposed to represent. In Cambodia, one often sees pots with bones 
and ashes of priests, placed under the Pho-tree, the peepul. The town 
of Xalang is perhaps Jonk-Ceylon (the shipping of Ceylon), a place 
formerly in intimate connection with the island of Ceylon, where 
relics were cheap as mushrooms. The places mentioned to define the 
boundaries of the kingdom, are all still in existence, and can be easily 
traced by the directions given. The kidnapping of the mountaineers 
to carry on the slave-trade is still continued at the present day by the 
Laos. The northern trade, the inscription speaks of, may have been in 
the hands of Chinese merchants, and the king promises them, (as pro- 
tection for their valuable cargoes), a safe conduct through the territory 
occupied by hostile and predatory tribes. The years are counted by 
crops of rice, as it is often done by the present Siamese, who at other 
times employ the enumeration of the yearly Inundations in their 
reckonings. The names given to the years are those of the Dodecade. 

40 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

avowed object of correcting the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep, it 
is naturally expected that he should take some precaution to ensure 
accuracy, and not blunder even in those places where the unfortunate 
subject of his criticism happens to be correct."* This is directed at 
me ; and I reply to it. 

"Where have I come " forward with the avowed object of correcting 
the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep" ? Are the words of such an 
avowal producible ? Or can it be inferred, from anything I have put 
on paper, that my purpose was that here alleged ? Adverting to the 
Eran inscriptions, I have expressed myself as follows, concerning their 
original decipherer : " Had Mr. Prinsep inspected the documents in 
discussion, with the advantage of the facilities I have been able to com- 
mand, it is beyond question that his conclusions respecting them would 
have differed, as on matters of moment, so as to points of unimport- 
ance, from those he has recorded. Writing under obligation of the 
reserve impressed by this consideration, I shall stay to expatiate on 
but a few of the discrepancies, touching secondary details, which, on 
collation of our results, the attentive reader will discover. At the 
same time, I have weighed these cases, one and all, Avith my best 
diligence. "f My chief aim, as to the Eran inscriptions, was to read 
and to translate them anew. That, all along, I studiously aimed, 
wherever it was practicable, not to provoke comparison of my own 
work with that of my predecessor, will, I believe, strike most of my 

The Babu, on the other hand, has thus delivered himself with 
respect to " such a scholar as Prinsep," "the unfortunate subject of" 
my " criticism :" " Prinsep, notwithstanding his untiring diligence 
and splendid critical acumen, was obliged, owing to his own want of 
familiarity with the Sanskrita, to depend upon his interpreters ; and 
they blind to the importance of the work upon which he was so 
ardently engaged, neglected their duty, and trifled with him in all 
matters in which he could not readily detect the imposition they prac- 
tised upon him. Hence it is, that his translation of the Eran re- 

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 394. 
f Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 16. 

Mr. Prinsep was guided solely by Captain Burt's facsimiles ; and I had 
pored for two whole days on the incised originals. 

1865."] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. 41 

cords * * is sadly defective in many respects."* To this I need not 
add one word of comment. 

Before passing to other things, I take occasion to say, that, contrary 
to what has been intimated, not in a single instance that has been 
pointed out, have I " blundered" where Mr. Prinsep " happens to be 
correct." And was " such a scholar" correct only by hap ? 

At the end of my " Note on Budhagupta" are these words : "My 
paper on the land-grants of Hastin, and that on the Eran inscriptions, 
as I did not see the proof-sheets, abound in errors of the press, to say 
nothing of other faults. The more important will here be rectified, 
and a few comments interspersed."! Referring to me, the Babu says : 
" I must, even at the risk of being tedious, adduce my premises for 
the errors [sic~] in his reading of the Iran inscriptions, to which I take 
exception. Dr. Hall has attributed most of them to the printers ; but 
it is difficult to conceive how those scape-goats are to be responsible 
for the word sansurata, which Dr. Hall altered into sansrirahhu with- 
out any authority. * * Regarding the elegant simile of a king 
electing it is wife like a maiden her husband, the Doctor says"% d'r. dr. 
My " bulky" list of corrigenda and addenda, as the Babu styles it, 
takes up just twenty-one lines ; and within that space, I set sdnka 
and Surdshtras, for s'anka and Surdshtra, to the account of the printer : 
and this is the entire foundation for the charge that I have attempted 
to disown my errors. 

The Babu's clause bearing on sansuratam certainly stands in need 
of readjustment. The word was Mr. Prinsep's, not mine. 

And now for the " elegant simile," which is altogether the Babu's 
own property. I first printed : " Who, by the will of the Ordainer, 
acquired, like as a maiden sometimes elects her husband, the splendour 
of royalty." This I corrected to : " Providentially preferred by Royal 
Prosperity, as it had been a maiden who elects her husband." No- 
where have I spoken of " a king electing his wife like a maiden her 
husband :" and whence does it appear that I took " the splendour of 
royalty" for anything but an unfleshly personification ? 

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 268. 
■f Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 149. 
% Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 394. 

42 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

The Babu, animadverting on my rendering of the Eran inscriptions, 
says : " He translates 'S'^sff^HT: into the unmeaning* ' derived 
prosperity to his race ;' when he should have followed Prinsep and 
given ' for the prosperity of his race.' ' On turning to the version 
of Mr. Prinsep, I am not at all startled to discover that he has not so 
translated ^N^f^WT:, an epithet of Harivishnu. He has not trans- 
lated the expression at all. It is lower down, in the column inscrip- 
tion, that the words occur to which his " for the prosperity of his 
race" are meant to correspond. f Differing, there, from Mr. Prinsep, 
in deciphering the original, I have given " with purpose to advance 
the merit of his father and mother." 

When I called fq7iT?T«r5JTrr^f " a hoary solecism," I should not 
have done so, — as I wrote near two years ago, — \ if I had had access, 
at the time I so characterized it, to a respectable Sanskrit Dictionary. 
The Babu, with all the air of a discoverer, magnanimously taunts me 
with this mistake, notwithstanding my voluntary and explicit admis- 
sion that I had erred. Who shall say that, but for his ploughing with 
my heifer, I might not here have eluded the Babu's penetration ? 
However, my translation of the aforesaid expression, " the counterpart 
of his sire," is quite correct. The Babu, with intent to make me out 
wrong, refers to Dr. Goldstiicker's Sanskrit Dictionary. Dr. Gold- 
stiicker authorizes me to say that my explanation is quite as good as 
his own. 

* More literal than my " who derived prosperity to his race" would have 
been " cause of the prosperity of his race." Only I wished to make promi- 
nent the devolution which is implied by the Sanskrit. 

The verb " derive," as employed by me, has been in the English lan- 
o-uace for several hundred years ; and it is not yet obsolete. Within a 
short time I have met with it, in the acceptation which the Babu pronounces 
to be " unmeaning," in three living writers. 

" The term, indeed, is derived to us from the Schoolmen ; and so far they 
are chargeable with having perplexed theology with the disquisitions arising 
out of it." Bishop Hampden's Bampton Lectures, third edition, p. 181. 
Also see pp. 153, 184, 331. 

" The king's power of assent is a power derived to him from the whole 
body of the realm." Gladstone ; The State in its Relations with the Church, 
second edition, p. 9. Also see the same author's Church Principles, fyc. p. 5. 

" It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be derived 
to my argument from the idea of abstract right, as a thing independent of 
utility." J. S. Mill: on Liberty, pp. 23, 24. Also see the same author's 
Considerations on Representative Government. 

f Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1838, p. 634. 

I Journa-l As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 139. 

1865.] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. 4 3 

Commenting on the Babu's decipherment of an inscription, I said : 
" The third line shows an upadlimdniya hefore a *r In the teeth of 
all grammar, this, as lately edited, had heen turned into a repha."* 
To tliis the Babu rejoins ; " The iipudhmdniya is a printer's blonder." 
The Sanskrit scholar cannot fail to discern that there is, in this replyj 
a blunder incomparably worse than a printer's. 

Again, I objected to the Balm's WFnfarJ^f^IT. The reply is : " My 
mdtdpitustathd is quite as correct as the suggested mdtdpitrostaihd ; 
the one being an itarctarasamdsa, and the other a samdhdra." 

In passing, mdtdpitustathd would involve, not, as is here implied, 
an itaretarayoga compound, but a sa/mdhdra, A compound of the 
iamdhdra description must be a neuter singular ; and that " mother" 
and " father" can be thus combined, the veriest tyro in Sanskrit 
should know to be impossible. 

These specimens of the Balm's want of accuracy and scholarship 
might be greatly extended. But I shall have said as much as I care, 
to say, after mentioning that he has credited Mr. Prinsep,f instead of 
myself, with extracting a full date from the inscription of Budha- 
gupta. This is a trifle ; but it is characteristic. 

I had written thus far in April last, but laid my letter aside, with 
the intention of withholding it. Owing, however, to B ibu Rajendra- 
lal Mitra's paper on Bhoja, in the second number of this year's Jour- 
nal, I have resolved to forbear no longer. It would make a long list, 
if I were to resume the facts of my own finding out which the Babvt 
there appropriates as though he himself had first brought them to 
light. Where, too, he assails me, in connexion with the name of 
Colebrooke,J he knows full well that I was not professing to correct 
that great scholar as to the meaning of the word dala. When re- 
translating a passage translated by another, it is no just conclusion 
that I regard as wrong, whatever I do not think fit to copy from his 
renderings. It was a matter of misreading and metre, in the instance 
in question, where I showed that Colebrooke had slipped. § For the 

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 128. 
f Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 396. 
+ Journal As. Soc. Beng , 1863, pp. 106 & 107. 

§ Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VII., pp. 31 and 45 j 
and Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 210. 

44 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1, 

rest, the word data signifies " petal" as well as " leaf." I am told 
that " it is only on the leaf of the lotus that water is tremulous, and 
not on its petals." Indeed ! 

In preceding volumes of this Journal,* I have stated that Babu 
Kajendralal Mitra has interpolated an inscription, and thereby created 
a new king ; and this myth, Mahendrapala II., has been adopted as a 
reality, in Professor Lassen's Indian Antiquities.^ 

Your obedient servant, 

F. E. Hall. 

King's College, London, Nov. 9, 1863. 

P. S. Colonel Cunningham, in his Archceological Survey Report, 
published in your Journal for this year, writing of the year in which 
the inscription naming Skandagupta is dated, says : " Professor Hall, 
on the authority of Bapu Deva Sastri, the learned astronomer of the 
Benares College, prefers the era of Vikramaditya." I have never 
expressed any such preference ; and I have never appealed, on the 
subject, to Pandit Bapii Deva. Colonel Cunningham was thinking of 
the inscription of Budbagupta. I have explicitly said : " Not to my 
knowledge, is there one particle of proof that Kumaragupta preceded 
Budbagupta, or that Skandagupta did, whether immediately, or after 
an interval. "J The year 141 in the inscription that speaks of Skanda- 
gupta I have not suggested to place either before or after Budba- 
gupta' s year 165. 

By the by, the Udayagiri inscription is not dated in S'ravana, as 
according to Colonel Cunningham's decipherment, but in A'shadha, 
and very distinctly. I read the word on the spot in the spring of last 

* 1861, p. 199 ; 1862, pp. 5 and 15. 

f Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. III., pp. 827 and 1169. 

X Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 388. 

1865.] Literary Intelligence, 45 

Literary Intelligence. 

The large bronze statue of Buddha which was exhumed at Sooltan- 
gunge by Mr. Harris and which has been figured in this Journal, has 
reached England and been presented by Mr. T. Thornton to the town 
of Birmingham. 

Capt. Lees was under a misimpression when he announced at the 
last August meeting that the Elliot MSS., now under publication in 
England by Mr. E. B. Cowell and Dr. Reinhold Rost, were being 
published by our Society. The offer of assistance, which, on the 
recommendation of our Philological Committee, our Council sent to 
Lady Elliot in June 1863, through our Honorary Agent in London, 
Mr. E. Thomas, was not at once accepted, and in the mean time, 
Mr. Cowell's return to England enabled her ladyship to make other 
and to her more acceptable arrangements. The historical materials left oy 
Sir H. Elliot, are to be published in 3 volumes, edited by Mr. Cowell, 
under the title of ' The History of India as told by its own historians,' 
while M. Rost is to bring out a complete edition of the Glossary 
under that of ' Memoirs on the history, philology and ethnic distri- 
bution of the races of the N. W. Provinces of India.' The History is 
not to contain any oriental text. 

M. Jules Mold in announcing its projected publication in the Journ. 
Asiatique, makes the following remarks. 

" Je ne suis pas, en general, grand partisan des ouvrages posthumes ; 
mais je suis heureux de voir que Ton sauve de l'oubli tout ce qui peut 
se publier des materiaux prepares et elabores par un homme aussi 
distingue par le cceur, l'esprit et le savoir, que Sir H. Elliot, qui 
etait certainement un des hommes les plus remarquables parmi le 
grand nombre des savants que le service de la Compagnie des Indes 
a formes. On ne leur a jamais rendu en Angleterre la meme justice 
que sur le continent, et je crois qu'il en sera de meme des ouvrages 
posthumes dont jeparle ici." 

Mr. Cowell, we hear, has also undertaken the continuation of 
Wilson's translation of the Rig Veda. 

Brockhaus has undertaken to publish M. Haug's ' Religion of the 
Zoroastrians,' which is to be in two volumes the first to contain the 

46 Literary Intelligence. [No. 1, 

history of Zend and Pehlevee literature, accompanied by translations 
and grammars of these languages, the second to explain the 
Zoroastrian dogmas, and to give an account of the origin and develop- 
ment of this religion and of its relations with Vedism. 

The Royal Asiatic Society have commenced a new series of their 
Journal, the first part of which contains a paper by Dr. J. Muir on the 
Vedic Theogony and Mythology. This is to be followed by others, 
the Author's object being to examine the religious ideas of the 
Rig Veda and ' to compare them occasionally with the corresponding 
conceptions of the early Greeks.' 

The Oriental Translation Fund Committee are, we regret to see, 
unable to proceed with any new publications for want of funds. 
They propose, therefore, to complete, as soon as practicable, De Slane's 
translation of Ibn Khallikan and to close their labours. 

The following is from General Cunningham, dated October last. 

" The coins of Sophytes to which Captain Stubbs refers, have only 
been found in the N. W. of India, as far as I am aware : and I ara 
therefore inclined to assign them to Sophites, or Sopeithes, or 
Cuphites, the king of the Kathsei, who was contemporary with 
Alexander. The coins themselves appear to be of the same age as 
those of Alexander and Seleukos. 

" Thomas's article on Indian Weights promises to be interesting. — 
I have been collecting materials for the same subject for nearly 
20 years, and I have made many curious discoveries — I see that he 
quotes Sir William Jones as fixing the weight of the Krishnala, or 
Rati seed, at 1 T \ grain : but I am satisfied that this is a simple 
misprint of Jones's manuscript, for If or 1.833 grain, which is as 
nearly as possible the average weight of thousands of seeds which I 
have tested. The great unit of mediaeval and modern times is the 
tdka of not less than 145 grains, of which 6 make the chha-tdka, or 
chhatak, equal to 870 grains, or nearly 2 ounces — and 100 make the 
setaka or ser, the derivation being sat-tdka or 100 takas — For conve- 
nience I have taken, in all my calculations, the rati seed at 1.8229 
grain — Then 80 ratis, or 145.832 was the weight of the tangka of 
copper, and also of the golden suvarna, which multiplied by 6 gives 
874.99 grains, or exactly 2 ounces for the chhatdka or chhatak. One 


1865.] Literary Intelligence. 47 

of the most curious facts connected with ancient oriental Numismatics 
is that sim in Persian means both "thirteen" and "silver" which 
confirms the statement of Herodotus that in the time of Darius gold 
was 13 times the value of silver." 

Extract from Capt. Stubbs' letter to Mr. Grote : — 

" I shewed the gold stater of Diodotus, which you may recollect my 
having, to Messrs. Vaux and Poole at the British Museum, and they 
held a Committee on it, the result being a clear verdict in its favour : 
so Mr. Thomas writes me word. They were much pleased with a 
Sophytus which I gave them,* and Mr. Vaux agrees with me in thinking 
that General Cunningham's attribution of the name 2<d<£i>tos to the 
Latin suffes and the Aramean — jogiir is objectionable." 

Professor Holmboe of Christiania, in a letter to B&bu Rajendralala 
Mitra, gives the following summary of certain memoirs lately pub- 
lished by him on the relation which formerly existed between Asia 
and Scandinavia. 

" 'A present je prends la liberte de vous envoyer 'trois petits me- 
moires archeologiques : 1. Om Eeds-Ringe c. a. d. sur des 
anneaux a serment. J'y ai prouve, que les anneaux, dont se servaient 
nos ancetres payens, pour y poser la main en pretant serment, ont eii 
la meme forme que les anneaux, qu'on voit entre les mains de quelques 
personnes dans la procession sacrificale sculptee aux murs a cote 
des escaliers du temple de Pesepolis. J'ai tache de prouver, que 
l'usage de preter seiment sur an anneau ait ete en usage chez les 
anciens Perses; particulierement sous la dynastie der Sassanides, 
dont les sculptures a Nakhchi Roustam et a Nakhchi Bostan ne 
representent pas, comme on a era, la remise solennelle du symbole 
de la royaute au nouveau roi, mais le pretement de serment du 
nouveau roi sur un anneau, qu'au nom de Dieu lui presente le 
grand mobed (mobedi mobedan), ce qui demontre assez clairement la 
tenure de la main du roi. Sur la pi. I, j'ai donne les dessins de deux 
anciennes monnaies celtiques, dont l'obvers represente la juris- 
diction par un homme tenant l'anneau a, serment, et le revers de l'une 
represente le sacrifice par [d' ?] un quadrupede, sur le dos duquel on 
# It is considered a better one than Major Hay's. 

48 Literary Intelligence. [No. 1, 

voit le niauteau sacrificial. Le resultat, que je tire de rnes raisonne- 
ments, c'est que le rite cle preter serment but un anneau, comrae tant 
d' autres rites, a du passer de 1' Orient dans le Nord de 1' Europe. 

2. Kong Svegders Reise c. a d. le voyage du roi Svegder. 
On lit dans l'histoire de Norvege par Snorro Sturlason, chap. 15 
de l'histoire des Ynglings, qu' un roi de Suede, nomme Svegder, 
lequel, vu la serie des rois qui ont regnes jusqu'au temps ou nous 
avons une chronologie certaine, a du vivre au 4me siecle de 
l'ere chretienne, fit deux voyages pour aller a, G-odheim ou 
Asaland, ou il esperait trouver Odin (Bouddha ?) Le recit rap- 
porte, que dans son premier voyage il visita le pays des Turcs, le 
grand Svithjod c, a, d, la Russie actuelle, et Panaheini c, a d. le Ta 
Ouan ou grand Ouan sur les bord de Jaxartes (Lir devger,) dont 
parle le Cliinois Lee'mutsien dans le Laeki. Le voyage dura cinq 
ans. Apres avoir reste quelque temps a la maison il fit un second 
voyage dans le meme but. II traversa de nouveau Svithjod, et 
ayant passe sa limite [?] de l'Est il arriva a un lieu, nomme Stein, 
ou il y avait une pien - e (stein en Norv. signifie pierre,) grande 
comme une grande maison. La, sortant le soir d' une maison, ou 
lui et sa suite s'etaient endormis, [?] il observa sous la pierre, un 
dverg (petit etre mysterreux de la Mythologie des anciens, demeu- 
rant sous terre, mais en sortant le soir et la nuit,) assis sous la 
pierre. Alors le roi et sa suite se mirent a courir vers la pierre, 
mais avant d'y arriver, il vit le dverg debout dans la porte, 1 'appel- 
lant et l'invitant a entrer s'il desirait voir Odin. II entra, la porte 
se ferma, et on ne le vit plus. 

Voila le contenu du recit. Je suppose que la pierre ait ete un 
Stoupa au Tope, dont l'exterieur bien platre lui ait donne l'aspect 
d'une pierre, d'une masse solide. Le dverg assis a du etre une 
statuette de Bouddha assis, telle qu'on les voit quelquefois dans 
les niches de la base des monuments bouddhiques ; et la porte 
a pu etre la porte d'une chapelle reunie au tope, telle qu'on 
voit par exemple au dagobah de Pollanarua a Ceylon (p. 11, 
du mem.) Un des gardiens du monument a du l'appeler ainsi, 
pour s'emparer d'un homme, dont il craignait violence contre le 
sanctuaire, et sachant qu'il cherchait Odin (Bouddha,) il lui dit, 
qu'il etait la-dedans, ou, peut-etre, quelques reliques de Bouddha 

lsG. r >.J Lilt retry Intelligence, 49 

Staient deposees. Le rScit doit done sortir de la classe des fables, 
et etre repute historique dans son fond. 

3. Thorolf BsBgifots Begravelse c. a, d. l'enterrement de Thorolf 
Btegifot. Dans une histoire d'une province de l'lslande nominee 
Byrar, concernant les derniers temps du paganisme, on lit d'un 
homme, nomme Thorolf Baegifot, lequel, vevenant un soird'un voyage, 
s'assit sur son siege d'honneitr et y resta jusqu'au matin, lorsqii on l'y 
trouva mort. Son fils etant appele, enfonca le parois derriere le dog 
du defunt, et emporta le corps par l'ouvcrture. C'est, a ce que ja 
sais, le seul exemplc en Scandinavie, d'une maniere si singuliere 
de hire sortir un corps mort. Mais en Asie on en trouve plusieurs 
exemples. Marco Paolo raconte, qu'en Tartarie, les astrologues 
conseillaient vers quel point de l'univers les moils devaient etre 
retires et s'il n'y avait pas de porte dans la direction indiquee on 
faisait une ouverturc dans le parois, et retiraient par la le mort. Le 
Rev. Pallagoix raconte, qu'a Siam, au lieu de faire passer le cer- 
cueil par la porte, on le descend dans la rue par une ouvcrtnre pratiquce 
au murail. Et M. Pallas raconte, qu'un lama des Kalmuks etant 
trouve mort sur son siege d'honneur. on ren versa sa demeure par 
(Jrm'erc [sic] Ce exemples evcillent la supposition, que la maniere, 
dont on retirait le corps de Th. B. etait une trace de Bouddhisme. 

Ayant ete enterre dans une vallee, le meme Th. B. cansait 
comme revenant tant de malheurs, qn'on se crut force de transporter 
son corps dans le desert, mais arrive a la sortie de la vallee, le corps 
devint si lourd, que 14 hommes ne pouvaient pas l'emporter plus loin. 
J'ai compare ce recit avec celui que rapporte Mr. Schmidt dans ses 
notes au Scanavy Lectren, a propos de l'enterrement du conqnerant 
eclebre, Dchingis-Khaghan. Etant mort au Tohet, son corps fut trans- 
port^ a sa demeure. Arrive la, le corps fut si lourd, qu'on s'efforca 
en vain de descendre le cercueil de la voiture. On se vit oblige 
de'elever le tertre sepulcrale au dessus de la voiture. Voila, un nouvel 
exemple de l'influence de croyances orientales sur celles des 

J U It N A L 



No. II.— 1865. 

Ancient Indian Weights, No. III. — By E. Thomas, Esq. 
[Received 15th March, 1865.] 

So many questions connected with the earliest form of Indian money 
have been incidentally adverted to in the examination of the weights 
upon which it was based, and from whose very elements as divisional 
sections of metal, all Indian coinages took their origin, that but little re- 
mains to be said in regard to the introductory phase of local numismatic 
art, beyond a reference to the technic details, and a casual review of the 
symbols impressed upon these normal measures of value. The con- 
trast, however, between the mechanical adaptations of the east and 
west may properly claim a momentary notice, with the view of testing 
the validity of the assumption I have previously hazarded respecting 
the complete independence of the invention of a metallic circulating 
medium by the people of Hindustan.* 

Of any years ago the late Mr. Burgonf correctly traced, from the then 
comparatively limited data, the germ and initial development of the 
art of coining money in Western Asia, describing the process as ema- 

* Num. Cliron., N. S., vol. iii note, p. 226; and more in detail in my edition 
ofPrinsep's "Essays" (Murray, London, 1858), vol. i, p. 217. 
f Numismatic Journal, 1837, vol. i, p. 118. 


52 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2, 

nating from the Eastern custom of attaching seals, as the pledge of 
the owner's faith in any given object. This theory satisfactorily pre- 
dicated the exact order of the derivative fabrication of coins, which 
may now, with more confidence, be deduced from the largely-increased 
knowledge of the artisan's craft and mechanical aptitude of the ancient 
inhabitants of Mesopotamia, the relics of which the researches of 
Layard, Loftus, and Botta have recovered in so near an approach to 
their primal integrity. The universal employment of clay for al- 
most every purpose of life, including official and private writings, with 
the connecting seals that secured even leather or parchment documents, 
extending down to the very coffins* in which men were buried, natu- 
rally led up to marked improvements in the processes of stamping and 
impressing the soft substance nature so readily hardened into durabi- 
lity, and to which fire secured so much of indestructibility. If moist 
clay was so amenable to treatment, and so suitable for the purpose of 
receiving the signets of the people at large, we need scarcely be un- 
prepared to find yielding metals speedily subjected to a similar process 
— for the transition from the superficially-cut stone seal to the sunk 
die of highly-tempered metal which produced the Darics, would occupy 
but a single step in the development of mechanical appliances. In 
effect, the first mint stamps were nothing more than authoritative 
seals, the attestation-mark being confined to one side of the lump of 
silver or gold, the lower surface bearing traces only of the simple con- 
trivance necessary to fix the crude coin. In opposition to this almost 
natural course of invention, India, on the other hand, though possessed 
of, and employing clay for obvious needs,f had little cause to use it as a 
vehicle of record or as the medium of seal attestations ; if the later 
practice may be held to furnish any evidence of the past, her people 
must be supposed to have written upon birch bark, J or other equally 
suitable substances so common in the south from very remote ages,§ 

* Mr. J. E. Taylor, " Jour. Roy. As. Soc," xv. 414, Loftus, " Chaldaea," p, 

■j- Wilson, " Rig Veda." vol. iii. p xiv. " Arrian," lib. v. cap. xxiv., and lib. 
viii. cap. x. Hiouen-Thsang, "Memoires," vol. i. p, 333, &c. 

J The primitive Persians of the north-east also wrote upon birch bark. Ham- 
za Isfahan), under the events of 4. H. 350 (a. d. 961), adverts to the discovery 
at Jai (Isfahan), of the rituals of the Magi, all of which were written, in the 
most ancient Persian language, on birch bark. See also Q. Curtins, viii. 9, § 
15; Reinaud, " Mem. sur i'lnde," 305 ; " Ariana Antiqua," pp. 60, 84; Prin- 
sep's " Essays," ii. 46. 

§ " Arrian," viii. 7. " La Vie de Hiouen-Thsang," 158. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weiyliis. 53 

while the practical advance from ever-recurring weighings towards fix- 
ed metallic currencies was probably due to the introductory adop- 
tion of lengths of uniformly-shaped bars of silver (Plate XI. Figs. 1, 
2), which, when weight and value gradually came to require more 
formal certificates, were adapted designedly to the new purpose by 
change of form and a flattening and expansion of surface, in order to 
receive and retain visibly the authoritative countermarks. One part 
of the system was so far, by hazard, in accord with the custom of the 
west, that the upper face alone was impressed with the authenticating 
stamps, though the guiding motive was probably different, and the 
object sought may well have been the desirable facility of reference to 
the serial order of the obverse markings — each successive repetition of 
which constituted a testimony to the equity of past ages. 

The lower face of these domino-like pieces is ordinarily indented 
with a single minor punch, occupying as a rule nearly the middle of 
the reverse. The dies, though of lesser size, follow the usual symboli- 
cal representations in vogue upon the superior face. There are scarce- 
ly sufficient indications to show if the dies in question constituted a 
projected portion of the anvil ; but I should infer to the contrary : nor 
does the isolation of these symbols, in the first instance, prevent repe- 
titions of small punch-marks over or around their central position ; in 
some cases — though these form the exceptions — the clear field of the 
reverse is ultimately devoted to the reception of the obverse or larger 
devices : which anomaly recurs, of necessity, to a greater extent with 
those pieces which have continued long in circulation, and more es- 
pecially is this found to be the case among the residue of this descrip- 
tion of currency in Central India and the Peninsula, where ancient 
customs so firmly resisted the encroachments of foreign or extra-pro- 
vincial civilisation. 

As far as the typical designs in themselves, when compared with 
[later Indian symbolical adaptations, are concerned, they would seem 
to refer to no particular religious or secular division, but, embodying 
primitive ideas, with but little advanced artistic power of representa- 
tion, to have been produced or adopted, from time to time, as regal 
or possibly metropolitan authorities demanded distinctive devices. It 
would be useless, at this stage of the inquiry, to attempt to decide 
;whether these discriminating re-attestations appertain primarily to 

54 Ancient Lillian Weights. [No. 2. 

succeeding dynasties, progressive generations of men, or whether they 
were merely the equitable revisions of contemporary jurisdictions. 
Though more probably, as a general rule, the simple fixed weights 
of metal circulated from one end of the country to the other, in virtue 
of previous marks, only arrested in their course when seeming wear or 
dubious colour called for fresh attestation : or incidentally, when new 
conquerors came on the scene and gratuitously added their hereditary 
symbols. The devices, in the open sense, are all domestic or emble- 
matic within the mundane range of simple people — the highest flight 
heavenwards is the figure of the sun, but its orb is associated with no 
other symptom of planetary influences, and no single purely Vedic 
conception. So also, amid the numerous symbols or esoteric mono- 
grams that have been claimed as specially Buddhist,* there is not one 
that is absolutely and conclusively an origination of, or emanation from, 
that creed. The Chaitya other Scythians had before them ; the Bodhi- 
Tree is no more essentially Buddhist than the Assyrian Sacred Tree,f 
the Hebrew Grove,} or the popularly venerated trees of India at 
large. § 

Equally on the other part Vedic advocates will now scarcely claim 
the figure of the objectionable Dog,|| or seek to appropriate to Aryan 
Brahmanism ploughs, harrows, or serpents. In brief, these primitive 
punch-dies seem to have been the produce of purely home fancies and 
local thought, until we reach incomprehensible devices, composed of 
lines, angles, and circles, which clearly depart from Nature's forms ; 
and while we put these aside as exceptional composite designs, we may 
accept unhesitatingly as of foreign origin the panther and the vine, 
engraved in a style of good Greek art, which overlays the mixed im- 
pressions of earlier date and provincial imagery, and appears only to- 
wards the end of the career of the punch-marked coins, in their north- 
western spread, before they were finally absorbed in that quarter by 

* Sykes, "Jour. R. A. S.," v. 451 ; Cunningham, "Bhilsa Topes," p. 351, 
plates xxxi., xxxii. B. H. Hodgson, " Jour. R. A. S.," xviii. 393. 

f Gosse's " Assyria," p. 94; Rawlinson's " Ancient Monarchies," ii. 235. 

% Smith's " Dictionary of the Bible," article " Grove," — doubts are raised 
regarding the correctness of the translation of the word Asherah as a grove. 
See also note in Gesenius, sub voce Ashe'rah. 

§ Wilson, " Megha Duta," ver. 157. Ward's Hindus, iii. 204. So also Tul- 
asi, — " Ocymum sanctum," or " Sacred Basil." 

|| Manu, iii. 92, iv. 208, x. 51, 91, 106, etc. Max Miiller, " Science of Lan- 
guage," ii. 481. 

Jurnal As Soc. Bens 


mm % fWt&u 






^ IMJ) ^ 

il r m 

<*u I-*. 

^ v^ ^ *& ** "& B ^ 







6 Vs/ 

^51/? -*Jv 



J& # ^ 





— m. 





<ffl& 'A«s' 6% 1Vi 



p ri 


rep j8?V fflf 

inr' r 



' — / 14 



3? ®2F ^^ 

?Ki # @ ® ® ss 

On Stone lylimansfti'Mautb. uth: .» h k> s.hh. sua,: genl's omcf. -,^, june «»». 

1865.] Avrictil Tiuliiiu Weights, 55 

the nearly full-surface die-struck money with devices of an elephant 

and a panther ;* which class in turn merge naturally into the similar 
though advanced fabrics of the mints of Agathocles and Pantaloon, of 
square or oblong form,f a shape the Greeks had not previously made 
use of, but which when once adopted they retained without scruple, 
whatever their early prejudices might have been — possibly out of re- 
spect for local associations, a motive which weighed sul'iiciently with 
their successors and other Bactrian Hellenes to induce them to per- 
petuate the scpiare indifferently with the circular coins. The excep- 
tional, or in this case indigenous form, found favour in later generations 
with the Muhammadan conquerors, who sanctioned unreservedly square 
pieces in common with the circular forms, up to the time of Shah 
Jeluin (a.d. 1628-58). But though these unshapely bits of metal ran 
on in free circulation up to the advent of the Greeks, this by no means 
implies that there were not other and more perfect currencies matured 
in India. The use of the time-honoured punch survived in the Penin- 
sula till very lately, but no one would infer from this fact that there 
were not more advanced methods of coining known in the land. In 
fact, like other nations of the East, the Hindus have uniformly evinc- 
ed more regard for intrinsic value than criticism of the shape in which 
money presented itself. 

Many of these ancient symbols, more especially the four-fold Sun 
(17, No 1, Plate XI.) are found established in permanence on the 
fully-struck coinage of Ujain,:|; of a date not far removed from the 
reign of Asoka, who once ruled as sub-king of that city; the pro- 
bable period of issue is assumed from the forms of the Indian-Pali let- 
ters embodying the name of U'.tenini, the local rendering of the later 
classical Sanskrit Ujjayini. Associated in the same group as regards 

* These coins are still mere compromises, being formed from an obverse 
punch, with a full surface reverse. " Ariana Antiqua," pi. xv. figs. 26, 27 ; 
Priusep's "Essays," i. pi. xx. figs. 50, 51, page 220; Cunningham's pi. i., &c. 

While upon this subject, I may notice the discovery of the name of Agathocles 
in Bactrian characters on a coin of similar fabric. His name, it will be re- 
membered, has hitherto only been found in the Indian-Pali transcript of the 
Greek (Num. Chron. N.S iv. 196). The piece in question has, on the obverse, 
a Chaitya, with a seven-pointed star, and the name Akathakayasa (possibly 
Ankathakrayasa). The reverse bears the conventional sacred tree, with the 
title Mahwraga strangely distorted into lli,niJ!j.<;it,hti> or Hc,raga?n,;in\ 

t A. A., pi. vi. tigs. 7, 8, 9, 11; Prinsep's " Essays," pi. xxviii. 8, 9; vol. 
ii. pp. 179, 180 ; " Jour, des Sav.," 1835, pi. i. tig, i." 

J " Jour. As. Soc. Bengal," vol. vii., pi. lxi., p. 1054. 


Ancient Indian Weights. 

[No. 2, 

general device?, and identified with the apparently cognate mintages 
of similar time and locality, there appear other symbolical figures 
which no predilection or prejudice can claim as exclusively Buddhist ; 
indeed, whatever hostility and eventual persecution may ultimately 
have arisen between the leading creeds of India, it is clear that at this 
period, and for long after, the indigenous populations lived harmoni- 
ously together;* like all things Indian, old notions and pre-existing 
customs retained too strong a hold upon the masses to be easily re- 
volutionised ; and if at times a proselyting Buddhist or able and am- 
bitious Brahman came to the front, and achieved even more than pro- 
vincial renown, the Indian community at large was but little affected 
by the momentary influence ; and it is only towards the eighth or ninth 
centuries A. d. that, without knowing the causes which led to the re- 
sult or the means by which it was accomplished, we fiud Brahmanism 
dominant and active in persecution. 

I have now to advert to the symbols embodied in the Plate. (No. XI.) 
I shall notice only those of more moment in the text of this paper, 
leaving the engraving to explain itself under the subjoined synopsis. 

A- Heavenly bodies ... 

B- Man and his members. . . 

Animals ... 



Home life 

D. Imaginary devices 

E- Reverse dies 









Deer, Cows, &c. 








Cups, vases, &c. 






Bows and arrows. 






Ornamental circles 


Magic formulas. 


* Stevenson, " Journal Bombay Br. R. A, Soc." Hiouen-Thsang, passim. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 57 

Under class A appears the single representation of the Sun : no other 
planet or denizen of an Eastern sky is reflected in early Indian mint- 
symbolisation. In examining the general bearing of these designs, 
the first point to determine is, — does the sun here, as the opening and 
deepest-sunk emblem, stand for an object of worship ? Savitri or Surya, 
undoubtedly held a high position in the primitive Vedic theogony,* 
and it is a coincidence singularly in accord with its typical isolation on 
these pieces, that the Indo-Aryans, unlike their Persian brethren, 
dissociated the Sun from all other planetary bodies. But with all this, 
there is an under-current of evidence that the Scythians had already 
introduced the leading idea of sun-worship into India, prior to any 
Aryan immigration ; for even the Vedic devotion to the great lumin- 
ary is mixed up with the obviously Scythic aswamedha, or sacrifice of 
the horse. f Then, again, arises the question as to whether this Sun-type, 
which appeal's the earliest among all the mint dies, and is so frecpiently 
repeated in slightly modified outlines, does not refer to the more direct- 
ly Indian traditionary family of the Surya Vans'as,| who eventually 
are made to come into such poetic hostility with the Chandra Vans as, 
or Lunar branch. Neither one race nor the other is recognised or 
alluded to in the text of the Vedas ; but abundance of reasons 
may be given for this abstinence, without implying a necessary non- 
existence of children of the Sun before the date of the collection of 
those ancient hymns. However, looking to the decidedly secular nature 
of the large majority -oi the figures in subsequent use upon this class 
of money, I am content for the present to adopt the popular rather 
than the devotional solution ; or, if the latter alternative find favour, 
it must be conceded that the Buddhists incorporated the symbolism of 
the early worship of the Sun into their own system, which in itself 
may fortuitously have carried them through many sacerdotal difficulties, 
even as, if we are to credit resemblances, the Hindus successfully 
appropriated the Buddhist adaptation of an older form in the out- 
rageous idol of Jagannath, or secured as a Brahmanic institution the 
ancient Temple of the Sun at Multan.§ Whatever may have been 

* Wilson, " Rig Veda Sauhita," vol. i., pp. xxvii. xxxii. ; vol. ii. p. vii. ; vol. 
iii. p. x. 

f Wilson, " Rig Veda Sanhita," vol. ii. p. xiv. 

t Prinsep's " Essays," vol. ii. U. T., pp. 232, 236. 

§ Reinaud, " Jlemoirc sur l'lude" (Paris, 1849), p, 07. 

58 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2, 

the course in other lands, it is clear that, in India, it was primarily 
needful for the success of any new creed, to humour the prejudices, and 
consult the eye-training of the multitude, as identified and associated 
with past superstitious observances. 

Among other figures of very frequent occurrence and very varying 
outlines, a leading place must be given in this series to the so-called 
Chaityas. There is little doubt but that the normal tumulus originally 
suggested the device, for even to the last, amid all the changes its 
pictorial delineation was subjected to, there remains the clear ideal 
trace of the central crypt, for the inhumation of ashes, or the deposit 
of sacred objects, to which it was devoted in later times. 

Much emphasis has been laid upon the peculiarly Buddhistic cha- 
racter of this symbol. It is quite true that its form ultimately entered 
Largely into the exoteric elements of that creed, but it is doubtful if 
Buddhism, as expounded by Sdkya Sinha, was even thought of when 
these fanciful tumuli were first impressed upon the public money ; and 
to show how little of an exclusive title the Buddhists had to the chaitya 
as an object of religious import,* it may be sufficient to cite the fact 
that, so far as India is concerned, its figured outline apj)ears in con- 
junction wtth unquestionable planetary devices on the coins of the Sah 
kings of Surashtra,f who clearly were not followers of Dharma. But, 
as the Buddhist religion avowedly developed itself in the land, and 
was no foreign importation, nothing would be more reasonable than 
that its votaries should retain and incorporate into their own ritualism 
many of the devices that had already acquired a quasi-reverence among 
the vulgar, even as the Sun reasserted its pristine prominence so cer- 
tainly and unobtrusively, that its traditional worshippers, at the last, 
scarcely sought to know through what sectional division of composite 
creeds their votive offerings were consigned to the divinity whose 
" cultus" patriarchal sages, here and elsewhere, had intuitively in- 

Many of the singular linear combinations classed in the Plate under 
D, asNos. 15, 16, which it would be difficult otherwise to interpret, 

* Prinsop, " Jour. A. S. B.," iv. p. 687. 

f " Jour. Royal Asiatic Society," xii. p. 1. Prinsep's " Essays," i., p. 425 ; 
ii. pi. xxxvii. p. 84. "Jour. As. Soc. Bengal," vi. 377; vii. 347. Prinsep's 
reading of his coin (No. 11, p. 354, " Jour. A. S. B.") as Jinaddmd, "votary of 
Buddha," was an error; the name is Jiwa Ddmd. 

1865.] Aufivnt Indian WkigMe, 50 

may reasonably be referred to the independent conceptions of primitive 
magic ; as, whatever may have been the religion of the various grades of 
men in its higher sense, it is manifest that even the leading and more 
intellectual rulers of the people retained a vague faith in the efficacy of 
charms ; almost all the tales in Persian or Arabic authors bearing upon 
Alexander's intercourse with the unconquered nations of India, turn 
upon their proficiency in the black art ; — traditions sufficiently war- 
ranted by the probability that he, a Greek, would readily seek revel a 
lions of this kind, even as he sought the knowledge of the art of the 

So also with their own home legends — one half of the revolution 
wrought by Chandra Gupta's advisers is placed to the credit of m ■ ■ 
and the Nandas, whom he superseded, appear to have been special 
proficients in sorcery. If this was the state of things in India in 
those semi-historical times, may not we adopt the parallel of other 
nations, and assume that, as so many crude hierarchies grew out of 
archaic divinings, these Indian symbols, in their degree, may well 
have been emanations from a similar source, and have ran an equal 
race into the higher dignity of representing things held more sacred ? 
— as such, their later reception into a series of the typical adjuncts of 
a faith formed in situ, need excite no surprise. 

In concluding these papers on Indian Weights, and completing 
somewhat hastily the illustration of the introductory system of Indian 
coinages, I am anxious, as the inquiry may end here, to furnish a final 
and, I trust, a convincing argument against those who affirm that 
Alexander taught India how to coin money — by meeting them on 
their own ground, and producing a very perfect piece of an Indian 
king, a manifest emanation from the gradational advances of indigen- 
ous treatment, minted contemporaneously in a part of the country 
Alexander did not reach. Additional interest will be felt in these 
coins, when it is known that there are strong grounds for believing 
that they bear the name and superscription of Xandrames, the king 
of the Gangetic provinces, who was prepared to meet Alexander 
should he have ventured to advance towards the Jumna. 

The first suggestion ior this identification onlj occurred to me a few 
days ago, on reading the newly-published French translation ol the 


60 Ancient Indian Weights, [No. 2, 

second volume of the Arabic text of Masaudi,* where mention is made 
of Alexander's having, after the conquest of Porus, entered into corre- 
spondence with one of the most powerful kings of India, who is in- 
cidentally stated to have been addicted to magic, named Kand (<^). 
Masaudi is not very lucid as to the exact position of this potentate's 
dominions ; but the Arabs of his day (330 a. h.) had but limited know- 
ledge of the geography of India beyond their new home on the Indus. 
This king, however, I believe to be no other than the Kananda (pro- 
perly, it wall be seen, Krananda), monarch of the sacred centre - of 
Brahmanism and the valley of the Ganges, whom I have already had 
occasion to refer to, under the numismatic aspect, as having been un- 
scrupulous in the measure of the value of his coinsf (a reproach I shall 
perhaps now be in a position to relieve him of). The same name of 
Kananda, obscured under the three letters of Semitic alphabets, re- 
appears in the Shah Namah as ^, Kaid, " the Indian ;" and long 
stories are told of him and his mystic powers in connection with 
similar traditions of Alexander.! Tbe triliteral designation is preserv- 
ed in other original authors as *i£, with the necessarily imperfect 
transcription§ incident to the Semitic conversion of Indian words, and 
the systematic ignoring of short vowels ; but the name occurs, as a 
nearer approach to the apparent original, in a work entitled " The 
Mujmal-al-Tawarikh," compiled about 520 a.h., at the court of Sanjar, 
wherein the letters appear as i ^^ fl J',|| a mistake probably for ixiii, Kan- 
anda, where the ear perhaps designed to do more in the first instance 
to restore the true pronunciation, than the hands of succeeding copyists 
knew how to follow. 

Before proceeding to examine what the Indians say of themselves 
on this subject, I will revert casually to the incidental references in the 
Greek authors. The leading passage, which contributes the name of 

* Macoudi, " Les Prairies d'Or," par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de 
Courteille. Paris, 1863. " Apres avoir tue Porus, l'un des rois de l'lnde, 
. . . Alexandre . . . aprit alors que dans les extremites les plus reculees de 
l'lnde il y avait un roi, plein de sagesse, tres-bon administrateur, praetiquant la 
p ete, equitable envers ses sujets. II avait vecu plusieurs siecles, et il clait 
superieur a tous les philosophes et a tous les sages de l'lnde. Son nom etait 
Kend." Vol. ii. p. 260. 

t Num. Chron. N.S., iv. 128. See also Num. Chron., iii. p. 230, note 8. 

J Macan's " Shah Namah," iii. p. 1290—1296, &c. 

§ Ibn Badrun, quoted in Masaudi, French Edit., iii. 452. 

]| Reinaud, " Fragments Arabes," p. ii, and " Memoire sur l'lnde," p. 63. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights, til 

the king of the Gangetic provinces, occurs in Diodorus Siculus, to 
the effect that Xandrames was prepared, with an overwhelming force, 
to oppose Alexander in his progress beyond the Hyphasis.* Qnintns 
Curtius has preserved the designation in sufficient integrity as AggrameSf 
and attests similarly the reputed power of the monarch in question.f 
Arrian does not mention the names either of king or people ; but after 
alluding to the autonomous citiesj to the west of the Hyphasis, goes 
on to remark, that the country beyond that river was reported to be 
highly productive and well cultivated, and to be governed equitably 
by the Nobility.^ The earlier classical critics were inclined to think 
that this testimony of Arrian's conflicted with the assertions of Dimlo- 
rus, &c. ;|| but if I rightly interpret the evidence of the native authors 
I am about to notice, and its special bearing upon the coins, these 
seemingly opposing statements arc not only reconcilable in themselves, 
but mutually aid and assist in the single solution that it would be 
possible to draw from the independent data they are here cited to 

The materials available from indigenous sources for the illustration 
of this section of Indian history, though promising, in virtue of the 
importance attached to the dynastic changes involved, are proportion- 
ately meagre in detail and distorted in substance. So that, in pre- 
ference to relying upon purely local chronicles, we draw our most 
consistent testimony from the Ceylon annals, which, though they had, 

i in the first instance, to embody foreign events, and possibly to arrive 
at much of the necessary knowledge through oral channels, have even- 

\ tually remained intact, unassailed by hostile revision or reconversion 
for sectarian purposes into simulated Pauranic prophecies, or equally 
unscrupulous scriptural fabrications. Not to encumber the text of this 
paper with quotations, it may be sufficient to state the general purport 

* Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. 93. npaiaiwv /col FavSapiSav edvos, rovrtnv Se &u<ri\tvetu 

f Quintus Curtius, ix., c. 2 : — " § 2. Percontatns igitur Phegelam quae nosconda 
Want, ' xi. dierum ultra flumen per vastas solitudines iter esse' cognoseit : ' ex- 
cipere deinde Gangen,' maximum totius India fluminum. § 3. Ulteriorem ripam 
colore gentes Gangaridas et Pharrasios ; eorumque regem esse Aggrammem, 
| xx. millibus equitutn ducentisque peditumobsidentem vias." See also Plutarch 
(Langhorne), iv. 405. 

X Arrian, Hist. v. cap. xxii. See also Diod. Sic. ii. cap. xxxix. 

§ Arrian, v. c. 25. Upbs ykp rwv apUroiv &px*o-6ai robs noWobs, robs 5e 
oi/5fi' e£to rod imeiKovs e£n)-ye7o~6ai 

|| Roorkes's " Arrian" (London, 1729), ii. p. 54. 

02 Anvil id Indian Weighti. [No. 2* 

of the information obtained from the Mahawanso and its subordinate 
commentaries. It would seem that there were nine Nandas, the pre- 
decessors of Chandra Gupta, who ruled conjointly,* forming a co-equal 
brotherhood similar to those of lower degree, so common amid the still 
existing village communities of India ; designated in the vernacular 
dialect, Bhaiydchdrd, proprietary fraternities, f The Brahmanical chro- 
nicles, though they do not directly confirm this statement of the 
contemporaneous sovereignty of the Nandas, incidentally support such 
a conclusion, as in the expressions, " the Brahman Kautilya will root 
out the nine Nandas ;" J and in the southern legend, quoted in the 
introduction to the Play of the Mudrd Bdkshasa, the king is represent- 
ed as consigning the kingdom to his nine sons.§ I advert to this point 
the more prominently, as one of the great difficulties has hitherto been 
to explain or reconcile the apparent anomaly of Krananda's designating 
himself in the coin legends as " the King, the great King, Krananda, 
the brother of Amogha ;" and the question naturally arose, if Amogha 
had no title, and no apparent position in the government, what was 
the object of his brother's claiming relationship in so formal a manner 
upon the state coinage ? The coincidence may now be satisfactorily 
accounted for, by supposing Amogha to have been the eldest living 
brother in the family oligarchy, a position recognised to this day, 
while Krananda had already justified, by his talents and administrative 
ability, the choice of the brotherhood, who had apparently elected him 

* Mahawanso, p. 21. " Kalasoko had ten sons; these brothers (conjointly) 
ruled the empire, righteously, for twenty-two years. Subsequently there were 
nine ; they also, according- to their seniority, reigned for twenty-two yeai-s." 

Mahawanso, p. xxxviii. [from the commentary, the TikoJ]. " Kalasoko' s own 
sons were ten brothers. Their names are specified in the Atthakatha. The 
appellation of ' the nine Nandos' originates in nine of them bearing that pa- 
tronymic title. ... in aforetime, during the conjoint administration of the (nine) 
sons of Kalasoko. . . . His brothers next succeeded to the empire in the order 
of their seniority. They altogether reigned 22 years. It was on this account 
that (in the Mahawanso) it is stated that there were nine Nandos." See also 
J. A. S. B. vi. 714, 726 (Buddhaghoso's Atthakatha) " the ten sons of Kalasoko 
reigned 22 years. Subsequently to them, Nawanando reigned 22 years." 

f Wilson derives the, from the Sanskrit achdra, "institute." I should 
prefer the local chdra, " pasturage," especially as the associate Bhariya is in the 
Indian form pf the classic Aryan. Blvrdta. 

J Wilson's " Vishnu Purana," p. 467. See also note, p. 468, for various read- 
ings from Bhagavata, Vayu and Matsya Puranas. 

§ The Mudra Rakshasa, in Wilson's " Hindu Theatre," vol. ii. p. 144. For 
other notices of the Nandas, see " Asiatic Researches," xx. 167 ; Rev. W. H. Mill, 
J. A. S. B. iii. p. 343. Wilson's " Essays on Sanskrit Literature," i. 174, 178 ; 
Burnouf, "I. 359 and Lotus de la bonne loi," p. 452 ; Max Midler, " Sanskrit 
Literature," 275. 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 63 

" Primus inter pares ;"* but necessarily with much larger powers ami 
functions in dealing with kingdoms than the ordinary title would 
cany with it in the mere management of village communities. 

I now have to refer to the coins themselves, but as introductory to 
further details, it is necessary to indicate the leading locality of their 
discovery, and the epoch to which they should, on independent grounds, 
be attributed. I have so lately, and so entirely without reference to 
any present theory, reviewed the chief sites of the discovery of this 
class of money, under comparatively careful systems of geographical 
record, that I had better confine myself to a recapitulation of those 
results, pure and simple. The conclusion I arrived at was, that the 
kingdom for the supply of whose currency these coins were designed, 
had " its boundaries extending down the Doab of the Ganges and 
Jumna below Hastinapura, and westwards beyond the latter river to 
some extent along the foot of the Himalayas into the Punjab"f — the 
division of the entire country probably the most advanced, at that 

* General Cunningham, many years ago, guessed, in virtue of a portion of 
tlic name, that Kmiunda was one of the nine Nandas, but as he has not vent invil 

to support his conjecture, I oonolude that be basal toned the identification. 

(" Bliilsa Topes," p. 355.) Max Midler rightly divined that Xandrames n 
be "the same as the last Nanda" ("Sanskrit Literature," p. 279); th< 
Wilf'ord, in 1807, had already enunciated, to all intents and purposes, a similar 
theory. ("As. Res.," ix. p. 94.) Notwithstanding that he had previously so far 
compromised himself, as to advocate the i > on of the Greek Xwncbrames 

as a synonym of the Sanskrit Chandra Gupta (As. Res. V. 286). 

[Referring to priorities of publication, I sec that General Cunningham has 
another grievance against mc (J. A. S. B. 1864, p. 229). It seems that in ex- 
amining General Abbott's coins, in November, 1859, I noted a square piece of 
Epandcr, as that of a " new king." The Memoir in which this statement ultimately 
appeared, had avowedly been laid aside, and after two years' delay was inserted 
in the Journal of the R. A. S. (vol xx. p. 99, July, 1862). In tho mean time, as I 
now learn, General Cunningham had announced to tho world that he was the 
owner of a bad coin of tho same king (J. A. S. B. 1860, p. 396). But if I of- 
fended the General's susceptibility in this very open date of discovery, I must 
have afflicted his sensitive and exclusive ideas of patent rights still more acutely, 
when I again published Col. Abbott's coin as "unique" in tho Numismatic Chro- 
nicle of September, 1864 (p. 207, vol. iii. N. S.) 

Though, in truth, I was, in either case, altogether innocent of intent, and to 
tiring this home to the General's own peculiar feelings, I may state that had I 
seen the notice he refers me to, I should not have given him credit, in the same 
article, for a discovery he confesses to be due to Mr. Forrest. And, on the 
other hand, I should have been most anxious to have been able to cite the con- 
junction of the names of Antiochus Nikator and Agathocles on the same piece, 
which so specially bore upon the subject matter of my paper.] 

f Prinsep's " Essays," i. 204. General Cunningham says, " found chiefly 
between the Indus and Jumna." Mr. Bayley's experience coincides with 
my own in placing their centre more to the eastward. These coins were first 
brought to notice in 1834, on the occasion of Sir P. Cautley's discovery and 
excavation of the ancient city of Behat, on the Jumna, 17 feet below the pre- 
sent general level of the surrounding country. Sec J. A. S. B. iii. 43, 221. Priu- 
sep's " Essays," i p. 76. 

G4 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2, 

period, in material wealth, as it was in intellectual development, claims 
that it has upheld with singular tenacity, under many adverse influ- 
ences, through more than twenty centuries, until European Calcutta, 
at last, superseded the Imperialism of Moghul Delhi. 

I have a more onerous duty to perform in satisfying my readers in 
regard to the date internal evidence would assign to these issues. I 
have previously confessed a difficulty, and admitted that the data for 
testing the age of this coinage by the style of the letters on its surface 
were somewhat uncertain, and in a very elaborate examination of every 
single literal symbol employed on the varying representatives of the class, 
I came to the conclusion that if certain more archaic forms of letters 
might take the whole series up in point of time, modifications, approach- 
ing to modernisations, might equally reduce individual instances to a 
comparatively late date.* I was prepared to disavow any adhesion to 
the old theory that the fixed lapidary type of Asoka's inscriptions was 
to constitute the one test of all local time and progress, and the sole 
referee of all gradations in Palaeography, though I was not in a condition 
to cite what I now advance with more confidence — both the exception- 
al and stiff form of a lapidary alphabet, per se, as opposed to the writ- 
ing of everyday life, which last the numismatic letters would more 
readily follow ; but I subordinated the fact that Asoka's alphabet was 
designed for all India, and although it condescended to admit modified 
dialectic changes, all the inscriptions are supposed to have emanated 
from one official copy, which, however perfect at Palibothra or impos- 
ing at Granjam, may well have been behind the age in that focus of 
learning to the eastward of the Saraswati, where not only must Indian- 
Pali have been brought to unusual caligraphic perfection, but from its 
contact and association with the Semitic alphabet on the same ground 
and in the same public documents, may be supposed to have achieved 
suggestive progress of its own, and to have risen far above the limita- 
tions of the writing of ordinary uninstructed communities in other 
parts of India ; so that, whatever doubts or hesitation I may have felt 
in the once discouraged notion that any approach to perfection existed 
in India prior to Alexander's advent, I have been forced into, and now 
willingly acknowledge, diametrically opposite convictions, and concur 
in the surprise expressed by the Greeks themselves that the Indians 
were already so far and so independently advanced in civilisation. 
* Prinsep's " Essays," i. p. 207. 


Ancient Indian Weights. 


Silver. Weight 290 grains. B. M., J. A. S. B. vii. pi. xxxii. 6ga. 
2, 3, 4, 8. 

Obv — A female figure, holding on high a large flower,* and appar- 
ently in attendance on a fanciful representation of a sacred deer.f The 
animal has curiously curved horns, and a bushy tail like a Himalayan 
Yak. Monogram £ .| 

Legend, in Indian-Pali [a similar flower to that in the field is re- 
peated at the commencement of the legend] : — 

Bdjnah Kranandasa Amogha-bhratasa Mahdrajasa. (Coin) of the 
great King, the King Krananda, the brother of Amogha. 

Jt ev% — A Chaitya surmounted by a small umbrella, above which ap- 
pears a curious symbol§ — a serpent is seen at the foot of the Chaitya. 

* This is probably intended to represent a lotus, a favourite object of rever- 
j ence with the Buddhists. One of the Nandas was named Malid Padma, "great 
' Lotus." (Vishnu Parana, 467. The Padma-chervpo of Tibetan writers. J. A. S. B. 

!i 2.) " The distinctive mark" of one of the four principal classes of Bud- 
dhists (the Bdhula) was also " an utpalaspadma (water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf, 
put together in the form of a nosegay." I may as well take the opportunity of 
noting that the symbols of the remaining three classes of Bnd'dhistS were tho 
" shell, or conch" for tho Kdshyapa : a " sortsika flower" for tho Updli : and " tho 
Ogure of a wheel" for the Kdtdyana. (Csoma Korosi, " Jour. As. Soc. Bengal," 
vii. (1838), pp. 143—4.) 

t The deer was typical of the Pratyeka Buddhas. Deer were the authorised 
devices for the signets of the priests ("Jour. A. S. Bengal," 1835, p. 625, As. 
Res. xx. 86). and deer were from the lirst cherished and sacred animals among 
the Buddhists — " The Deer Park of the Immortal," at Sarnath, near Benares, 
was an important feature in connection with the celebrated Stupa and religious 
establishments at that place. ("Foe Koue Ki," chapter xxxiv. " Memoires," 
Hiouen-Thsang, i. p. 354.) 

J I am unable to offer any solution of the meaning of this sign. It may 
possibly be an older form of the Tree. 

§ Chaityas, or more propei'ly St&pas (Sanskrit " a pile of earth"), arc also call- 
ed Ddg.obas in the Mahawanso, a name stated to be derived from Dh&tu and 
gabbhan, "Womb of a relic." (Mali. p. 5.; see also Prinsep's " Essays," i. 
165.) The monogram which surmounts the Stupa on the coins eventually came 
to be recognised as a symbol of Dharma ; its outline has much in common with 
tho representations of the idol at Jagganath. (Stevenson, J. R. A. S. viii. 331. 
Cunningham, "Bhilsa Topes," pi. xxxii.) The device in question recurs fre- 
quently on the later Bactrian and Indo-Scythic coins. (Num. Chron, xix. pi. 
p. 12, No. 166. "Ariana Antiqua," pi. xxii. 156. Burnouf, ii. 627). 

66 Ancient Lillian Weights. [No. 2, 

In the field are the Bodhi tree,* the Swastika cross, f and a later form 
of one of the devices under No. 16 of the old series of enihlems. Le- 
gend, in Bactrian-Pali : — 

Rajalt Kranandasa Amogha-bhratisa 3Iahdrajasa. The concluding 
title of Maharaja is separated from the rest of the legend, and placed 
independently at the foot of the reverse.J 

* This tree is another chosen emblem of later Buddhism ; but, as I have 
before remarked, it did not appertain exclusively to the Buddhists in early times, 
as it is to be seen on a very ancient coin implying a directly opposing faith, in 
the fact of its bearing the name of Vishnu-deva in old Indian-Pali characters, 
(J. A. S. B. iii. pi. xxv. fig. 1, and Prinsep's " Essays," ii. 2, vol. i. pi. vii. fig. 1.) 
So also Q. Curtius, in his notice " Deos pntant, quicquid colere coeperunt; arborea 
inaxime, quas violare capitale est" (viii. 9, § 34), refers to Indians in general, and 
not to Buddhists in particular). Another suggestive question is raised by the 
accompanying devices on the surface of this piece, one of wliich represents a 
half-moon — a totally exceptional sign, which in conjunction with the name of 
Vishnu, may be taken to stand for a symbol of Brahmaniam as opposed to 
Buddhism, a coincidence which may be further extended to import the pre-exis- 
tence of Chandravausas, in designed contrast to Surya Vansas ; aud an eventual 
typical acceptation of the name in combination as Chandra-Gupta Vishnu-' 
(Chanaky a) — all evidencing an intentional hostility to the " Children of the San" 
of Ayodhya, with whom Sakya was so immediately identified. I may as well 
take the opportunity of adding that the remaining objects on the obverse of 
this coin consist of the triple Caduceus-like symbol, under D 16 in the Plate, 
together with a deer above the half-moon, aud a reverse device of a horse. 

■j* Let the primary ideal which suggested the cross of the Swastika be what it 
may, the resulting emblem seems to have beeu appropriated by the Buddhists 
as one of their special devices in the initial stage of the belief of Sakya-Muni. 
The Tao szu, or " Sectaries of the mystical cross," are prominently noticed by 
Pa Hian. (cap. xxii., xxiii.), and their doctrine is stated to have formed " the 
ancient religion of Tibet, which prevailed uutil the general introduction of 
Buddhism in the ix* 11 century." Mr. Caldwell has instituted an interesting in- 
quiry iuto the ancient religion of the Dravidians, which bears so appositely on 
the general question of the rise of subsequent sects in India, that I transcribe 
the final conclusion he arives at : — " On comparing their Dravidian system of 
demonolatry and sorcery with ' Shamanism' — the superstition which prevails 
amongst the Ugrian races of Siberia and the hill tribes on the south-western 
frontier of China, which is still mixed up with the Buddhism of the Mongols, 
and which was the old religion of the whole Tartar race before Buddhism and 
Muhammadanism were disseminated amongst them — we cannot avoid the con- 
clusion that those two superstitions, though practised by races so widely sepa- 
rated, are not only similar but identical. " — Dravidian Grammar, p. 519 
See also Mahawanso, p. xlv. 

J Panini enumerates the Swastika among the ordinaiy marks for sheep in use 
in his day (Goldstiicker, p 59). It eventually became a symbol common to 
Buddhists, Jainas and Brahmans. The symbols of the 21 Jamas are enumerat- 
ed by Colebrooke, (As. Rs. ix. 301) as follows, No. 1, A Bull ; 2, an Elephant ; 3 a 
Horse ; 4, an ape ; 5, a Curlew ; 6, a Lotus ; 7, a Swastika ; 8, the moon ; 9, Makara ; 
10, a [four-petalled] Sriratsa ; 11, a Rhinoceros ; 12, a Bufl'aloe ; 13, a Boar ; 1-1 , a 
Falcon; 15, a thunderbolt, 16, an Antelope ; 17, a Goat ; 18, Nanda varta [an ara- 
besque figure, seemingly designed to repeat the Swastika as often as possible 
in its component lines] ; 19, ajar; 20, a Tortoise; 21, a blue water-lily; 22, a 
couch; 23, a Serpent; 24, a Lion. 

Kuvera's treasures or nine Gems, also illustrate the history of Indian symbols, 

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 67 

It has been usual to read the name of this king as Kunanda, and 
tested by the limitations of the Indian Pali alphabet proper, the initial 
compound should stand for ku and nothing else ; but as some of th 
lately-acquired specimens have furnished, for the first time, an approx- 
imate reading of the name in the counterpart Bactrian character on 
the reverse, giving the indubitable foot-stroke to the right, which 
constitutes the subjunct r, appended to the k, there can be no reasonable 
doubt but that Krananda is the correct transliteration. The apparent 
anomaly of supposing that the Indian Pali borrowed this form of 
suffixed r from its fellow alphabet is disposed of by its use a second 
time in this legend, in the Pali Bit rata. With similar licence, the 
Bactrian writing, to supply its own deficiencies, appropriated the Pali 
jk in Rajha, corresponding with the Rajnali of the obverse. 

The copper coins of this class follow the typical devices of the silver 
money, vaiying, however, in shape and weight to such an extent as to 
indicate a very general and comprehensive original currency. A 
peculiarity in which they depart from the parallel issues of silver, is 
the total omission of the counterpart reverse legend in Bactrian Pali, 
occasionally so imperfectly rendered even in the best designed mintages, 
and the superscription is confined to what we must suppose to have 
been the local Indian Pali character, in which mint artisans and the 
public at large were probably much better versed. 

The ninth, or one of the nine Nandas, seems to have been popularly 
designated Dhana Nanda, or the rich Nanda,* and certainly, if the 
extant specimens of the money bearing the impress of the name of 

Wilson (Megha Duta, verse 531) has the following note on the subject. " The 
Padma, "Mahapadma, Sankha, Makara, Kachhapa, Mukunda, Nanda, Nilu, 
and Kharva, are the nine Nidhis." 

" Some of the words bear the meanings of precious or holy things : thus Padma 
is tho Lotus ; Sankha the shell or conch. Again some of them imply large 
numbers ; thus Padma is 10,000 millions, and Mahapadma is 100,000 millions, 
&c. but all of them are not received in either the one or the other acceptation. 
We may translate almost all into things : thus, a lotus, a large lotus, a shell, a 
; certain fish, a tortoise, a crest, a mathematical figure used by the Jainas [No. 
18, above ?] Nila refers only to colour ; [No' 21 supra ?] but Kharva, the ninth, 
means a dwarf." See also As. Res. xx. p. 514. 

There is a very full list of Buddhist symbols in Captain Low's paper on 
i " Buddha and the Phrabat," in the Transactions of the R. A. S., vol. iii. p. 57, 
which has been commented on, in detail, by M. E. Burnouf, in his " Lotus de la 
bonne loi" (Paris, 1852), p. 626. 

* Mahawanso (Tika), xxxix. "Vishnu Parana," note, p. 468. Max Miillei, 
" Sanskrit Literature," p. 281. 

68 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2, 

Krananda are any test of the activity of his mints and the amplitude 
of his treasure, he must have truly deserved the title. 

Whatever mythical conceptions may have first determined the out- 
lines of these various coin devices, or whenever they were incorporated 
into that religious system, it is clear that they one and all eventually 
came to be regarded as typical emblems of the Buddhist creed.* As 
such, there can be no hesitation in accepting their combined evidence 
as conclusive, that the kings who set them forth in such prominence 
two centuries after the Nirvana of Sakya-Muni, must have been votaries 
of the faith he originated or reformed. 

If the faintly preserved similarity of the names of Xandrames and 
Kand fortuitously led to their association in the person of Krananda, 
and an almost obvious sequence connected him with one of the nine 
Nandas, and alike the issuer of the coins bearing this designation, it 
was reserved for the coins themselves to contribute the most important 
item in the entire combination to the effect that these Nandas were 
Buddhists, and in this fact to explain much that the whole written his- 
tory of India, foreign or domestic, had hitherto failed to convey — the 
exact record of the State religion at the period, thus obscuring the 
right interpretation of the then impending dynastic revolution, com- 
menced and accomplished, as it would now seem, for the triumph of 
the Brahmanical hierarchy over the representatives of the more purely 
indigenous belief. 

These considerations, however, open out a larger area of Oriental 
national progress than the legitimate limits of the scope of the Numis- 
matic Society may justify my entering upon, though history must once 
again, in this case, admit a debt it owes to the archaeology of money. 
And as antiquaries, we ourselves may frankly recognise the aid confer- 
red by the determination of the correct epoch of these coins, in justifying 

* The association of these symbols with a somewhat advanced phase of 
Buddhism is shown in the retention of the deer, the Bodhi-tree, the Chaitya and 
the serpent (which is placed perpendicularly on some specimens) on the reverse 
of a coin, the obverse of which displays the standing figure of Buddha himself, 
having the lotus and the word Bhagavata, his special designation, in the margin- 
al legend. (J. A. S. B. iii. pi. xxv. fig. 4., Prinsep's " Essays," i. pi. vii. fig. 4.) 

There seems to have been a current tradition in the land, regarding the real 
faith of the Nandas, signs of which are apparent in Hiouen-Thsang's notice, 
" Les hommes do peu de foi raisonnaient entre eux a ce sujet : Jadis, disaient 
ils, le roi Nan-tho (Nanda) a construit ces cinq depots pour y amasser les sept 
matieres precieuses" (vol. ii. p. 427). 

,%5.] Ancient Indian Weights. 69 

the arrangement of so many prior and subsequent series of the subor- 
dinate mintages of a country whose early annals were so largely per- 
verted or sacrificed to sectarian hostility. 

I have still two purely numismatic questions to advert to before 
concluding this paper. Keference has already been made to the adop- 
tion by the Greeks of the Indian or square form of money, but if the 
period and personal identity of the Krananda of these coins are rightly 
determined, the Greek Bactrians must have condescended to appropriate 
further oriental mint developments. Alexander the Great, Seleucus, 
and all those invaders who might have influenced Indian art, had their 
nominal legends arranged in parallel lines, or at the utmost on three 
sides of a square, on the inner field of the reverse. 

Diodotus, Agathocles, Euthydemus, Demetrius, and other Bactrian 
Hellenes, who came into closer contact with India to the westward, 
retained the same practical arrangement of legends. So far as the 
existing numismatic data authorise a conclusion, Eucratides was the 
first to commence any marked modification of the practice, and to lean 
towards the filling up the complete outer margin of the coin with royal 
names and titles. Of course, if Krananda came after all these Bactrian 
Greeks, he may have imitated their customs ; but if, as it would appear, 
he was a contemporary of Alexander, ruling in a distant and unassailed 
part of the country, it is clear that local art was thus far independent 
and in advance of that of Greece, and that the Bactrian and Scythian 
I interlopers* borrowed circular legends from India. 

In contrasting the equitable adjustment and full value of the early 
punch-impressed pieces, with the irregularity in these respects, to be 
I detected in the mechanically improved and more advanced specimens 
of Indian mintages, 1 was lately led to instance the identical coins of 
Krananda as proofs of what unscrupulous kings might do, even in the 
very introductory application of ideas of seigniorage, towards depre- 
ciating their own currency. The results in question were cited to 
exemplify the statement in the Mahawanso, where the Brahman 
Chdnahya is accused of so operating on the coin of the realm as to 

* The mention of these later Scythians recalls the curious coincidence of 
many of the subordinate members of the ruling families designating themselves, 
somewhat after the manner of Krananda, " Brothers" and even " Nephews of 
the King," &c. See Num, Chron. vol, xix. Nos. xxvii. class B, and xxxiv. 

70 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2, 

convert every one into eight* When I quoted the tradition and the 
numismatic fact in juxtaposition, I little surmised how much more 
closely the two might he connected, or that instead of the latter afford- 
ing a mere illustration of the former, that the surviving metallic 
witnesses would suffice, with the slight introductory testimony, to put 
a man's memory on trial for forgery twenty centuries and more after 
date. But so it would seem : the Brahman Chanakyaf confesses, 
through his own advocates, that in his desh-e to subvert the rule of the 
Nandas, he seduced sons from their father's palaces, and " with the 
view of raising resources," to have had recourse to the more than 
questionable expedient of depreciating, or properly speaking forging, 
coins of the ruling monarch, which, however, under the ultimate test 
of the old money changers, would soon have found their level. The 
copper coinage of the day was probably beyond any veiy ready power 
of transmutation, but if the silver currency is to afford a modern "pix," 
the Brahman must have worked to advantage, as there may be seen in 
the cabinets of the British Museum, at this present writing, a piece 
purporting to be of Krananda, with fair legends and full spread of 
surface, though of tenuity itself, which should in ordinary equity have 
weighed somewhere over 40 grains, but which on trial barely balances 
177 grains Troy.J 

* Num. Chron. N.S., iv. pp. 127, 128. 

f Mahiwanso, p. xl. " Opening the door [of Nanda's palace at Palibothra] 
■with the utmost secrecy, and escaping with the prince out of that passage, they 
fled into the wilderness of Wivjjhd. While dwelling there, with the view of 
raising resources, he converted (by recoining) each kahapcman into eight, and 
amassed eighty kotis of Jcahdpand. Having buried this treasure, he commenced 
to search for a second individual entitled (by birth) to be raised to sovereign 
power, and met with the aforesaid prince of the Moriyan dynasty called Chanda- 

J This of course is an extreme instance, but it is not a strained example ; and 
although the piece, which I refrained from quoting previously, is damaged, and 
has lost its oxydised film, it is by no means worn, or anything like a coin which 
we might legally refuse for want of the king's emblems. The best coin of the 
class still weighs 382 grains. (Num. Chron. N.S., iv. p. 128.). 

'18(55.] Description of a Mystic Play. 

Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in LadaJc, Zaslar, &c. — 
By Captain H. H. Godwin-Austen, Surveyor, Topographical 
Survey, F. R. O. S. 

[Received 21st October, 1864]. [Read 2nd November, 1864]. 

These Mystic Plays of which I am about to give an account, are 
performed on certain feast days in all the principal monasteries of 
Ladak, about twice in the year, in spring and autumn. They are also, 
I have been informed, enacted at Lhassa and Bhootan, but I did not 
see one when in the latter country. I can give no information as to 
their origin, and must here state that not being a Tibetan scholar, I 
cannot vouch for the true orthography of proper names written down 
at the time viva voce, and which are very difficult to catch. The Play 
hereafter described, I saw performed in the fine old Gonpa or Monastery 
of Hinds, which is situated in a lateral ravine that joins the river 
Indus a day's journey above Leh on the left bank of that river. From 
its secluded position, this was one of the few religious houses that 
escaped destruction on the invasion of the country by the Dogra army 
under Wazier Jerawur. At that time much curious and interesting 
property and valuable religious writings were ruthlessly destroyed. 
The theatrical property, consisting of silk dresses, masks, &c, are 
therefore seen in greater perfection at Himis than at any other mon- 
astery in the country. On entering the court-yard on the day of 
performance, we found the head Lhama with all the gylongs (monks) 
of the establishment were assembled, the musical instruments were 
arranged ready under the little verandah to the projier right of the 
; large Prayer Cylinder which stands under the centre of it, and every 
thing betokened the coming scene. 

Before commencing an account of the strange performance, it will 
be as well to roughly describe that portion of the building where it is 
enacted. The principal entrance to the monastery is through a mas- 
I sive door, from which runs a gently sloping and paved covered way 
I leading into a court-yard about 30 X 40 yards square, having on the 
left hand a narrow verandah, in the centre of which stands the large 
Prayer Cylinder above mentioned. The larger picturesque doorway 

72 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2, 

the entrance of one of the principal idol rooms, is in the extreme right 
hand corner, massive brass rings affixed to large bosses of brass are 
affixed on either door, the posts of which are of carved and coloured 
wood work. The walls of the main building with its bay windows 
of lattice work, enclose the court-yard along the right hand side, the 
roof is adorned with curious cylindrical pendant devices made of cloth 
called " Thook ;" each surmounted with the Trisool or trident, painted 
black and red. On the side facing the main entrance, the court-yard is 
open, leading away to the doorways of other idol rooms. In the centre 
space stand two high poles " Turpoche," from which hang yaks' tails and 
white cotton streamers printed in the Thibetan character. Innumerable 
small prayer wheels are fitted into a hitch that runs round the sides 
of the court -yard. A few large trees throw their shade on the 
building, and above them tower the rugged cliffs of the little valley, 
topped here and there by Lhatos, small square built altars, surmount- 
ed by bundles of brushwood and wild sheep horns, the thin sticks of 
the brushwood being covered with offerings of coloured flags printed 
with some muntra or other. All preliminaries over and the actors 
ready inside the building, the musicians,* wearing curious head-dresses 
and robes, red being the predominant color, took up their position in 
the verandah facing the monastery. Their instruments consisted of 
enormous long trumpets, that draw out like a telescope to 8 or 9 feet ; 
these issue a low, mellow, bass sound, the mouth-piece is of peculiar 
form being a large flat disc against which the lips are pressed ; a narrower 
trumpet globe-shaped at lower end ; flageolets, drums and cymbals 
completed the set. The drums are peculiar, being fixed to a long handle, 
the end resting on the ground, they are struck with a bent piece of 
thin iron, the point of which is covered with a leather button. Tbe 
musicians commenced a wailing sort of air accompanied by a low chant, 
to which the drums and cymbals beat a regular tune, but very subdued. 
Then came, trooping out of the idol room, a set of maskers in the most 
extraordinary dress it is possible to conceive ; they were called Tsam- 

* See Captain Melville's photographs, No. 10. This same costume is worn 
by the musicians of the Deb and Dhnrm Raja at Punakha in Bhootan, and it is 
as well to mention here that the monks of Himis, as well as a few other monas- 
teries in Ladakh, are of the same sect as the Buddhists of Bhootan, viz. tbe 
" Dukpah" of whom the spiritual head is the Dhurm Raja. 

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 73 

Chut,* and in single file led round the flag-poles in the centre of the 
yard, with a sort of quiet and niost laughable dance, slowly turning 
round and round themselves, and coming to a sudden halt at the end of 
each bar of the music, which the drummers notified by a louder stroke. 
Thus the circle moved round the poles while they tossed their arms about 
and waved the coloured flags they held in their hands. The dresses 
were all of China silk and Kimkab, the apron embroidered with the 
face of a hideous demon, the head-dress was a large conical hat with a 
very broad brim, edged with black wool ; from the hat several wide 
ribbons of different gay coloured silks hung down the back, extending 
nearly to the heels, but the most extraordinary and striking part of their 
costume, was the device of a death's head, the eye-sockets, teeth, &c. 
worked in silk on a white ground. This was suspended from the neck 
and hung down to just below the breast. 

In the left hand they held a sort of spoon having for the bowl a piece 
of human skull, cut out of the forehead portion, and round the edge of 
which were attached narrow streamers of silk and some plaited ends of 
hair. This ghostly ladle is called " Bundah." In these spoons, the 
I portions into which the enemy is cut up, are carried away and thrown 
I up into the air as an offering to the gods : of this enemy I shall speak 
further on. These maskers hold in the right hand a short little stick 
with red and blue streamers of silk; these and the spoons majestically 
waived about as they go round in their solemn dance, had the most 
curious effect I ever saw. Pantomimes and extravaganzas floated 
round one during the whole performance, yet this was a real mystical 
religious pageant having some curious and bygone origin, which 
none of the party knew or could get explained. This dance came to 
an end at last, and as the troop ascended the steps to the large door- 
way, the same number, but in a different disguise, came out. The tune 
was now changed and seemed to be the repeating of a number of stanzas 
of the same length, the maskers held in the right hand little drums 
and in the left, bells. To the first, the drums were attached a short string 
with a small ball at the end, so that when moved quickly backwards and 
forwards it may strike both ends of the drum. At the end of each stanza 
they gave a rattle and a ring at the same time, moving round in the same 
way as did the first set, only stopping to make an obeisance to the 
* See Photographs, No. 1. 

74 Description of a Mystic Play- [No. 2, 

centre when they used their drums at the end of the intonation. 
These were also dressed in gaudy China silks, both wore gilt masks 
with apertures for eyes and mouth, the top of the hat was conical 
with silk streamers on the sides and a large loose scarf behind. These 
masks were named " Chin-bep" or from their copper coloured masks, 
" Zang-bukii, lit. copper mask.* These had no death-like insignia 
as the first maskers wore. After these had retired, a short delay, and 
another more imposing group marched with great dignity out of the 
monastery. These all wore very large masks of different forms and 
colours, still all of the same type as the heads of deities, their great 
peculiarity being the third eye in the centre of the forehead. The 
principal of these deities was " Thlogan Pudma Jungnas" or " he 
born of the lotus" over whom was carried a large umbrella. Among 
the other attendant maskers of consequence wasf Singe' Drandrok, 
Dorje' Trolong, Sangspa Ktjrpo (Brahma), Zhin-Skiong or Eswara. 
These are, I believe, intended to represent emblematically the six classes 
of beings subject to transmigration, viz. 1, gods ; 2, demi-gods ; 3, 
men ; 4, animals ; 5, ghosts ; 6, the inhabitants of hell ; for although we 
did not then see the mask of the bull's head, it should have been among 
the maskers, — perhaps the monks did not take the trouble, and thought 
us none the wiser, — now this would well represent No. 4 of the above 
classes ; and in another monastery I afterwards saw masks made to 
represent stags. Attending on this principal group were another set 
of maskers, who carried the long handled drums and the bent striker. 
Their dresses were of the same type, long petticoats of rich China 
silk, but the head-dress a kind of crown with six points, gilt, rising 
to a high point in the centre, while streamers of silk hung down from 
the ears to the waist. J On each of the six points were the following 

12 3 4 

syllables in the Lantsa character, viz. OM, AH, SHI, HUNG, 

* See fig. 2. 

f See Photographs, Nos. 4, 5 and 8. 
J See No 6 of Captaiu M.'s photographs. 
§ Each of those syllables have some mystical connection with the centre and 
cardinal points of the compass, thus — 


%^ I 


IHranz ~ ~^: 



1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 75 

The whole of these last named Maskers marched round the Flag 
Poles in solemn procession, the band still playing ; they then sat down 
in a line on the ground ; Thlogan Pudma Jungnas in the centre. 
Then with shrill whistling, made by putting the fingers in the 
mouth, several boys came rushing out of the monastery, and running 
up made obeisance to the chief in the centre, and danced wildly about 
round the Poles. They were called " Spao," warriors, and wore short 
skirts, and streamers of silk hung from the waist, round which waa 
a belt carrying small round bells (Gungaroo, Hind.) ; the same were 
also attached to the ancles. Their masks were green with a broad 
face on them, and from the centre of the crown rose a stick with a 
triangular red flag ; they held a bell in the left hand, and a large handled 
drum in the right. With these also careered about two jesters, one 
of whom had two small kettle-drums tied on his back, on which the 
other would occasionally thump, and play other practical jokes for the 
amusement of the crowd, salaming also in mock respect to Pudma 
Jungnas and his attendants. There were also another set who made 
up this court of India, of which it may be a representation ; these 
were called Katinciiun,* wearing a red mitre-shaped hat, silk capes 

ah (north) 


(west) Shi — — om hung (East) and each of 

these points ia 
again supposed 
to be the dwell- 
ing of a god. 
trang This curious 

(South) system is seen 

drawn out on the walls of some of the monasteries, in a complicated sort of 
labyrinth, called Miskyodpa dkyilkhae, the circle of Akshobhia in Sanscrit. 
I once saw one in process of construction ou a square with sides quite four feet 
in leno-th. The deities assigned to the different parts are numberless, but of 
the principal I may name,— North, Tonytit thubba, West, Nam-'wa-ta-yas, East, 
Dorje Sempspa, South, R. Zingsten Jungldau, Centre, Nang-per*nang-Tsat, 

See Hodgson, on the Literature and Religion of the Bhuddists, note, foot of 
pa<*e 117. " In niches at the base of the hemisphere are frequently enshrined 
four of the five Dhiani Buddhas, one opposite to each cardinal point. Aksiiobhya 
occupies the Eastern nitch ; Ratna Sam bhava, the Southern ; Am ita'bha, the 
Western aud Amoghasiddha the Northern. Vairochana, the 1st Dhyani 
Buddha, is supposed to occupy the centre invisibly. Sometimes, however, he 
appears visibly, being placed at the right hand of Akshobhya. 
* See No. 3 of Capt. M.'s Photographs. 


TG Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2, 

and petticoats, and carried bells and small hand drums ; they sat in a 
solemn row opposite the gods, and may have been intended to repre- 
sent dewans of the court. Alter the jesters had danced about and 
played various antics, both with the actors and the lookers-on, they 
rose and marched back into the monastery. To these succeeded a 
set of Numkings with red masks and Tsakings* with brown, who both 
carried the long handled drum, and from their head dress rose a tall 
stick with a triangular flag, with a narrow brown silk border and a 
device of three eyes painted on the centre. The two sides named 
above, faced each other and with a kind of hop dance, advanced 
towards each other and then retired, striking occasionally in time to the 
music, not of their own drums, but of those of their vis a vis ; altogether 
it was the oddest and most curious spectacle possible to imagine. What 
this strange masque was intended to represent is more than I can say, 
and the priests of the monastery seemed to know as little of the 
matter, or perhaps could not explain it, mixed as the subject must be 
with theological Buddhist mysteries, the ridiculous grafted upon it 
for the amusement of the populace. 

I will wind up my account by a description of the masque 
which last appeared upon the scene and ended the performance. 
The reader must now bear in mind that these last characters 
hold a place in another and different day's festival, so that we 
were merely shown the costume. I saw afterwards, on my return 
to Leh from the Chang Chenmo, this play acted throughout at 
the monastery of Gawun, an account of which I will hereafter give. 
But to return to the actors, those that we last saw, were got up 
in the most wonderful way to represent skeletons, their clothes being 
tight fitting and white, the fingers and toes, loose and long, the mask 
being a really artistic model of the human skull, the lower jaw being 
moveable. These men danced a slow weird pas, grinning at each 
other, and knocking together their short staves, which at the top were 
carved into death's heads. The band played a subdued solemn chant 
while this ghostly dance went on. These men take a part in the 
festival, when the supposed enemy, an effigy of whom is modelled in 
dough, is cut up and carried away by these ghostly bearers who are 
intended to represent the dwellers of the burial-grounds. 

* See Photograph, No. 9. 

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 77 

Translation of a MS. obtained in Laddie regarding the Dancing on 
the 10th day of the bth month, a great holiday. — By the lieu. 
H. A. Jaesohke, of the Moravian Mission, Kydang, Lahoul. 

" Dance Book of the 10th." 

(After some prcambulatry lines which I do not thoroughly understand, 
it continues as follows) : — 

The time for the first meeting on the 10th having arrived, the 
performers put on their attire and a nether garment* folded in many 
beautiful plaits. The leader in front, they enter running quicker and 
quicker, according to the measure, and form a circle for the dancing 

called f Mustard seed is distributed among the dancers. Then 

making the sign of the Trident;;; the following steps are gone through 

at the words§ the rig] it hand, and at the words the 

left is stretched out. (This motion I cannot clearly understand.) 

Then the leaders turning to the right, and the last in the line to 
the left, both advancing towards each other, the circle is again closed 
or formed. (Steps and dancing). Again making the sign of the 
Trident they retire. 

Now enter the Libators of Chang. || "With bells and fans in their 
hands, and slowly advancing form a circle (dancing ......) at the words 

they take the offering of Libation to all the beings of the six 

classes^ in the whole world. Each one* prays for whatever wish he 
desires to be fulfilled. Now, after a signal from the cymbals, the large 
trumpets, (about 8 or 9 feet long), thin trumpets, globe trumpets, 
kettle-drums, pipes, &c, and the whistling with the mouth (that 
extremely shrill kind, winch is produced by putting two fingers in the 

* Part of the clerical dress, very like a petticoat. 

f Here occurs a considerable number of names of different motions, paces, 
and gestures, often repeated in this little paper, which cannot be translated 
nor can I properly describe them, as I am not acquainted with the terms used 
in dancing in the English language. 

J Viz., with the hands. 

§ These refer to the words of the song which accompanies the dance. 

|| This word seems to comprehend all sorts of fermented liquors; thus in 
Lahoul and Kulloo rice-changis most common; inLadak barley-chang, a kind of 
malt liquor without hops ; in Koonawur they make a girape-obang or wine. 

% The six classes of beings subject to transmigration are elm deo (gods) ; 
Chamyin (asura demigods) ; mi (nianusha men) : dadro (animals) : yidags 
(peeta ) nyal wapa (or daitya the inhabitants of hell). 

* Viz. of the Lhamas present. 

78 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2, 

mouth), all these instruments concurring to make one loud noise, the 
performers one after the other sounding his hell, hand-drum, or other 
instrument, and hlowing the air thrice with his face, mentally* sum- 
mons the noxious enemyf as nohody can do so in reality (dancing). 

The time having arrived to put down the venomous (enemy), 
with dancing, a circle is formed and each performer must successively 
hit him with his instrument ;J then follow different steps and words of 
incantation and exorcism. 

Three signals with the cymhals having heen made two atsaras,§ 
coming out of the large door of the monastery, post themselves on 
either side of it, with one arm a kirnho, and Mow their hautbois 
twice gently, twice vehemently, and then two Gylongs|| and one terrible 
person, holding a skull, having performed a series of steps, finally 
make the sign of the Trident and retire again. After them appear the 
persons of the burial-ground (ghouls), and after performing many 
gestures with their arms, retire. 

This concludes the 10th day's act. 

On the 11th day of the same month, in the first act, — here follows 
what I am unable to explain ; in the second act, adoration is paid to 
the king ;^[ in the third act, mustard seed is thrown on the enemy 
after some singing and dancing, and the ceremony of fixing the nail is 
performed,** and hitting the arms, legs and heart of the figure. Now 

* Performing things mentally when circumstances will not allow of it in 
reality, is permitted to a great extent in the Buddhist religion, e. g. when a 
person dies without riches, the family may imagine themselves to offer gold, 
precious stones, &c, to any extent to Buddha, who will condescend to take it, 
as if it were really given. Living Lhamas do not let their flocks off quite so 

f Any being, man or demon, adversary to the religion or to the country, &c. 

J A small figure moulded in dough, representing that enemy, or venomous 
or noxious person, lies on the ground in a triangular enclosure, and each of the 
dancers has to hit it, with the sword dagger, or other arms or emblem he may 

§ Atsaea is derived from tho Sanscrit acharya teacher, spiritual guide ; 
but according to what I was told, it is now rather used like Yogi or holy 
mendicant, a Hindoo faqir. Besides this, it must also denote a sort of demon 
or spirit, as I have met with the word in this signification in books ; I am not 
quite sure which it is here. 

|| Gylong, a degree of the Lhama priesthood. 

% No name is given in the text, it was said to be some deity. (Thlogan 


** A nail or peg, in shape of a dagger and often beautifully ornamented, 
is a magic instrument, occurring very frequently in books, as an emblem of 
deities, as well as used in exorcisms, &c. often by a gesture of the hand 
symbolizing its use. By its use, demons are supposed to be bound and enemies 

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 79 

the rulers of the burial-ground* proceeding with dancing, take up the 
corpse,f making the gesture of the trident. Heruka, a god holding in 
his right hand a lance with a flag, and in the left a man's heart and a 
snare, J enters attended by the Lady mother (Heruka's wife) having in 
her right hand a club (Khatomka, Sanscrit Khatwa'nga) and in her left 
hand, a skull. 

Four incantations with bells and faces ; four women, who carry a 
snare, a little child's corpse,§ a heart, and a cymitar ; their dress a wide 
human skin, a potka, and leopard skin petticoat. Dancing and music 
continue, while the last that enter are four Tiger coats, (warriors with 
bows and arrows). 

In the 4th act, the dancers are four Libators of Chang, and eight 

other performers (some unintelligible words here follow.) 

A mask named " Large mouth" with a censer, another with a dram 
and Hashang with his children|| now come on the scene and the 
MS. concludes with a number of cyphers indicating the number of 
the steps in each dance. 

* Viz. two male and two female demons. 

•f" Lying on the triangle-shaped framework. 

% A magic rope for catching noxious beings. 

§ Such things as the little child's corpse and the human skin are not real, 
the former is a small figure, tho latter a loose counterfeit made of silk or other 

|| Hashang was originally a Chinese priest whom I find mentioned in Tibetan 
historical books as a preacher of heretical doctrines. Here in this play, Hashang 
seems represented as a sort of school-master masked as a very old man and 
attended by a lot of masked children. 

80 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. [No. 2, 

Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bliitdri. — By the 

Rev. M. A. Sherring, LL. B., and C. Horne, Esq., C. S. 

[Received 4th January, 1865.— Eead 1st February, 1865.] 

Some account of the remains found at Bhitari has been already 
inserted at various times in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal. This refers for the most part to the stone pillar standing 
there, and to the inscription upon it, dating from the epoch of Sri 
Kumara Gupta. General Cunningham, in his interesting and valuable 
Report, printed in a Supplementary Number of the Society's Journal 
for the year 1863, supplies important information respecting other 
objects at Bhitari. Yet there are several very remarkable relics of. 
the past which, so far as we have ascertained, neither this indefati- 
gable investigator nor any other archaeologist has hitherto described. 
It is our purpose to give a succinct description of these relics. 

It is necessary to draw attention to the circumstance that Bhitari 
is usually spoken of in the Society's Journal as Saidpur-Bhitari, 
whereas Bhitari and Saidpur are distinct places, the one being about 
4J miles distant from the other. The high road from Benares to 
Ghazeepore passes close to the large town of Saidpur, while the 
village of Bhit;iri lies several miles away from this road. Its 
proximity, however, to Saidpur, is no doubt the reason why the two 
have been associated together ; besides which, there is good ground 
for believing that in ancient times both contained large Buddhist 


This is a flourishing town of ten thousand inhabitants, chiefly j 
Hindu traders, many of whom, judging from the multitude of well- 
made houses adorning the streets, are living in comfort, if not in 
affluence. Two large Hindu temples have been recently erected in 
the town, which, together with the Government Tahsili school, are i 
situated on the left bank of the Ganges. Passing down the main 
street to its extremity and thence diverging to the right, you come 
immediately upon the outer wall of an enclosure, on entering wbich 
you observe three separate buildings appropriated by the Mahomedans | 
for sacred purposes. One of these is a modern structure ; the remain- 

1865.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. 81 

ing two are of undoubted antiquity. These latter we shall proceed 
to describe. 

The first is a small domed building sustained by four stone pillars, 
the bases of which rest on a platform twelve feet scpiare, raised a few 
inches above the ground. The shafts of the pillars are square, and 
, the capitals are cruciform, each limb being one foot ten inches in 
, length, and having the usual Buddhist bell-ornamentation. The pillars 
on the north and east quarters exhibit a groove about 15 inches in 
height, which evidently once contained a pierced stone railing. The 
eaves stones above are apparently original, and have a projection of 
15 inches. These eaves are strikingly characteristic of the architec- 
ture of the early period to which this building must be assigned, and 
are often of great size and solidity. In ancient Buddhist structures 
both in Benares and in Jaunporc, as well as in this instance, they are 
cut on the upper surface to resemble woodwork. Some persons will 
be reminded by this circumstance of Akber's stone roof at Futteh- 
pore Sikri, cut in imitation of tiles, and of the carved beams in the 
caves at Elephanta. 

The second building is 26J feet long by 23 broad, and is upheld 
by at least 34 columns disposed in the following remarkable order, 
namely, 6 at each of the north-east and south-east corners, 9 couples 
at intervals in the circumference, and 4 single pillars in the centre, 
forming a square. The two clusters of six pillars have been united 
by stone slabs into two thick ones, each 2J feet square. This curious 
amalgamation is, in all probability, the work of the Mahomedans, 
though from what motive, it is hard to conjecture. The building 
was already strongly supported, and the alteration considerably de- 
tracts from its native simplicity. The space between the side pillars 
is 5 feet 9 inches, between the side and centre pillars 6 feet 4 inches, 
and between the centre pillars themselves 5 feet 1 inch. The height 
of each column is 6 feet 11 inches, of which the base is 9 inches, 
the shaft 4 feet 8 inches, the stone upon it 10 inches, and the capital 
1 foot 8 inches. The innermost line of columns is built into a wall 
of solid masonry composed of ancient stones, and is of more recent date 
than other parts of the edifice. The roof is of long stone slabs, but 
in its centre there is a primitive Buddhist ceiling consisting of four 
stones placed diagonally upon the architraves and crowned by a flat 

82 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. [No. 2, 

stone ornamented with a lotus blossom. Each corner stone also 
exhibits this flower in relief. The existence of the original eaves 
stone on portions of three sides of this structure, is sufficient proof 
that it could not have been any larger than it is at present ; but the 
great strength of the supports above alluded to, would appear to 
indicate that it once possessed a second or even a third story. Upon 
the roof is a diminutive chamber of comparatively modern construc- 
tion, sustained by four ancient pillars. The shafts are octagonal, and 
the capitals and rounded bases are richly carved with the bell and 
leaf pattern. These pillars have been doubtless taken from old build- 
ings which were formerly situated in this neighbourhood. 

We are of opinion that these two edifices were separate chaityas 
attached to a vihar or monastery, traces of which, owing to the short 
time at our disposal, we did not attempt to discover. The preservation 
of these interesting remains is to be attributed to the circumstance 
of a Mahomedan faqir named Sheikh Samman having taken up his 
abode in one of them, and having been buried in it at his death. 
The second chaitya contains the tomb of Makhdum Sah. It would 
be worth the while for any one having time at his disposal to explore 
thoroughly this locality, which abounds with Mahomedan tombs, 
some of which, it may reasonably be supposed, have been constructed 
with stone taken from the usual Mussalman quarries of Hindu and 
Buddhist remains. 


This village is situated on the G-angi river, an affluent of the 
Ganges, and is called Saidpur-Bhitari, from which Rajah Deo 
Narain Singh, late member of the Legislative Council of India, 
derives his title. Its appearance in the distance is that of a long low 
mound, which, on nearer approach, displays a reddish hue on account 
of the large quantity of brick rubbish entering into its composition. 
In form it is nearly rectangular, the measurement of its four sides 
being as follows : — 

East Face, 500 yards. 

South ditto, 525 ditto. 

West ditto, 685 ditto. 

North ditto, 700 ditto. 

18G5.J Ancient Remains at Saidpur and BJiitdri. 83 

A mound rises at each corner, and another half way along each 
face, and many more are within the enclosure itself. There is also 
a spur running from the south-west angle. The general aspect of the 
site is that of a fort with projecting towers at the corners, connected 
together hy a low embankment or wall ; whilst the debris scattered 
about in every direction and the numerous mounds, would seem to 
indicate that formerly extensive buildings existed upon it. 

On the spur is a recently erected Iinambara, under the foundations 
of which a hole has been made into the mound on which it stands, 
revealing the original foundations of a very ancient edifice lying in 
situ. The bricks are of exceedingly large dimensions, some being 19 
inches long, about 1 foot in width, and 3 inches in thickness. It 
would be interesting to lay bare the whole of these remains, and to 
trace as far as practicable, without injury to the Imambara, the extent 
and nature of the earlier structure. 

In the year 18G3, Mr. Home was requested by the Government 
of the North-Western Provinces, at the suggestion of Major-General 
Cunningham, to make excavations into some of the mounds at Bhitari. 
Si range to say, although trenches were made into several mounds, yet 
nothing of importance was discovered. It by no means follows, how- 
ever, that because no ancient relics were brought to light in those 
tumuli which were then laid open, that a further and more complete 
investigation would be fruitless. It is only natural that the changes 
which have taken place through many generations among the build- 
ings which the successive inhabitants of Bhitari have erected, having 
recourse to the ancient structures for their materials from century to 
century, rather than to materials of their own manufacture, should 
have occasioned the formation of some, perhaps of many, of the exist- 
ing mounds ; and therefore it is no matter for astonishment that Mr. 
Home should have found only vast masses of earth, pottery, brick, 
and other rubbish, especially as his excavations were mostly carried 
on in the immediate neighbourhood of the inhabited portion of 
Bhitari, His decided conviction is, that if excavations were conducted 
on a more extensive scale, and embraced not only the larger tumuli 
in the interior of the enclosure, but likewise those lying at various 
distances in the outskirts, it is highly probable that discoveries of 
great interest to the archaeologist, shedding light on the antiquity of 


84 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. [No. 2, 

this entire region, might he made. It is the opinion of General 
Cunningham that the Bhitari ruins date from the Gupta period, or 
from A. D. 100 to A. D. 300, and that they are amongst the oldest 
Brahmanical remains known to us. He is wrong, however, in the 
implied supposition that they are altogether of Brahmanical origin, 
as we shall presently show. 

Judging from the relics of tomhs and religious houses dispersed 
over the village and its suhurbs, Bhitari must have been a place of 
some importance during the Mahomedan rule in India. The few 
inhabitants still residing in it are, for the most part, followers of the 
prophet. The bridge over the Gingi below the village, was erected 
by the Mahomedans. It dates from at least two aeras, and the origi- 
nal structure, General Cunningham considers, ' consisted of only two 
small arches,' to which two others have been subsequently added. 
The bridge has been altogether built with cut stones taken from other 
buildings, and in one place the figure of an animal, such as supports 
the brackets in the Atali Masjid in Jaunpur, is inserted into the 
wall. A mason-mark found on one of the stones, is indisputably of 
the age of the Guptas. Although in a dilapidated condition, the 
bridge nevertheless possesses considerable strength ; and its thorough 
repair, which is very desirable, might be effected at a comparatively 
small cost. 

In the enclosure itself, the most noticeable object is undoubtedly 
the famous column with the Gupta inscription upon it. The column 
rests upon a roughly hewn stone, and is 28J feet in height. This 
includes the base which is 10 feet 2 inches high, of which, between 
five and six are below the level of the adjacent soil. It is out of the 
perpendicular, and the cause of this, as well as of the injury to the 
capital, is attributed by the inhabitants to lightning with which, they 
say, the pillar was struck many years ago ; but it is just as probable, 
perhaps more so, that both results may have been effected by the 
Mahomedans, who, failing in their attempt to throw down the column, 
may have mutilated the capital, as is commonly reported they did, with 
cannon-shot, and destroyed the figure of a lion, which, it is with good 
reason conjectured, formerly crouched upon it. 

In his Report to Government, Mr. Home says : — " I laid bare the 
east face of the foundation, as the column slopes to the north, and 


1865.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and BhitdrL 85 

found that the base was 3 inches off the foundation-stone on the south 

side, (Vide woodcut in the morgin) ; 
that there were two iron wedges 
driven under as indicated ; and that 
at some remote period, stone- work 

_jmmmmmML^_ of il lnassive cha ™ ctcr had been 

placed around to prevent further 
declension. I then cleared the mound away which abutted on the 
column, hoping to find some traces of foundations at least, of the 
building to which the monolith may have formed an adjunct. Tins 
mound rose from 10 to 12 feet, and extended some distance, and, as 
far as I could ascertain by cutting a trench and levelling, consists 
entirely of broken bricks and earth." 

There is no doubt that during the Buddhist period in India, several 
temples and one or two monasteries flourished in Bbitari. In a mosque 
in the village, of modern erection, are thirty stone pillars, seven of them 
being elaborately carved. These must bave been taken from buildings 
situated here in ancient times, for they present similar characteristics 
to the columns of Buddhist shrines and monasteries, of which remains 
are still found in Benares and elsewhere. In a small uncovered brick 
enclosure we discovered several old sculptures, among them a rude 
statue of Buddha in excellent preservation. The entire stone is 
5 feet in height, but the figure measures only 2 feet 4 inches. 
Buddlia is seated in contemplation, and is devoid of ornament ; 
and on the palm of his hand the clmhra symbol is engraved. 
i He is attended by two chauri-bearers and two kinneeras or cherubs, 
and is seated on a semi-circle, below which arc four diminutive figures, 
two representing animals, and two Buddha. The statue has the 
sacred corona encompassing the head, embellished on the upper part 
with Indian-corn and leaves, and must have been a prominent object 
in one of the temples formerly standing here. 

Of the other sculptured stones found at this spot, we will only 
describe two. One of them exhibits the figure of a man seated on a 
prancing ram, which may possibly be intended to illustrate one of the 
signs of the Zodiac. The other is a small octagonal pillar in a niche, 
and on cither side of it is an erect human figure. In the middle of 
the village is a well, by the mouth of which is a collection of old 

86 Ancient Remains at Said par and. Bltitdri. [No. 2, 

stones picked up in the neighbourhood at various times. Some of 
these are of Buddhist, while others may be of Hindu type. Amongst 
them are two heads alluded to in the note, and also two very curious 
stones, one representing the front portion of the human skull, and 
the other a human hand clasping a shell. There is likewise rather a 
large statue of the god Ganesh, referred to by General Cunningham 
in his Bhitari Report. It is plainly of modern date, and is not worth 
even an allusion. Portions of cloister pillar's, square below and 
octagonal above, may be here and there seen. These were manifestly 
first cut down and rounded by the Hindus, to serve as lingams, and 
when the Mahomedans became dominant, were then used by them as 
head-stones for their graves, the chirdgh or lamp being placed on the 
top instead of in a small niche which it is customary to make for the 
same. Some of the massive stones of the mosque now used as archi- 
traves and pillars were evidently taken from ancient edifices ; and it 
is not difficult to trace roofing stones of old cloisters in some of the 
stones in the pavement and in the covering stones of the graves. 

General Cunningham also partially describes a remarkable stone 
found not far from the column, respecting which we would make a 
few remarks in addition to his own. His account is as follows. 
" There is also a large slab," he says, " with a half-size two-anucd 
female figure, attended by another female figure holding an umbrella 
over her, both in very high relief. The figures in this sculpture are 
in the same style and in the same attitudes as those of the similar 
group of the Raja and his umbrella attendant on the gold coins of 
the Gupta Princes. This sculpture, I believe, represents a queen on 
her way to worship at the temple. The group is a favourite one 
with Hindu artists, and, as far as my observation goes, it is never 
used singly, but always in pairs, one on each side of the door-way of 
a temple. The age of this sculpture I am inclined to fix as early as 
the time of the Gupta kings, partly on account of the similarity of 
style to that of their gold coins, partly also because the pillar belongs 
to one of that family, but chiefly because some of the bricks found 
in various parts of the ruins are stamped with the name of Sri 
Kumara Gupta." To this interesting information concerning this curious 
stone, we would add, that seven human figures are sculptured upon it 
in bas-relief. Of these the chief female figure or queen stands upon a 

1865.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. 87 

lotus blossom, and another is remarkable for being seated on the head 
of a noa-descript animal, partly of human form and closely resembling 
the figure carved upon a stone of the Giingi bridge before described. 
The figure is decorated with a double necklace, from the centre of which 
hangs a large pendant, and on its back and beneath its feet runs a 
band of elaborate scroll-work forming the lowermost division of the 
sculpture and springing originally from a cherub who has a wonderful 
head of hair, and whose feet are like the talons of a bird. This 
peculiar ornamentation is perhaps the most singular feature of the 
entire sculpture, inasmuch as it fixes the a?ra of the slab, and also the 
religious sect from which it proceeded. On the face of the large 
Buddhist tower at Sarnath is a similar scroll-work connected with a 
similarly carved cherub. As this tower was most probably erected 
in the Gupta period, the conjecture of General Cunningham becomes 
almost a demonstrated fact, that the slab must date from the same 
epoch, but it is of Buddhist, and not, as he imagines, of Hindu origin, 
unless it be that the Hindus and Buddhists of about the same period 
adopted the same style of ornamentation, a supposition Avhich although 
possible, it would, in the absence of proof, be very hazardous to follow. 
It seems evident therefore that the ancient remains at Bhitari are 
both of Buddhist and of Hindu origin, though it is hard to say 
precisely which preceded the other. The pillar was erected by Skanda 
Gupta, of whom, the inscription says, " in the spirit of his own dread- 
ful deeds," he " danced in the fierce dance," and was possessed of a 
clear insight into the profound wisdom of the Tantras." He was 
consequently a worshipper of Shiva, and was an enthusiastic admirer 
of the Tantric mysteries and abominations. But Kunuira Gupta, 
(whose name General Cunningham found stamped on bricks lying 
about at Bhitari,) who preceded him, and was most probably his 
fether, was certainly not a Shaiva, for in the inscription reference is 
made both to him and to his father, Chandra Gupta, the second, as 
worshippers of the " Supreme Bhagavat." It is just possible that 
this term may mean Vishnu ; if so, they were both Vaishnavas. But 
it is exceedingly probable that the allusion is to Buddha, inasmuch 
as, one of the titles most usually ascribed to him is that of " Bhaga- 
vat." Moreover, the inscription of Chundra Gupta on one of the 
railings of the Great Tope at Sanchi, sets forth that a sum of money 

88 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. [No. 2, 

was given by this monarch " to the followers of Dharma in the great 
monastery." It is difficult to believe that he would have extended 
his patronage to this Buddhist monastery, had he not cherished the 
Buddhist faith. We are strongly inclined therefore with General 
Cunningham to the opinion that Chandra Gupta and Kumara Gupta, 
father and son, were Buddhists. The ninth king of this dynasty, 
Buddha Gupta, corrected the rabid Hindu tendencies of his predeces- 
sor Skanda Gupta, and in his turn became a zealous disciple of Buddha. 
Respecting the remaining kings of this dynasty, it is not known of 
what creed they were ; but it is not a little remarkable that Siladitiya, 
the great king of Malwa, who vanquished the Guptas and took pos- 
session of their vast empire, was attached to the Buddhist religion. 

The conclusion, therefore, at which we arrive, is, that ancient 
Bhitari was alternately in the hands of Buddhist and Hindu monarchs 
during the Gupta period, who severally embellished it, according to 
their distinctive religious views. The twofold character of the dis- 
covered remains tends to the corroboration of this opinion, and we 
have no doubt that further research would only more fully confirm it. 
It is remarkable that the sculptured fragments of a shell grasped by 
a hand, and also of a skull, the former a symbol of Vaishnavism, and 
the latter of the Tantric form of Shaivism, should both have been 
found among the same ruins, showing that both these rival sects of 
Hinduism were once prevailing there. We hope that excavations on 
a more extended scale than has yet been attempted, may one day be 
carried on both within the elevated Bhitari enclosure itself and amongst 
the outlying mounds. 

The iconoclastic zeal of the Mahomedans is too well known to need re- 
mark ; and as the value of the monolith at Bhitari on account of the 
historical information it affords regarding the Gupta dynasty is indis- 
putable, it is of considerable importance that the Government remove 
it to another place, say the Queen's College, Benares, for greater 
security, to which it would be an interesting architectural ornament ; 
the more so as we have laid out an archaeological garden in the grounds 
of that institution. 

Note. — We subjoin a Lithograph, (Plate XVII.) of a very curious group found 
at Bhitari and supposed by us, in consequence of other similar groups at the 
Vishnupad at Gaya and there described as such, to be a portion of the " Nuu- 

18G5.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. 89 

graha" or nine planets. This may perhaps be the stone alluded to by General 
Cunningham in his Report. 

We also found other very curious remains viz. 2 hea'ds (alluded to before), a 
bust with head, and a sitting figure. The nationality of the parties represented 
•we cannot determine. They are all females and the hair is drest in a very singular 
style, being drawn up from the face and bound with a fillet, from which depend 
elegant ornaments, and then gathered in a mob on the top of the head. Tho 
hair over the centre of the forehead is carefully parted, and there is a fine 
jewel in the centre ; over the forehead and in the ears are veiy large heavy 

Might not these be representations of noble foreign ladies, who having visited 
this noted spot, had vowed and erected temples, in or near to which in niches 
wore placed their statues in memory of the founders ? — Amongst the articles 
found by Major Kittoe at Sarnath and described by Dr. Butler, is a similar 
representation mado in burnt clay. This head-dressing must not be confounded 
with that as shewn in the Bhilsa figures of ascetics, who like many of tho 
fuqeers of the present day did not cut their hair, but gathercrd it in large bunches 
at tho sides of their heads or plaited it. 

(Received 20th January, 1865.) 

Since the above paper was written, I have paid another visit to 
Saidpur. On this occasion I examined the country to the west of 
the town, which I had not done previously. Ahout three quarters of 
a mile from Saidpur, on the high road, is the small village of Zuhar- 
ganj, between which and the river is a mound regarded by the people 
as the remains of an old fort. Bricks are cropping out of its sides, 
and for some distance along the banks of the river round to the main 
road beyond the village, the soil is strewn with broken brick, showing 
that formerly buildings of this material were standing here. To the 
north of the road, but almost close to it, is a mound called Earn 
Tawakku, rising abruptly from the plain on which are also numerous 
fragments of broken brick. To the north, about a mile from the 
public road, is an immense terrace raised from 30 to 40 feet high 
above the surrounding country. Its length is 420 paces, and its 
breadth 190. The terrace is thickly covered with broken brick, and at 
i one corner there are likewise fragments of stone. This enormous 


Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitiiri. 

[No. 2, 

monnd is of an irregular shape. There is little doubt that extensive 
buildings lie buried here, which, judging from the quantity of brick 
rubbish found above, are for the most part probably of this material. 
The people say, that the habitations formerly situated on this spot, 
fell in ; hence, in their estimation, the origin of the mound. Close 
by, are two other tumuli, and further off are apparently others. Were 
these mounds, especially the largest, to be excavated, I feel satisfied 
that the result would amply repay the labour and expense bestowed 
on the undertaking. 

About half a mile beyond Zuharganj, a few steps from the road, 
is a stone chabutra or platform, on which are two figures, one repre- 
senting the Boar Incarnation, and the other Krishna with his milk- 
maids. Both are old and in excellent preservation. The ornamenta- 
tion of the stone representing the former figure, is curious. The 
carving exhibits a pilaster in bas-relief exceedingly similar in detail to 
the shrine pillars of Bakariya Kund, Benares, which, strange to say, 
are undoubtedly of Buddhist origin, while this pilaster belonging to 
an incarnation of Vishnu is of Hindu origin. Around the base of aJ 
tree standing a few steps off, is an assemblage of mutilated sculptures 
of ancient date. They are not worshipped by the Hindus. I brought 
away several heads, and a fragment of a seated figure with a short 
inscription in front. Jl- A. S , 

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 91 

Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language: — By the Rev. H. A. 
Jaeschke of Kyelang. 

[Received 1st February 1865. Read 1st February, 1865.] 

The Tibetan language is known to possess a very rich literature, 
though the smaller part of it is original, most of the Tibetan works 
being translations from the Buddhistic part of the Sanscrit literature. 
The whole is not of an older date than the 7th century, as that king 
of Tibet who despatched one of his ministers to India, in order to 
learn Sanscrit and create an alphabet for the Tibetan language, was 
a contemporary of Mohammad. It is incredible, of course, that he 
should have loaded bis writings with a great many superfluous signs, 
especially when his only pattern was the Sanscrit, with its perfect 
accommodation of the sign to the sound. On tho contrary, he is 
likely to have expressed in writing, with a few exceptions perhaps, 
every sound of the language, as it was pronounced at his time. At 
present, however, the Tibetan mode of spelling differs nearly as much 
from the actual pronunciation in the greater part of the country as 
in the English, or rather in the French language, for the discrepancy 
mostly rests in the consonants, many of which have changed in 
certain cases their original sounds, or are dropped in speaking, though 
I they are, considered etymologically, essential elements of a word, 
I and therefore appear in writing, in a proportion similar to such French 
I words as : ils parlent ; qu'est cela &c, e. g. bkrashis, pronounced 
tashi. In French, the cause and history of this discrepancy is clear, 
as we know the Latin mother as well as the Gallic child, and possess 
specimens from all ages, by which we can trace the gradual changes. 
In Tibetan, nothing of the kind exists, or at least veiy little has yet 
been discovered ; nor is there much reason for hoping that in their 
own literature anything has been preserved that might throw light 
on the history of the language, since the grammatical as well as the 
historical powers of the Tibetan mind seem to be developed to a 
very small degree, and the ancient orthography has been, with few 
exceptions, scrupulously left unchanged, since its invention 1200 years 
ago. Csoma de Kotos and other grammarians, ^especially Cunningham 


92 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, 

in his work on Ladak, mention some dialectical differences in the 
pronunciation of various districts, which in some instances agree 
more accurately with the way of spelling, and the latter states that 
the more learned Lamas, hut these only, pronounce distinctly, though 
rapidly, the initial letters which are usually silent. But a closer 
inquisition shows the interesting fact, that in the most western ex- 
tremity of Tibet in the province of Purig and the northernmost 
part of Ladak, nearly all the consonants and the ancient pronunciation 
of the language, as it was at the period of the invention of the 
alphabet, has been preserved by the illiterate, not by a few learned 
Lamas only, in the case of whom we could not be sure whether their 
accommodation to the ancient spelling were not merely artificial— a 
capricious imitation of what they are trained to revere as the dialect 
of their sacred writings. Let me mention some instances. The 
letters here in question are more especially those compound consonants, 
consisting of two or three elements, which are in Tibetan, as in many 
cases in Sanscrit also, denoted in writing by putting the following 
consonant behno the preceding one. Now e. g, the letter s as initial, 
with a following k, t, &c. is spoken distinctly in Ladak, as in shad, 
language ; stan, mat ; sJcarma, star ; I in the same case is pronounced' 
even in Lahoul, e. g. Itawa, to look at ; Ichangma, willow ; r in the 
6ame case, in no instance in Lahoul, but in many in Ladak, e. g. 
rdoiva, the stone, and in still more, perhaps in every word where it 
appears in writing, in Purig, e. g. rgyalwa, victorious, or more com- 
monly, good, excellent, which is pronounced by Ladakees, and I 
think everywhere else in Tibet : gyalla ; and so are words as : rdzogs, 
rdza, rdzun, &c In a similar way a villager of Purig will call 9 
knife, gri ; washing, kliruwa ; rice, bras ; child, phrugu ; whei'eas even 
in Ladak these four words are heard like dri, thruiua, dras, tlirugu, \ 
in Lahoul and more to the East like di, tuwa, dai or de, tugu, with | 
little or nothing of the innate r, and the p and k sounds changed into 
t sounds with a more or less lingual pronunciation. Again : those 
connected with what would be spelled y in English are pronounced 
according to their spelling only in Purig and Balti in all cases, e. g. 
byang, north ; phyag, hand (in respectful language) ; phyugpo, rich ; 
these are spoken likejang, chJiag, chhugpa already in the southeastern 
part of Ladak, and in Lahoul ; whereas in the case of the A sounds, 

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 93 

in words like hhtfi, the dog, gyelwa : to fall down, Kye-lwng, the name 
of the village in Lalioul where the Moravian Mission is established, 
the correct pronunciation has been preserved even in that province, 
and <:hhi instead of khyi is only used by still more Eastern Tibetans. 
Upon the whole, it may be said that, if not perfectly, still to a certain 
degree, the different changes which the pronunciation of the language 
has undergone in the course of upwards of one thousand years, may 
be traceable even at the present day in the different districts of Tibet 
from Purig and Balti in the west to the capital town of Lhasa near 
the Chinese frontier, where the deviation, or we may justly say, the 
degeneration has reached its highest pitch, in introducing assimilations, 
dissolving certain consonants nearly into vowels, dropping others entire- 
ly, confounding two or three cognate sounds into one intermediate, and 
mingling the short vowels with one another. Assimilations as in the 
Latin compono instead of con-pono, are unheard of in the written 
Tibetan language, as also in the spoken dialect of the western pro- 
vinces; the word gompa will in Purig mean nothing but a step; 
a different idea, that of custom, practice, which the Lahoulee will 
include, being connected with the spelling : gomepa or sgompa. In 
the pronunciation of Lhasa two more, gonpa to dress, to put on, and 
<j<i"/>", monastery, are mixed up with the two former, by means of 
assimilation of the n. Again : s in the end of a syllable is pronounced 
■in Purig and Ladak, but dropped in most other districts, not with- 
out a prolonging or changing influence on the preceding vowel. Thus 
the word chhos, religion, law, (dharma in Sanscr.) is pronounced 
mhos in Ladak, chhoi in Lahoul, chho in upper Kunawur, chho in Lhasa ; 
d and g, in the end of a syllable, are melted into semivowels or nearly 
liquid consonants in a similar way as in Danish (though not exactly 
the same) : shad, the language, loses its s even in Southern Ladak, 
but in Lhasa it is mutilated into he ; smad, the nether part, into 
me'; Bod, proper name of Tibet, the Bhota of Sans., into Bo'; Ichags, 
iron, into did', scarcely different in pronunciation from ja, tea ; 
Vfingmo, sister, is pronounced shringmo in west Tibet, singmo or 
nearly simo in Lhasa; sa and za, shi'tmd zhi (the latter like ji when 
pronounced as in French,) which are as accurately distinguished by 
every Lahoulee or Ladakee, as ,s in seal and z in zeal, are confounded 
in Lhasa. 

94 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, 

But all this would leave the linguist hopeless as to the question of 
the historical periods when these changes took place, as it only adds 
the d posteriori proof, that the pronunciation has once agreed with 
the spelling, to the d priori conclusion which everybody may infer from 
the mere fact of the present discrepancy. A step towards the solution 
of this question may perhaps be possible by the study of the languages 
of some frontier districts. An instance of peculiar interest in this 
respect is found in the Boo-nan language, spoken in a small district 
of Lahoul, and in part of Kunawur, where it is called Tibar-skad, 
Tibar-language. It is the familiar tongue of the Lahoul villages in the 
Bhaga valley, just above the junction of the Bhaga and Chundra rivers, 
over an extent of about 10 miles on both sides, whereas Tibetan is 
understood and spoken fluently enough in intercourse with genuine 
Tibetans by the adult men, but more or less imperfectly by women 
and children, and many Tibetan words, very common in books, and 
generally known in Ladak, are not understood by any one in this 
district. The fact of this language existing in two different provinces, 
like two islands separated from each other by the pure Tibetan 
population of Spiti and the pure Hindu nationality of Kooloo, renders 
the theory of a wider diffusion, of the Tibarskad language in former 
times probable, and agrees with the assertion of the Lahoul people, 
that even within the remembrance of the present generation, its dis- 
trict was greater that it is now, and has been more and more encroach- 
ed upon by the Tibetan. Now in this language a great man3 r Tibetan 
words are to be met with, which may have induced General Cunningham 
to class this Tibarskad under the head of dialects of the Tibetan ; 
but I think the great difference of the grammatical structure of both 
languages (the Boo-nan being at least as elaborate as the Hindi, the 
Tibetan nearly devoid of inflections at all) and even a closer examina- 
of the lexical stock of the language, must lead to a different opinion. 
Nearly all the words of primary necessity (an inference against which 
Latham objects, I do not see exactly with how much reason), and 
many others are not borrowed from the Tibetan, any more than from 
Sansci - it, but bave an original character. Here is a small list of words 
all of which seem to be original, or at least I know not from what 
other language they might be derived. 

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 


Rati, scissors. 

Kirti, basket. 

Kutulu, bag. 

Kit ml rang, tub, basin. 

Kumtsi, bow, for shooting. 

KinLutrig, ant. 

Kyugs, ashes. 

Debit, snake. 
Deg, leather. 
Desha, lie, falsehood. 
Dompa, blacksmith. 
Pug, roasted grains. 
P/'I/si, milk. 
Phos, garment, dress. 

Koang gul lewang guJ, neck (gul is Phyutsi, hole. 


Knur, I- war, jug, jar. 

Khu, smoke. 

K/ui<irub, fist. 

Klnig, meal of roasted barley. 

Klixir, knife. 

Kind, bag. 

Khoartum, khivarfum, egg. 

Khoa, khwa, raven. 

Gam, donkey. 

Gogs, spittle. 

Gijtigs, dust. 

Gi/inn, house. 

Gyen, spring (as a season). 

Gram, stone. 

Gring, beam, timber. 

Goanu, giuanu, fox. 

Chatram, sickle. 

Chi, grass. 

Nyiigtsi, monkey.* 

Tigs, cover, lid, cork. 

Tliagadrang. spark. 

Tliigi, leather bag, purse. 

Tliopo, drinking cup. 

Dan, belly. 

Diptsi, top. 

Diskar, thirst. 

Ba, wall. 
Bang, foot, leg. 
Bitang, door. 
Bitsi, thread. 
Bed, younger brother. 
Betse, twin. 
Bo/ri, buttermilk. 
Botsi, finger. 
Byanja, can, pot. 
Byenmo, wife. 
Byerbu, trowsers. 
Byutsi, mouse, rat. 
Mashung, wife. 
Mir, fat (melted). 
Mu, snow. 
Mutsa, mustachio. 
Me, labs, flame. 
Me, lum, fire-place. 
(Me, is Tib. and means fire.) 
Tsitsi, child. 
Tsemed, daughter ; girl. 
Tsam, wool. 
Tsog, thornbush. 
Watsi, clue (of wool thread). 
WaJ, shovel. 

Wampu, yellow bear (the only bear 
occurring in Lahoul.) 

* Monkies are not in Lahoul ; in the Koonawui' Tibarskad, Cunningham men. 
tions only the terms gonas and brandras : What may the origin of nyugtsi be ? 

Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, 

Zad, barley. 

Yushi, meal, flour. 

Bangtsi, sleeve. 

Big, field. 

Bindri, lead (plumbum). 

Betsi, ear. 

Eoang, rwang, hill, mountain. 

La, goat ; rock, cliff. 

Lama, sheep. 

Lola, song. 

Lang, dung. 

Lan, wind. 

Lab, leaf. 

ins, price. 

£/.s, ice. 

Len, work, action. 

Lo, carpet. 

LJia, moon. 

Lha Kham, month. 

Lhe, tongue. 

Lhegs, villager ; community. 

Shag, birch- tree. • 

Sharpa, youth, boy. 

Shirti, rain. 

Shirped, broom. 

Shu, blood. 

Slniglsi, comb. 

Shel, summer. 

Shosha, heart. 

Shrag, shame. 

Shrangs, horse, pony. 

Shrig, louse (Tib. shig.) 

Shrini, arrow. 

Shoantsi, shwantsi, dove. 

Sazha, hukka. 

Sagsa, grasshopper. 

Sampa, meat, eatables. 

Sibi, flute, pipe. 

Seshi, friend, acquaintance. 

Soft, water. 

Skyugtrong, breast. 

Sta, vein ; artery. 

Stagorwa, neck. 

Smutig, flea. 

Awa, father. 

Ag, mouth. 

Amphang, carrot. 

Amtsi, road. 

Kgu'i, long. 

Khai, black. 

Kluje'i, sweet. 

Klujo'i, dry. 

Gadgad, rough. 

Golwei, blind. 

Grangi, grani'.* 

Ngai, straight. 

Chung gor, deep. 

Chuini, few. 

Chhei, warm. 

Chhoi, fat, well-fed. 

Nyeme, nice (to the taste). 

Tat, being, having, possessing, 

Tingi, blue. 
Tunig, short. 

Thi, wet, thin (in case of liquids)* 
Damshi, pure, clean, fine. 
Dezi, great. 
Nut, new. 
No'i, much, many. 

* It is not ng in sing, but the nasalised vowel as in the Hindustani nie», 

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 


Pari, broad. 

Punji, hot, pungent. 

Petsetsi, little, small. 

Phrei, rough. 

Byai, thin (of cloth, paper &c.). 

Mangi, red. 

Wus, moist. 

Zhili, bright (opp. dark). 

Yui, old (as clothes and other 

Lai, thin, fine (as thread &c). 
Lot, easy. 
Wihei, yellow. 

Shaugtre, old (as men &c). 
Shi, white. 
phiri, rough. 
Shuri, sour. 
ml 8*7, smooth. 
Soi, cold. 
Ebbo, good. 

Gyi, I. 

Hun, thou. 

Dai, he, she, it. 

Hiugtsore, we. 

Eantsore, you. 

Daltsore, they. 

Tsore, all. 

Thazu, this. 

2'/<e, that. 

(7yo, which -j 

ZAa, wl^ jmterj. 

Tiki, one. 
-Bz, four. 

Kachum, to turn. 
Kunchum, to look at. 
Rugchum, to arrest, 
Kyichum, to wash. 

Kyulchum, to rob. 

Kyormen, to discharge (an arrow). 

Khugchum, to find. 

Khyuchum, to cover. 

Galchum, to liberate. 

Gyagsrneu, to listen. 

Gyarchum, to fear, be afraid of. 

Grechum, to bite. 

Goal chum gwalchum, to hang up. 

Chdchum, to smear, paint. 

Chuchum, to press, squeeze. 

( 'lili/ngchum, to rob. 

Chhilchum, to select. 

Chhurchv/m, to squeeze out. 

Chhuinchum, to bind, fasten. 

Tigchum, to cover. 

Ti<l uirn, to irrigate 

Toamen, twamen, to mow, cut grass. 

Toanchum, twanchum, to borrow 

Thugchwn, to break. 
Thichum, to melt. 
Thirehum, to send (a man). 
Thogchum, to put off (a coat). 
.De, is. 

Dodmen, to meet. 
ifo', is. 
iVVza, was. 
Panchum, to fly. 
Pinchum, to fill. 
Punchum, to grow. 
Phanchum, to sew. 
Phochum, to put on (clothes). 
Plnjamen, to speak. 
Bruchwm, to wipe. 
Tsagchum, to put in. 
Tsabchiiiii, to cleave. 

98 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, 

Zhedmen, to sit. [istence. Alchum, to take away. 

Yagsmen, to arise, come into ex- Elmen, to go. 

Yen, is. Tha, not (in prohibitive and nar- 

Puchum, to bring. rating sentences.) 

Rochum, to roast. Thazung, tharang, there. 

Ligchum, to do, make. Thang, to-day. 

Lochum, to say. Thing, thin, (nasal) here. 

Shanchum, to rise. Thindzug, thus. 

Smyadchum, to touch. Thong, therein, within. 

Hirchum, to fall. Nung, there. 

Helchum, to carry away. Hya, yesterday. 

Hyugschum, to throw. Ire, again. 

Hoangsmen, hvjangsmen, to go out, Odchi, to-morrow. 

come out, flow out, &c. Chi, from. 

Hoanchum, hwanchum, to take out, Hang, in (-men Hind. ?) 

bring out, draw out, &c. 

The great multitude of Tibetan words, however, which are adopted 
in the Boo-nan language can be divided into two classes : 1, those in 
which the present Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with the Tibetan 
spelling, i. e. the ancient Tibetan pronunciation, though this pronun- 
ciation is not preserved in the Tibetan of Lahoul itself, in many cases 
not even in Ladak, perhaps in some instances not anywhere else. 
The Boo-nan people themselves, whenever they speak Tibetan, use the 
modern pronunciation according to the custom of Lahoul, which often 
widely differs from the written letters. 

2. Those words in which the Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with 
the modern Tibetan. 

To No. 1 belong : 
Kres, hunger, in modern Lahoulee, Tibetan unknown. 

Khams, appetite, „ kham. 

Khral, tax, thai. 

Khrutsi, arm (elbow,) (vacat.) 

Khrui, cubit, (ib.) thu. 

Khaspa, wise, skilful, khaipa. 

Gyogspa, quick, gyogpa. 

Grampa, cheek, dampa. 

Grogpo, river, dogpo. 

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 99 

Ngospo, truth (in Tib. thing, reality,) ... ngoipo. 

Chespa, dear, cherished, chepa. 

Snyinyrus, industry, in Tib. courage, nyingru. 

Snyema, ear (of corn,) nyeina. 

Das, time, dui. 

Stan, carpet, tan. 

Stong, thousand, tong. 

Spu, huh; pu. 

Ugs, breath, ug, u. 

Phyagjjhul churn, to make reverence, adore, chhagpulwa. 

Phyugpo, rich, chhugpa. 

Brawobrao, buckwheat, dawu. 

Brag, rock, cliff, dag. 

Brangsa, dwelling-place, habitation, dangsa. 

Brichum, to write, diwa. 

Myangchum, to state, nyangwa. 

Zngs, body, zug. 

Yas, right (not left,) yai. 

Has, cotton cloth, rai. 

Bigs, kind, sort, rig. 

Bnspa, bone, ruipa. 

Smart, medicine, man. 

To No. 2. 
Tarn, cabbage, Tib. literally; kram. 
Kacl, language, lit. skad. 
Karma, star, lit. skarma. 
Thim, judgment jurisdiction, lit. khrims. 
Du, corner ; ship, lit. gru. 
Doi, counsel, advice, lit. gros. 
Nyingzhe, compassion, benevolence, lit. snyingzhe. 
Tontog, harvest, lit. stontog. 
Jungwa, element, lit. byungwa. 
Chodpa, behaviour, lit. spyodpa. 
Digpa, sin, lit. sdigpa. 
Lobma, pupil, lobpon teacher, lit. slobma and slobdpon. 

This would seem to indicate two different influxes of Tibetan words 
and ideas, one at a very early period, the other much later, — so many 


100 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, 

centuries after the invention of the alphabet, that the pronunciation 
was already altered to that of the present day. It is not impossible 
that a more complete dictionary of this language in both its dialects, 
that of Kunawar and that of Lahoul, and perhaps also of other un- 
written Himalayan dialects and languages, situated as they are 
between the great Tibetan and Indian families, might afford more 
than one interesting result with regard to the history of the Tibetan 
language and the histories of the people of these countries, in their 
political situations as well in their civilisation. If such investigations 
happened to be aided by the discovery of local records of such a 
kind as formed the history of Sikkim, destroyed by the Nepalese 
soldiery (v. Hooker's Him. Journ. I. p. 331) it might be possible to 
clear up parts of the history of these countries hitherto very obscure. 

It would seem to me as if the collection of words given above, 
might suggest tbe conjecture that the first of the two irruptions of 
Tibetan power and influence into these valleys, inhabited by Boonan- 
speaking mountaineers, was merely of a political nature, carrying 
with it such institutions as taxes, very probably the first thing which 
the small population of a secluded valley is likely to be taught by a 
foreign invader, — some new articles of manufacture (cotton cloth, car- 
pets, &c), words for the higher numerals, and some others ; whereas 
the second, — perhaps going on in a more quiet and slow way, — brought 
with it judicial and governmental institutions of a somewhat higher 
order, and the religious and philosophical ideas as well as usages of 

18G5.] Notes on the Gurjut State of Patna. 101 

Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. — By Major H. B. Impey, Deputy 
Commissioner of Sumbulpore. 

[Keceived 18th October, 1861.] 

The following sketch of the history of the Gurjat state of Patna is 
founded upon the records, genealogical trees, and traditions maintained 
by successive Rajahs. Although there may he errors in the calculation 
of periods, and mistakes in the incidence of events, yet, considering 
how all natives of pretension or position strive to keep up a remem- 
brance of their ancestors through the services of Brahmins, and how 
strictly they themselves cherish the links of private history (as for 
instance, the custom of the Hindus to religiously pronounce the names 
of their preceding generations, while engaged in their ablutions,) it may 
be assumed that such records and links, when adjusted by their cir- 
cumstantial data, as in this case, will generally form a pretty correct 
chain of evidence in respect to main facts. 

Origin of the Mahdrajdhs. — The Maharajahs of Patna claim 
direct descent from a race of Rajpoot Rajahs of G-urh Sumbul, near 
Mynpooree, and count back the individuals of this race for 32 
generations. • 

Foundation of one state, Patna, from a cluster of eight Gurhs. — It is 
narrated that these Rajahs used to be in constant attendance at the 
Court of Delhi till the last named Hutumber Singh having intrigued 
and run off with one of the king's daughters, was pursued and killed, 
and his family forced to fly. Amongst the wives of this Rajah was 
one who, escaping, arrived enciente, in Patna, and found refuge with 
the chief of Khobagurh, being one of eight gurhs,* which at that 
time, alone formed the territories of Patna, being comprised within 
the three rivers Ung, Mahanuddy, and Sel, and bounded on the 
west by Khurriar, (a possession then of Jaypoor), and Bindanawagurh 
and the chiefs of which took it in turns, a day at a time, to 

* 1 Patna. 5 Sindeehala. 

2 Salabhata. 6 Kolagurh. 

3 Kongaon. 7 Gooragnrh. 

4 Jhoiasinga. 8 Boonuiaguih. 

102 Notes on the Gurjal State of Patna . [No. 2, 

exercise full authority, as Rajah over the whole. She was placed in 
charge of the said Chief's Brahmin at Ramoor, and there gave birth to 
a hoy named Raman Deo. The Chief adopted the hoy, and subsequently, 
on his coming of age, himself being sick and weary of rule, resigned 
his position to him, Raman Deo soon after this succeeded in murdering 
the other seven Chiefs, and usurping to himself the whole and perma- 
nent authority in Patna. Finally he married a daughter of the 
Ruler of Orissa, through whose influence and power, he was enabled 
to maintain his usurped position. 

Extension of territory and dominion to the 'right bank of the 
Mahanuddy. — It would appear that during the time of Raman Deo 
and the two succeeding Maharajahs the territories and dominion of 
Patna became extended beyond the Ung river to the right bank of 
the Mahanuddy : embracing— 

1st. Patna Proper, as now, but with the addition to the west, of 
three gurhs, viz. Kholagurh, Groorhagurh and Koomragurh at present 
included in the Gurjat state of Khurriar and of 12 villages known 
then as " Baragam," afterwards as " Borasambeer," and subsequently 
detached as portion of the Gurjat State of that name, and to the 
east in continuation between the rivers Ung and Sel to the Mahanuddy. 

2nd. As annexed to Patna Proper, all the land embraced within 
the Ung and Mahanuddy rivers, and bounded on the west by Phooljur 
and Sarumgur, which now comprises the southern portion of Sumbul- 
pore and part of Sonepore. 

As Tributary dependencies the Gond G-urjat States of Brindanawa- 
gurh,* Phooljhurf and Sarungurh.J 

The lands and estates lying contiguous to the left bank of the 
Mananuddy were, it is believed, at that time attached to Sirgooja, 
with the exception of the North Western portion of the present 
Sumbulpore district known as Chundurpore and Bhortia which belong- 
ed to Ruttunpoor. 

Subjugation of States and acquisition of territory on left bank of the 
Mahanuddy. — The fourth Maharajah, Puthee Singh Deo, subjugated 
and made tributary to Patna, the three dependencies of Sirgooja, 
named Bamall, G-angpoor and Bamra, and annexed to Patna itself, by 
dispossession from the Rajah of Bamra, the zemindaree of Rehracole, 
* 3rd. f 4th. J 5th. 

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State o/Patna. 103 

and so much of the lands (now) of Sumbulpore on the left bank of the 
Mahanuddy, as were contained between Rehracole and Bamra to the 
east, Bamra and Gangpoor to the north, and to the west by the river 
Eebe to its sudden bend westward, and from thence by a line running 
south, to the spot at the extremity of the present city of Sumbulpore 
where now the Jail Bridge stands. 

Erection of a Fort in Phooljur, — Maharajah Bikrumdit Deo, the 
ninth Rajah of Patna, erected a Fort in Phooljur at Seespalgurh, 
where its remains are said to be still traceable : a proof this of the 
unflinching authority then exercised over the Gurjat states. 

Acquisition of the " Gurh" of Chundurpoor. — It is probable that 
the erection of this advanced post in a Tributary State had for its 
aim, as much the extension of dominion, as the maintenance in 
security of existing dominancy : for no sooner did the next ruler, 
Maharajah Baijul Deo 2nd, succeed to the Guddee, than he advanced 
to Chundurpoor, and forcibly dispossessed the ruler of Ruttunpoor of 
that " Gurh" with its siuTOunding lands. 

There still remained, to complete the circle known afterwards as 
the "28 Gurhs:" 

1st. The three Northern Gurjat states of Raigurh, Burgurh and 
Suktee, (dependencies of Sirgooja) ; 2ndly, the centrical tract of land 
(now an integral portion of the Sumbulpore district,) falling between 
the Eebe and the line drawn therefrom, as before observed to the 
present Sumbulpore Jail Bridge, and the Gurjat State of Sarungnrh, 
(also belonging to Sirgooja,) and lastly the two eastern Gurjat 
] States of Boad and Atmullrick. 

It never fell to the lot of Patna itself to include these remaining 
States and lands within the scope of its authority or possession. 
The completion of the circle was not effected till Patna had retired 
from the banks of the Mahanuddy, so far as the mouth of the Ung 
liver near Binka, and a new state had sprung up under its auspices 
(on the north of the Ung,) afterwards known as Sumbulpore. It might 
therefore seem foreign to the object of these " Notes" as touching 
Patna, to speak of the rise and power of this second State. Never- 
theless the advance of the latter was so intimately connected with, 
and so immediately the result of, the dominion of the former, and 
again the decline of the former so direct an issue of the rise of the 

104 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2, 

latter, that it is necessary to trace the history of the extension of 
power across the Mahanuddy in so far as the grouping of the once 
known "18 G-urhs" shall be concerned. 

Relinquishment by the Rajah of Patna of territory and dominion on 
the left bank of the Ung River. — Nursing Deo, the 12th Maharajah of 
Patna, and his brother Bulram Deo quarrelling, the former made over 
absolutely to the latter, (probably on compulsion,) all such portions of 
his territories as lay north of the river Ung : the engagement between 
the two brothers being that each was to be perfectly independent of 
the other. Bulram Deo, taking possession of his allotment, erected 
a fort on the right bank of the Mahanuddy, exactly opposite the 
present city of Sumbulpore at Chowunpore, (where to this day the 
traces of his fort are visible,) and adopted the title of Rajah of 
Chowunpore. Shortly after this, he dispossessed Sirgooja of the depen- 
dencies of Suktee,' Raigurh and Burgurh, and of the remaining por- 
tion, as before noticed, of Sumbulpore, and finally included Boad and 
Atmullick, (now Gurjat States of Cuttack,) among the number of 
his territory mehals. After this, he abandoned the Fort of Chowun- 
pore, and crossing the river, erected a mud fort on the opposite 
bank. To this, be gave the name of Sumbulpore, from the number 
of Seemul trees that existed there on its site. Then changing 
his own title to that of Maharajah of Sumbulpore, he founded a 
dominion which soon took the real ascendancy over the parent State 
of Patna. 

The two states of Patna and Sumbulpore were now distinct, and 
the area of the "28 gurhs" was now fully embraced. But as yet 
this number of Gurjat States with independent chiefs, tributary to 
the two paramount rulers of Patna and Sumbulpore, were not fully 

Enumeration of the 15 Gurhs of the Sumbulpore and Patna 
group. — The then existing tributary Gurjat States attached to Sum- 
bulpore were Phooljur, Sarungurh, Suktee, Raigurh, Burgurh, Bur- 
marr, Gangpoor, Bamra, Boad, Atmullick, and, by admission of the 
Sumbulpore Maharajah, Rehracole : to these may be added Chundur- 
pore, retained by the Maharajah under his own immediate authority. 
In Patna, the only dependency was Bindanawagurh. The total there- 
fore of the " 18 gurhs" or Gurjat States, during the time of Nursing 

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 105 

Deo and Bulram Deo, Maliarajahs respectively, of Sumbulpore and 
! Patna, was 15, wanting to complete were Sonepore in the one case, 
1 and Khurriar and Borasarnber in the other. 

Formation of the 8 remaining Gurjat States. — The necessity of 
providing for younger sons, caused the alienation from the parent 
states of Sonepore and Khurriar. Thus Sonepore, as far as the left 
of the river Ung, (the land on the right to the Sel river, still, as 
before noted, belonging to Patna,) its chief town being Binka, was 
constituted an independent tributary Gurjat State by the 4th Rajah 
of Sumbulpore, who made it over with the title of Rajah to his 2nd 
son Muddun Gopaul. And again the 15th Maharajah of Patna giving 
over three " gurhs" of the original eight of Patna, viz., Kholagurh, 
Goorhagurh, and Boomragurh, to his younger son Gopaul Roy, and 
the latter obtaining Khurriar as a dowry on his marriage with a 
daughter of the Rajah of Jaipore, those gurhs merged into Khurriar 
and the whole was constituted one Gurjat state with the title of 

The last created Gurjat was Borasambur the present chief of 
which owes his position to the cunning and power of an ancestor. 
Originally Borasambur consisted of eight villages, which went by the 
name of " Atgoan," and formed a small zemindaree, part of the inte- 
gral state of Patna. It is stated that one of the zemindars of 
I Atgoan" having saved the life of a Samlmr deer by killing a " bora" 
or boa-constrictor which had attacked it, the name of the zemin- 
daree was changed to Borasambur. Notwithstanding the smallness 
originally of the area of the zemindaree, the proprietor was a man 
of some importance, he was chief of his caste-men, Bhinjwals — and, 
on the occasion of a new Maharajah being raised to the Guddee, it 
was his especial duty to take the latter on his lap and fold over his 
head the turban of state. Again, the zemindar held an important 
position : his lands were situated alone on the north side of the range 
of hills called Goondmardhum, which form part of the northern boun- 
dary of Patna, and thus he could hold the approaches through those 
hills to Patna for or against any hostile forces. It would appear that 
(hiring the first inroads of the Mahrattas, the zemindar of Bora- 
sambur was successful in guarding these approaches. For this service 
lie was granted an extension of property on the Patna side. What 

108 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2, 

of its power, the control of its three tributary states,* and thus finally 
fell into a smaller circle of power and property than that which it 
embraced when some 600 years before (dating from the usurpation of 
Raman Deo) it had first sprung into powerful existence. 

Such then is the history of the extension and contraction of the 
territories and dominion of Patna. Like as at its first sacrifice of 
ground, and of prospect of further advancement, was owing to family 
dissension, so also was the final loss of the last tract of its former 
acquisitions caused by family dissensions. In the one instance, how- 
ever, it was left with the substance of conquest, and the opportunities 
from arrested ambition of employing such to the development of its 
own reserved dominions. But in the other, it was brought ultimately 
to entire ruin. A glance at the present features of the country of Patna 
and a brief review of the dissensions that occurred during the time oi> 
Raee Singh Deo, and of their results, will serve to explain these last 

Description of the present area of Patna. — It is calculated that 
the present territories of Patna contain 5,000 square miles. Although 
they are dotted at distant intervals with a few small hills, yefe 
it may be stated that they compose a plateau of undulating surface 
so peculiarly favourable for the cultivation of rice, the pulses, oil 
seeds and sugar-cane. There are certainly besides the few scat- 
tered hills, interruptions also of gravelly or rocky rises covered with 
jungle and a few forest trees. But making allowance for the deduction 
of these from the general area, there remains a vast expanse of cul- 
turable land, the soil of which is of a good description. 

Present condition of the area and indications of past prosperity. 
— Tracts of scrubby jungle have usurped the sites of former fields, 
and wild beasts now hold dominion where once stood the habitatioi 
of men. The Gurh of Patna is now the centre of such a jungle, 
radiating 10 coss or say 20 miles in every direction. Close around 
the " Grurh," at distances varying from one or two miles, are about 100 
tanks, and in the surrounding jungle beyond these, at intervals of four 
or six miles, are said to be the remains of other tanks, with traces of 
villages marked, not only by the general certain evidence of planted 

* 1. Brindanawagurh. 

2. Khurriar. 

3. Boiasambur. 

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 109 

trees, such as the mangoe, but also by the unmistakeable proof of 
old broken tiles and brick foundations of houses and temples. Nor 
is it alone immediately around the " gurh" of Patna, that signs of 
former welfare and former energetic rule are to be found. Turning to 
the southern position of the state in the Kondhan zemindarees of 
Lowa and Topa, at Jhoorwaee in Lowa, at Titoola and Oodeypoor in 
Topa, are numerous ruins of solid buildings, of from one to three 
stories high, and generally through the Kondhan lands are the walls of 
neglected temples at distances of two or four miles apart. Moreover 
to prove in some measure the earnestness which formerly existed for 
developing the country, and the respect which is still held for the race 
of its once energetic rulers, it is to be remarked that the Khonds of 
the oldest Khond settlement at Saintula claim to have been brought 
to Patna from Jeypore by Raman Deo, and pride themselves in being 
still loyal and Khalsa subjects of his descendants. Further indications 
of decayed prosperity and past enterprise might be adduced and not 
least, this, the minute respectability and intelligence of some of the 
Zemindars and Gountiahs of old families ; but enough perhaps has 
been noticed to prove that there is just ground for the boast of the 
Patna people that their country was once thickly populated and 
flourishing to such an extent, that even rich merchants were numbered 
in it up to the time when anarchy at first, and the depredations of the 
Mahrattas afterwards, compelled them to depart — till the occurrence of 
these events, which now remain to be noticed, it is believed, then, 
, that the attention of the rulers of Patna, 20 in succession, was given 
to the welfare and prosperity of their country and subjects. 

Cause of decline of poiver and prosperity. — Hindur Shah Deo, 
the 20th Maharajah of Patna, died, leaving two young sons, the eldest 
named Raee Singh Deo under the guardianship of his younger brother 
their uncle, Buckraj Singh. This uncle, in view to the usurpation of 
the Guddee, murdered the mother of the two boys and intended also to 
kill the latter. But he was frustrated in this intention. For the bovs 
were carried off in security to Phooljur by their maternal uncle, and 
there brought up. Raee Singh Deo, on coming to age, sought assistance 
from Nagpore, and, procuring a force di Mahrattas, proceeded to regain 
his rights. He attacked and killed his uncle, and thus obtained 
possession of his estate. But, however much this was beneficial to 

110 Notes on the Gurjat State of Pdtnd. [No. 2, 

himself, and pleasing perhaps to a portion of his subjects, still the 
country paid heavily at the time for his restoration. While party 
spirit and enmity having now been excited, it was to be expected that, 
an occasion offering, conflicting interests might again stir them to a 
blaze ; and again, the plains of Patna having now been opened out 
to the view of the Mahrattas, it might be regarded as certain that their 
greed would spend itself on the first opportunity of home dissensions 
in depredatory incursions. And this prospect was indeed brought to 
issue as follows. Raee Singh retained his position for many years, but 
during this period the roused spirit of discontent and rebellion was 
spreading through the land, till ultimately it was brought to burst 
upon the unfortunate Maharajah, then nearly 80 years old, by the 
intrigues of his second wife. The story is, that he had three wives, 
no offspring by the first, two boys by the second, and one son, the 
eldest of all, by the third. The second wife was fearful that the 
eldest son by the third Ranee would, as being his father's favourite, 
succeed to the Guddee, unless during the Maharajah's life she should 
take steps to prevent it. The measures she took for prevention were 
the exciting a general rebellion which resulted as before noted, in the 
flight of the Maharajah Raee Singh Deo to Sonepore. The Maharajah, 
however, frustrated the design of his second wife ; for he took her 
with him to Patna, along with his grandson by his eldest born ; and on 
his death three years afterwards, appointed him his successor by putting 
the regular Pugree on his head. During these three years, the whole 
of Patna was in a state of perfect anarchy. The Ranees at Patna 
were quarrelling for dominion, and their partizans were pillaging the 
country indiscriminately around. Life and property were nowhere 
secure. All respectable persons fled to Sonepore and were followed 
by numbers of the general population. On the death of the old 
Rajah the people acknowledged his appointed successor, who then 
returned to Patna. He was, however, but a youth and found none to 
advise or assist him, except such as had shared in the outrages of the 
interregnum. Even his father, dismayed at the state of general 
disturbance and disappointed at the preference given to his son, retired 
on a pilgrimage to Allahabad anH there died. The young Maharajah, 
Prithee Singh Deo lived only three years after succeeding to the 
(Juddee. The next ruler was Ramchundur Deo. the captive of the 

1865.] Literary Intelligence. Ill 

Mahrattas, who now had completely overrun and spoliated the country 
already so unhappily ripe for spoliation. 

It was scarcely to be expected that after an anarchy of three 
years and a total disruption of order under the force of subse- 
quent events that the Zemindars of the frontier, who had been 
so long revelling in wild independency, would soon be brought back 
into proper subjection, especially when the power by entire loss 
of resources of the succeeding Maharajah (father to the present one) 
was almost utterly paralyzed. Still less could it be supposed that within 
the short space of the reign of that one Maharajah, the vacuum in the 
population would be filled up. Yet it is satisfactory to be able to 
state that a move towards a clearance of the jungle, and an extension 
of cultivation is certainly being made, and that out of 22 Zemindars 
four only are complained of, and of these four, only one is rebellious. 

Literary Intelligence. 

The following is an extract from a letter from Major Pearse, on 
certain Buddhist antiquities of the Hazara valley. 

" In reading the Proceedings of your Society, No. 4 of 1861, page 
413, 1 was much interested by the description of a small crystal figure 
of a duck found in one of the topes or Stupas near Shah ke Dehri. 

" It reminds me that there is one object I obtained from a tope of 
Shah ke Dehri, of which I should have published the account in our 
Journal long ago, but I never did so. It may be interesting still 
at this distant date to do so. 

" In January 1850, Major Jas. Abbott, Deputy Commissioner of 
Hazara, was absent from that district on duty in which I had just 
arrived. A zumeendar brought me for sale either an emerald, or a 
green piece of glass or crystal about 2 inches in oblong length, 1£ 
inches broad, and f of an inch thick; the centre of this emerald 
was scooped out and in it was inserted a small gold casket, and 
in the casket I found a small piece of bone, which I believe, from 
subsequent enquiries, to be the bone of the smallest joint of the smallest 
finger. The goldsmiths of the country all pronounced the ornament 
to be an emerald. If it was so, it was of a bad pale colour with a 

112 Literary Intelligence. [No. 2, 

great quantity of flaws. I had intended it for presentation to the 
British Museum. But the fame of the jewel was so hinted about, 
that my own Sikh Gruard coalesced and carried off the box in which 
the relic was. The theft was proved, the culprits were all punished, 
and everything was recovered, but the one great thing, notwithstand- 
ing that Major Abbott and myself offered very large rewards for its 

" You may be aware that whilst in Hazara, I greatly amused myself 
in excavating topes, and only desisted by finding it not at all a paying 
thing, and besides the natives of the country took to opening the topes 
and selling any relics found to Major Abbott and myself. Thus 
fro/n living in the country, hearing the legends of the land, studying 
coins and books, and from my own explorations, I formed my own 
conclusions on these topes, which in the main, I believe all subsequent 
theories and discoveries have proved to be pretty correct. The con- 
clusion was that such large grand topes as Manykyala and Bulhur 
were the Westminster Abbeys of bygone Buddhist cities, at once a 
great religious building and the regal burial-place, answering to the 
great Rangoon Pagoda, and to the Bodh Nath of Nepal, only that 
these buildings are seen in the days of Buddhistic decadence, those 
existed in the days of its glory. Around Bulhur and Manykyala are 
the easily traceable remains of cities that must once have had 150,000 
inhabitants each. Taking Bulhur and Shah ke Dehri, places on the 
right and left banks of the Hurroo river and going up the stream ten 
miles, you do not go over a yard of what was not, in olden times, 
built over. I have gone over every inch of it and was astounded to 
find every where building remains. Thus all the smaller topes, I 
conclude from the facts already adduced and from what I see of 
modern Buddhism, were at once both religious and burial buildings in 
the enciente of old Buddhist cities. And further they belonged either 
to noble families, good families, guilds, wards, parishes or priests. 

" I went to see the Stupa from which my emerald relic was excavated. 
I conceived, judging from its foundation, that when it stood in its 
integrity, it, was from 50 to 80 feet high, or such a building as could 
be afforded by a Chinese Mandarin or a Thibetan Lama of our time, 
and such as still abound in Nepal. I therefore concluded that my 
emerald relic had belonged to a noble Buddhist ladv ; that it was in 

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 113 

her lifetime her drop pendant of her forehead ornament, for so all 
the Hindoos of Hazara pronounced it to he, and that on her death 
the little gold casket was set in it, and her relic bone placed in it 
and buried. 

" With reference to the duck crystal ornament mentioned at page 
413 by Mr. Westropp, it is not a rare figure, but is on the contrary 
a very common one. 

" From all the topes we excavated there was a perfect similarity of 
objects found in all. And all the objects quite similar to those found 
by Masson ; the coins were of the same kings. A good deal of Greek, 
nearly purely so, and Grseco-Buddhistic statuary was found. I ex- 
cavated two or three small topes with all the figures of Buddha at the 
different sides in perfect preservation, and similar in all respects to the 
Buddhist temples of Nepal. From this I always concluded that these 
cities did not perish by the hands of the Iconoclast Muhammadans of the 
8th and 9th centuries, but had fallen into desuetude centuries before. 

" Steatite vases or boxes were plentiful enough. I found but one 
inscription on a copper-plate, and that I presented the Society with." 




No. III.— 18G5. 

(Jains of the Nine Ndgas, and of two other Dynasties of Narwar and 
Gwalior. — Jly Major-General A. Cunkutoham. 

[Received 13th July, 1865. Read 2nd August, 1863.] 

The old Hindu coins which are engraved in the accompanying- plate, 
were nearly all obtained in the Gwalior territory, and chiefly in the 
cities of Gwalior, Narwar, and Gohad. Most of them are now pub- 
lished for the hist time, as only five specimens mil of (lie whole num- 
ber will he found in James Prinsep's plates. These are Xos. 7, 11, 
and 12 of the first series, No. 15 of the second, and No. 25 of the third 
series. Most of the coins now published arc very rare, and several of 
them are unique ; but Nos. 27 and 2!) are common, and No. 7 is so 
exceedingly numerous that upwards of 3,000 specimens have passed 
through my hands, and there are as many more in the Stacy cabinet 
of the Asiatic Society's collection. Stacy's specimens were obtained 
at Gobad, and more than half of mine were found at the same place, 
but the remainder were procured at Mathura and Delhi, as well as at 
Gwalior and Narwar. 

2. It is always difficult to feel any interest about ancient kings 
whose names are known to US only from their coins, and whose king 
Scans can only he guessed at by the find-spots of their money. But 
in the present case I am fortunate in being able to illustrate each of 
the three different series by references to inscriptions. The last series 


116 Coins of the Nine Ndgas. [No. 3, 

of coins give their own dates, which accord exactly with the dates of 
the inscriptions and with a solitary notice in Ferishta. 

3. The first series of coins, from No. 1 to No. 14, may he attribut- 
ed, I think with considerable probability, to a dynasty of kings whom 
the Puraaas call the " Nine Nagas," and who would appear to have 
been contemporary with the Guptas. In the Vishnu Purana, it is 
stated that " the Nine Nagas will reign in Padmavati, Kantipuri and 
" Mathura, and the Guptas of Magadha along the Ganges to Prayaga 
"and Saketa, and Magadha." Padmavati was at first identified by 
H. H. Wilson with some unknown city in Berar, far to the south of 
the Narbadii, and afterwards with Bhagalpur on the Ganges, but the 
mention of Mathura utterly precludes the possibility of either of those 
places having belonged to the Nagas. Both cities should no doubt be 
looked for within some moderate distance of Mathura. The scene of 
Bhavabhuti's Malati and Madhava is laid in the city of Padmavati in 
the Vindhyan mountains. As his description of the locality is a 
favourable specimen of Hindu poetry, I will not curtail it. 

" How wide the prospect spreads, mountain and rock, 
" Towns, villages and woods, and glittering streams, — 
" There where the Pdrd and the Sirtdhu wind, 
" The towers and temples, pinnacles and gates, 
" And spires of Padmdvati, like a city 
" Precipitated from the skies, appear 
"Inverted in the pure translucent wave." 
The Sindhu is, I think the Sindh river on which the city of Narwar 
is situated, and the Pdrd is the Pdrbati or Pdrd river, which flows 
only 5 miles to the north of the Sindh. Narwar also is in the midst 
of the Vindhyan mountains, and at a moderate distance, about 160 
miles, from Mathura, so that there are no geographical difficulties to 
overthrow the proposed identification. On the contrary the subse- 
quent mention of the Madhuvati and the Lavana as streams in the 
neighbourhood of the city, renders this identification almost complete, 
as the first may be identified with the Moluvar or Madhuivar on 
the south, and the other with the Nun or Lun to the north. With 
regard to the third city named Kantipuri, I agree with Wilford in 
identifying it with the ancient Kutivdl or Kutwdr, on the Ahsin river, 
20 miles to the north of Gwalior. The kingdom of the Nagas there- 

1865.] Coins of the Nine Ncb/as. 117 

fore would have included the greater part of the present territories of 
Bharatpur, Dholpur, Gwalior, and Bundelkhand, and perhaps also 
some portions of Malvva, as Ujain, Bhilsa and Sagar. It would thus 
have embraced nearly the whole of the country lying between the 
Jumna and the upper course of the Narbada, from the Chamhal on 
the west to the Kaydn or Cane on the east, an extent of about 1,800 
square miles, in which Narwar occupies a central and most command- 
ing position. 

4. The identification of Narwar with Padmavati, the capital city of 
the Nine Nagas, is strongly corroborated by the coins which I am 
about to describe, as most of the earlier specimens were obtained at, 
Narwar, and the remainder at Gwalior. It is also supported by the 
Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta, in which the king 
boasts of the extent of his dominions, and enumerates the different 
princes and countries which had become subject to his power. In the 
18th line he mentions Ganajmti-Ndga as one of the nine tributary 
princes of A'ryavurtta. Now Ganapati or Ganendra is the name of the 
Raja whose coins are the most common and the most widely diffused 
of all these Narwar kings. The legends of his coins are also in the 
very same character as those of the Gupta coins and inscriptions. I 
think therefore that there is every probability in favour of the identity 
of these two princes. My discovery of an inscription of Samudra 
Gupta in Mathura itself is sufficient to show that the Nagas must 
rave lost that city at an early date. It may also be taken as corrobo- 
rative of the decay of their power, and of the supremacy of Samudra 

rupta, as stated in the Allahabad Pillar inscription. It may be 
objected that the coins of Ganapati do not bear the additional name of 

Jaga, and that James Prinsep has rendered Ganapati Naga as two 
separate names. To these objections I can reply at once that, so far as 

am aware, Naga is never used alone as a man's name, but always in 
conjunction with some other word, either preceding it as in Naga-sena, 
Nagarjuna, Nagaditya, Nagadatta, &c, or following it as in Skanda- 
Naga, Brihaspati-Naga, and Deva-Naga of the coins now under review. 
Por this reason I conclude that the name of Samudra Gupta's contem- 
porary must almost certainly have been Ganapati-Naga. The omission 
of the latter part of the name in the legends of the coins is sufficiently 
explained by the minute size of the money, which did not afford room 

118 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [Nu. 3. 

for a long name. Tims on some of the coins of Brihaspati-Naga the 
name is given at full length, while on others it is contracted to Bri- 
haspati and Brihaspa, and even to Briha. Similarly, the name of 
Deva Naga is contracted to Deva Na and Deva, while that of Gana- 
pati himself is variously rendered as Ganapatya and Ganendfa on the 
larger coins, and as Gana and even Ga on the smaller coins. A simi- 
lar omission of the family appellation may he ohserved on many of the 
contemporary coins of the Guptas, on which the names of Chandra, 
Samudra, Kumara, Skanda and Nara are found alone under the Raja's 
arm without the additional title of Gupta which, as we know from 
other coins and inscriptions, certainly belonged to all of them. From 
these instances I infer that the title of Naga belonged not only to 
Ganapati himself hut to every one of the early princes of Naiwar, 
whose coins form the first series of the accompanying plate. 

5. The period to which these princes must he assigned depends 
solely on the date of their contemporaries, the Guptas. In 1851, 
when I wrote my account of the Bhilsa Topes, I referred the begin- 
ning of the Gupta era to the year 319 A. D., but shortly afterwards on 
comparing the Gupta gold coins with their Indo- Scythian prototypes, 
and the Gupta silver coins with the Sah coins of Saurashtra, I saw 
that the first Guptas must certainly have been contemporary with the 
earlier princes of the Kushan Scythians, and consequently that their 
date could not possibly be later than the first century of the Christian 
era. In 1855 Mr. Thomas devoted a special essay to the determina- 
tion of the date of the Guptas, in which the subject was most fully 
and ably treated. In this article, and subsequently in his valuable 
notes on Prinsep's essays, he inclines to refer the dates of the Gupta 
coins and inscriptions to the Saka era, an opinion in which I fully 
concur. But in assigning the Bhilsa inscription of Chandra Gupta, 
which is dated in the year 93 to the first king of that name, he must 
have overlooked the Udayagiri Cave inscription of the year 82, which, 
according to H. H. Wilson, refers to Chandra Gupta's great-grandson, 
the Raja of Sanakanika. The only scheme, as far as I can see, that 
will suit all the known dates and other conditions of this dynasty, is 
to make Chandra Gupta 1st, the founder of the era. By adopting this 
scheme, his great-grandson the Raja of Sanakanika may be allowed to 
have been reigning in the year 82, and his grandson Chandra Gupta 

1805.] Coins of the Nine Ndgas. 119 

2nd of Magadha in the year 93. But if we assign Chandra Gupta 
1st to the year 93, we must then allow that he continued to reign for 
at least eleven years after the accession of his own great-grandson the 
Raja of Sanakanika. According to Mr. Thomas's arrangement of the 
Gupta coins, with which I generally agree, the pieces that hear the 
title of Vikramaditya are assigned to Chandra Gupta 1st, and those 
that hear the simpler title of Vikrama to Chandra Gupta 2nd. We 
know from Abu-Rihan that in his time the origin of the Saka era was 
attributed to a prince named Vikramaditya after his victory over the. 
Sakas. We learn also from the Allahabad pillar inscription that 
Samudra Gupta, the son of Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya, professed to 
have received tribute from the Sakas. From all these concurring 
testimonies, I am inclined to adopt the Saka era, which began in 
A. D. 79, as the actual era of the Gupta dynasty, and to attribute its 
establishment to Chandra Gupta 1st. 

6. According to this view the date of Samudra Gupta, and there- 
fore also of his contemporary Ganapati Naga, would be the beginning 
of the second century, or about A. D. 110. The dynasty of the Nine 
Ndgas may accordingly be assigned to the first and second centuries of 
the Christian era. In the following list I have arranged the names oi 
the Naga kings according to the devices on their coins, beginning 
with those types which seem to me to be the earliest on account of the 
more ancient appearance of their accompanying inscriptions. It is 
worthy of note, as corroboratory of the date which I have assigned to 
the Nagas that the whole of the devices on these copper coins arc to 
he found on the silver coins of the Guptas themselves, or on those of 
their acknowledged contemporaries. 


Coins of the Nine Wdyas. 

[No. 3. 








Kings' names. 

Bhinia Naga, Peacock to left. 

Kha, Ditto right. 

Va, Ditto ditto. 

Skanda Naga, Ditto ditto. 

Ditto, Bull recumbent to right. 

Brihaspati Naga, Ditto ditto. 

Ganapati, Bull walking to left. 





Bull recumbent to right. 


Vyaghra Naga, 

Vasu Naga, 

Deva Naga, 



Fig. in 








7. I will now proceed to the more technical description of the 
coins themselves for the benefit of the professed numismatist. Tire 
pieces are all of small size, and many of them are so minute, that their 
average weight is only 7 grains each. The whole of them, however, 
may be readily divided into four distinct . classes, which correspond 
with the known divisions of the old Indian --pan a or copper coin of 
145.833 grains. These divisions were, 


The J pana, 72.916 grains. 

„ \ pana, or kdkini 36.458 „ 

,, ^ pana, or J kdkini 18.229 „ 

,, -Jg- pana, or J kdkini 9.114 ,, 

As the whole of these coins, excepting only the smallest of 9 grains, 
are mentioned in the Code of Manu, the antiquity of the names is 
undoubted. In B. VIII, verse 404, the ferry tolls are fixed at the 
following rates : 

An empty cart, 1 pana. 

A loaded man, \ ,, 

A woman, or ox, \ „ 

An unloaded man, \ ,, 

But the pana was also called the " copper KarsKa," and under this 

Coins ivoxii CWALICh awl N.'RW^R 



1865.] Coins of the Nine Ndgas. 121 

name it is mentioned by Hesyehius, who lived about A. D. 350 to 
380, as Kepcra Kcnavov vo/iio-pa 

8. Of the \ pana, the few specimens that I possess belong to the 
Peacock type, but the heaviest weighs only 64 grains. Of the J pana 
ov bikini, the specimens are common and of all the types. One 
peacock coin of Maharaja Va * * weighs 36 grains, five specimens of 
Bhima average 34 grains each, three illegible coins give 34.2 grains, 
twelve peacock coins of Skanda give 34.1 grains, five Bull coins of 
Skanda give 37.2 grains, nine Bull coins of Ganapati average 34.5 
grains, and two of Deva Naga weigh respectively 39 and 35 grains. 
Altogether these 37 specimens offer a mean weight of 34.87 grains, 
which, making allowance for wear, is sufficiently near the standard 
which I have adopted for the quarter pana or Kdkini. Of the half 
kdkini, the sjieciraens are very numerous, embracing three Bull coins 
of Skanda, all the coins of Brihaspati, the greater number of those of 
Ganapati, and two coins of Deva Naga. The three coins of Skanda 
give a mean of 16 grains each, thirteen coins of Brihaspati give 18.3 
grains, thirty-four coins of Ganapati give 17.55 grains each, and two 
of Deva Naga give 18.5 each. The mean of these specimens gives a 
Aveight of 17.76 grains for the half kdkini, which is within half a grain 
of the standard. Of the quarter kdkini, which was the smallest 
" coin" of the old Hindu mint, the only examples belong to Ganapati. 
Twenty of my specimens weigh 140 grains or exactly 7 grains each, 
the heaviest being 11 J and the lightest 4 J grains. In the original 
monetary scheme of the Hindus, the copper pana was equal in weight 
to 80 raktikas (or ratis), and in value to a handful of cowrce shells. 
The average handful was fixed at 80 cowrees a number, which I have 
tested repeatedly with cowrees of all sizes as the handful always rang- 
ed between 70 and 85 shells. To this circumstance the coin owed its 
name of pana or the handful from pdni, the hand. Both the name 
and the value are even now preserved in the Calcutta reckoning of 
cowrees in which 4 cowrees make 1 ganda and 20 gamh'ts make 1 pan. 
that is 80 cowrees are still equal to 1 pan. 
I. Bhima Naga. 

Fig. 2. — 5 specimens. 

Obv. — Peacock standing to left. 

Rev. — A horizontal line like a spear-head. 
Legend. Maharaja Bin inn N<i<j«, 

122 Coins of the Nine Ndgca, [No. 3, 

II. Kiia ( ) 

Fi<j. 1. — Unique — 50 grains. 

Obv. — Peacock standing to right. 
Rev. — Two uncertain upright objects. 

Legend. Maharaja Kha * * * * 
This name must have ended in Ndga, as there is room for at least 
four more letters. The full name may have been Kh'arjjura Ndga, as 
there is a trace of the vowel u at the foot of the second letter. 

III. Va ( ) 

Unique — 36 grains. 
Obv. — Peacock standing to right. 
Rev. — Two uncertain upright objects. 
Legend. Maharaja Va * * * 
This name must also have ended in Naga. It may have been Vatsa 
Naga, but it was more probably of three syllables, as Varwna. 

IV. Skanda Naga. 
Fig. 3 — 12 specimens. Average weight 34.1 grains. 
Obv. — Peacock standing to right. 
Rev. — As on Fig. 1. 

Legend. Maharaja Shanda Ndgasya. 

V. Brihaspati Naga. 
Figs. 5, 6. — 31 specimens — all half kdkinis, averaging 18.3 grains. 
Obv. — Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle. 
Rev. — Legend, Maharaja Brihaspati Naga. 
Most of the legends are incomplete in the name, for want of space, 
several of them reading Brihaspa as on No. 6, whilst a few have only 
Briha. It is to be noted that the uncertain object which occupied the 
field of the previous coins has now disappeared. 


Figs. 7, 8, 9. — Extremely common: — Kdkinis, § kdkinis, and J 

Obv. — Bull walking to left, in a dotted circle. 

Rev. — Legend. Mdhdrdja Sri Ganapatya. 
The name varies on different coins both in its form and in its spell- 
ing. On No. 7, I read Ganapatyaj and on No. 8, Ganendra, both 
properly spelt with the central n. On No. 9 the name of^Ganendra. 

18fi5.] Coins of the Nine Ndgas. 123 

incorrectly spelt with the dental n. These coins are extremely com- 
mon. Mr. Thomas has noted that there are 3,479 specimens in the 
Stacy collection, of which I know that hy far the greater numher were 
obtained at Gohad. At the close of the Gwalior Campaign in 1844, 
Col. Stacy showed me a bag full of these coins weighing about 4 seers 
or 8 lbs. which his coin collector had just brought from Gobad ; and as 
he had not purchased the whole find, I managed to secure the remain- 
der, which were about 2 seers or 4 lbs. in weight, and numbered about 
1,750 specimens. Since then on different occasions I have procured 
812 specimens at Mathura and 357 at Delhi, besides many more at 
other places more especially at Gwalior and Narwar, which altogether 
make my number considerably over 3,000. 

Unique. — KdJcini of 35 grains. 
Ohv. — Wheel in a circle of dots. 
Rev. — Legend. Maharaja Sri Gane (rtdra.) 

VII. Vya'giira Na'ga. 
Fig. 11. — Unique. Half kdkini of 18 grains, square. 
Ohv. — Wheel in a dotted circle. 
Rev. — Legend. Vydghra (Nd) ga. 

VIII. Vasu (Na'ga.) 
Fig. 12. — Square. Half kdkini of 19 grains, duplicate in Dr. 
Swiney's collection, Thomas's Prinsep, Plate 34, Fig. 30. 
Ohv. — Wheel in a dotted circle. 
Rev. — Legend. Vasu Naga. 

IX. Deva Na'ga. 
Figs. 13, 14. — 18 kdkinis and 2 half kdkinis. 
Ohv. — Wheel in a dotted circle. 
Rev. — Legend. Maharaja Sri Deva Ndgasya. 

IXa. Six specimens — all kdkinis. 
Ohv. — Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle. 
Rev. — A Trisul, or trident, in the field. 
Legend. As on Fig. 13. 

1Kb. Unique. Half kdkinis of 17 grains. 
Ohv. — Trisul in a dotted circle. 
Rev.— Legend. As on Fig. 13. 


124 Coins of the Nine Ndgas. [No. 3, 

9. On a general view of all the coins of tlie Naga series, it will be 
observed that the unique specimens of both Vydyhra and Vasu are of 
square form, and that they also differ from the others in omitting the 
title of Maharaja. It is possible therefore that they may not belong 
to the dynasty of the Nine Nagas, although their type of the wheel is 
also that of Deva Naga and Ganapati. It seems probable that a care- 
ful scrutiny of the coins in the Stacy collection would increase con- 
siderably the variety of types, and perhaps also might add to the 
number of names of these Naga kings. 

10. The second series of coins consists of five specimens, of which 
no less than four belong to the same king, Pasupati, whose name 
occurs in the oldest of my Gwalior inscriptions. In that record he is 
stated to be a mighty sovereign, the son of Toramana, who was him- 
self first made known to us by the inscription on the great boar statue 
at Eran. A single silver coin of Toramana has also been described by 
Mr. Thomas, who reads the date as " one hundred and eighty odd" of 
the Gupta era, or about 20 years later than the Eran inscription of 
Budha Gupta, that is about A. D. 263. If therefore we place Tora- 
mana between the years 260 and 285 A. D., the date of his son Pasu- 
pati will be 285 to 310, or about 300 A. D. The coins of Pasupati 
consist exclusively of copper, and are so extremely rare, that, so far 
as I am aware, three out of the four specimens now made known are 
unique, and of the fourth specimen I have only two examples. 


Fig. 15. — Copper coin weighing 92 grains. 

Obv. — -Figure of the king seated cross-legged in the Indian 
fashion, his right hand holding a flower, and his left resting on his 
hip ; — the whole surrounded by a circle of large dots. 

Rev. — A vase surmounted by a crescent and star or perhaps a 
flower, and enclosed in a circle of large dots. Legend in Gupta 
characters in one straight line, Pasupati. 

Fig. 16. — Copper coin weighing 109 grains : duplicate 105 grains. 

Obv. — Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion, holding a 
flower in his right hand and a vase of flowers in his left hand ; — the 
whole surrounded by a circle of large dots. 

Rev. — A vase of flowers, surrounded by the same dotted circle. 
Legend in two lines, Pasupati. 

1865.] Coins of the Nine Ndgas. 125 

Fig. 17. — Copper coin weighing 92 grains. 

Obv. — A short trident or trisul, on a stand surrounded by a circle of 
small dots. — Legend in two lines, Pasupati. 

Rev. — A globe surrounded by rays, enclosed in a dotted circle. 
Legend disposed circularly, Pasupati. 

Fig. 18. — Copper coin weighing 43 grains. 

Obv. — Humped Bull to right with a crescent above, and surrounded 
by a dotted circle. 

Rev. — Type and legend the same as No. 17. 

Fi<j. 19. — Copper coin weighing 112 grains. 

Obv. — Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion on a high 
barked throne, and surrounded by a circular line and an outer circle of 
dots : — Legend over the head in Gupta characters which are not easily 
legible. I read doubtfully Sri Guhihi-pati. 

Rev. — An elephant to right surrounded by a circular line ami an 
outer circle of dots. 

■ 11. I have added the last coin to this series because it corresponds 
both in weight and in fabric with the specimens of Pasupati's mintage. 
The type of the obverse also agrees so closely with that of the first 
example just described that I have little doubt that this coin belongs 
to some member of the same family. The specimen is unique. I 
have added two small coins of Chandra Gupta, Figs. 20 and 21, for 
the purpose of shewing that similar vases of (lowers were used as types 
by the Gupta dynasty which immediately preceded the family of lora- 
niana. Fig. 22 is another small coin with the flower-vase type, but 
bearing a different name, Smunja, regarding which I am unable to 
offer any remarks save that its type and fabric range it with the con- 
temporary coins of the Guptas. 

12. The third series of coins belongs to a much later period of 
Indian history, shortly after the capture of Delhi by the Muhammad- 
ans. The coins themselves are utterly rude and barbarous imitations 
of the horseman mintage of the Brahman kings of Kabul ; — but they 
are otherwise interesting and important, as they bear legible dates, 
from which I have been able to verify two of the names as those of 
actual Rajas of Narwar. Of the earliest of these coins belonging to 
Malaya Varmma Deva, I have seen only 5 specimens. On one of 
them, Fig. 20, the date is S. 1280, or it may be S. 1285 as the unit 

126 Coins, of ike Nine Ndyas. [No. 3, 

figure is partly cut off. On a second coin the date is S. 83, and on a 
third S. 90 odd, the unit being cut off. Here we see that the last two 
dates must undoubtedly refer to the same century as that of the first 
coin, because the name of the prince and the fabric of the coins are 
precisely the same. Of the second prince named Chdhada Deva, I 
have numerous specimens, bearing various dates from 1303 to 1311, of 
which Figs. 27 and 28 give S. 1305 and S. 1311. Of the third 
prince, named Asala Deva, the specimens, though numerous, are always 
small and much worn, and the dates are therefore generally imperfect. 
Two of the more perfect coins, however, give the dates of 1311 and 
1312, and a third has 1330 odd : see Figs. 29 and 30. In illustration 
of these coins, I have engraved a curious specimen of the contemporary 
coinage of Ala-ud-din Masaiid, Fig. 23, which bears on the obverse 
the well known recumbent Bull with the Nagari legend Sri Ala-va- 
dina and the date of 1300, inserted on the quarter of the Bull. This 
date must certainly refer to the Vikrarmditya Samvat as Masaiid 
reigned from A. D. 1242 to 1246, and S. 1300 is equal to A. D- 

13. The coins of this third series of Narwar princes are found 
chiefly about Gwalior, Jhansi, and Narwar, but a few stray specimens 
may be picked up at Agra and Mathura. The obverse bears the rude 
figure of a horseman which is only traceable on the coins of Asala 
Deva by comparing them with the earlier pieces of Malaya Varnima. 
A brief description will therefore be sufficient for this barbarous 

I. Malaya Vakmma Deva. 

Figs. 25, 26. — Copper coins weighing from 50 to 56 grains. 

Obv. — Bude horseman with no trace of the legend of Sri Hamir 
which is found on all the contemporary Muhammadan mintages. 

Rev. — Legend in three lines ^t^^T^f^'^'fl^ ?3- S^<=- Sri-man Ma- 
laya Varmma Deva. S. 128 and also S. 83. 
II. Chahada Deva. 

Figs. 27, 28. — Copper coins weighing from 50 to 59 grains. 

Rev. — Legend in three lines ^tu^T^^ ^- W ^, Sri-Mat Chdhada 
Deva, S. 1305. 

III. Asala Deva. 

Figs. 29, 30. — Copper coins weighing from 50 to 57 grains. 


1865.] Coins of the Nine N&gas. 127 

Bev. — Legend in three lines ^ft*f^i^*r^«r ^- WV- Sri-Mad A' ala 
Deva, S. 1311. 

14. All my researches have failed to discover any trace of the hist 
of these princes, but I have found the name of Chdhada Deva in two 
different inscriptions, as well as in Ferishta'a history. In the year 
A. H. 619, or 1251 A. D., the historian relates that Nascr-ud-din 
Mahmud, the king of Delhi " proceeded to the siege of Narwar. The 
Raja Jdhir Dew, having lately constructed the fort on the summit 
of a rock, prepared to defend it to the last. He accordingly marched 
out to oppose the Muhammadans, with 5,000 horse and 200,000 foot. 
This immense host being defeated with great slaughter, the place was 
invested and reduced to surrender after a few months' siege." In 
Dow's translation the Raja is called Tdhir Deo, and under this name 
he is entered in Prinsep's tables, but with the date of A. D. 1251 trans- 
posed as 1215, and the name of Narwar erroneously referred to 
Nahrwara, or Anahvdra-patan, in Gujarat. The inscriptions which 
mention Chdhada Deva are dated in S. 1348 and 1355 or A. D. 1291 
and 1298, but the first refers apparently to a younger son and the 
second to a grandson. 

15. Of the third prince named A'sala Deva, I can find no trace in 
history, but he is mentioned in the Narwar inscription of S. 1355 as 
the son and successor of Chdhada Deva, and I found his name on a 
Sali pillar at Rai, with the date of S. 1327 or A. D. 1270, at which 
time he was the reigning sovereign. The beginning of his reign is 
fixed in the year S. 1311 by the agreement of the date of his father's 
latest coins with that of his own earliest coins. The following table 
gives the chronology of these three princes as determined from various 
sources : — 

Samvat. A. D. 

1. Malaya Varmma Deva, 1267 1210 Coins S. 1280 odd, 82 & 1290 odd. 

2. Chah'ada Deva, 1292 1235 Coins S. 1303 to 1311. Ferishta 

A. D. 1251. 

3. A'sala Deva, 1311 1254 Coins S. 131 1 to 1330 odd. 

1336 1279 Inscription, S. 1327. 

All the inscriptions referring to these Narwar princes, will be duly 
transmitted to Babu Rajendralala Mitra in the hope that he will 
kindly undertake their translation. 

128 On the Sena Rajas of Bengal. [No. 3, 

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription from 
Rajshdhi, decyphered and translated, by C. T. Metcalfe, Esq., 
C. S. — By Bdbu Rajendralala Mitra. 

[Keceived 5tli July, 1865. Eead 5th July, 1865.] 

Subjoined are the text and translation of a Sanskrit inscription of 
some interest lately found in a part of Rajshahi called the "Burrin," 
close by the village of Deoparah, Thannah Grodagiiri. Mr. C. T. Met- 
calfe, to whom the Society is indebted for the original and the transla- 
tion, gives the following account of the place where the monument 
was found. " The tank where I found it," he says, "is some 40 
miles from Goa (Gour ?) ; but it stands on the bank of a river which 
was the old Pudda bed, and which river now flows 6 miles to the 
south, before Rampur Bauleah. The locality is evidently the site of 
some temple, and the stone records, I should say the inscription, the 
praises of the founder. While making some further examinations 

1 came to the top of a series of black stone-steps leading underground ; 
one monster stone was 1 yard in thickness. In the tank itself are 

2 slabs which can be felt with a bamboo and which, a hoary-headed 
old man says, were above ground when he was a cholera (boy) and kept 
the village cattle, i. e. some 60 years ago." The place was of some 
distinction, even during the Mahomedan period, for there still stands 
a magnificent masjid about 650 years old. Mr. Metcalfe describes it 
as " built entirely of stone without a bit of mortar, and put together 
like a child's toy-house, the stones fitting the one into the other. 
The carving on it is beautiful." 

The stone slab upon which the inscription is recorded, was found in 
a dense jungle apparently away from its original position, but amidst 
a number of large blocks of stone half buried under the earth. It 
measures 3 ft. 2 inches by 1 ft. 9f . Its material is basalt carefully 
polished on the Upper surface. 

The letters of the inscription are of the Tirhoot or Gour type, simi- 
lar to that of the Bakerganj plate of Kesava Sena, decyphcred by 
James Prinsep. Bengali MSS. three centuries old, arc written in 
A'ery much the same characters, and the facsimile of the Yajhaihihu- 
badha published by Chezy, bears some resemblance to it. It is in fact 

1805.] On the Sena Itiijus of Banjul. 129 

the first transition stage of the Kutila in its passage to the modern 
Bengali. Mr. Metcalfe found considerable difficulty in getting the 
record decypheral, owing to modern pandits not being familiar with 
its style of writing, hut I have carefully compared his transcript with 
the original and satisfied myself that his reading is perfectly correct. 

The language of the inscription is pure Sanskrit, hut its style is 
highly inflated and hyperbolical . Umapati Mis'ra, the author of it, is 
never satisfied with an ordinary comparison. If he has to describe a 
high temple, he cannot stop without, making its pinnacle stand as 
an obstruction to the course of the sun. His kings must upbraid the 
heroes of the Ramdyana and the Mahdbhdrata as vain boasters and 
insignificant upstarts, and his war-boats, even when stranded on a 
sand-bank in the Ganges, must eclipse the glory of the moon. This 
style, common enough in oriental writing, was particularly remarkable 
in Northern India in the 9th, 10th and the 11th centuries of the 
Christian era. Whether at G-our or Benares or Kanauj or Oujein or 
Mathura, this straining after bombast was so universal, that no one 
familiar with the monumental literature of the period, can mistake it 
for a moment, and it may therefore be taken as characteristic of the 
time. I have myself met with it so often, that had I no other guide to 
ascertain the age of the record under notice, I would have taken its 
style to be a conclusive proof of its being of the 10th or 11th century. 
The subject of the record is, the dedication of a temple which is 
described to have " extended to all directions in space, and vied in 
loftiness with the Mount Meru round which the sun, moon and the 
stars run their course." Its pinnacle of gold, which was shaped like a 
water- jar, was equal to the Meru in weight. Its locality was the 
margin of the tank where the inscription was found. Judging from the 
insignificant remains now traceable in that locality, I believe the edifice 
was by no means a very extraordinary one. Its presiding deity was 
Pradyumnesvara or S'iva as the destroyer of Cupid, a form in which 
he is not often worshipped by his votaries in Bengal. This divi- 
nity, who is generally represented as a vagrant mendicant, is said to 
have exchanged, by the favour of the dedicator of the temple, his tiger 
skin toga for silken dresses, his serpent neck-chains for garlands of 
jewels, his ashes for sandal wood powder, his rosary for pearls, and his 
human bone ornaments for precious gems. 

130 On the Sena Raji'is of Bewjul. [No. 3, 

'Of the dedicator of the temple, Vijaya, the record is, as usual in such 
cases, the most lavish in its praise. According to it, he was the great- 
est of kings that ever held sway on earth ; the most valiant, the most 
charitable, and the most virtuous. While describing the hero as a 
devout follower of Mahadeva, it does not hesitate to make him even 
superior to that dread manifestation of the divinity, for the one, sa^ys it, 
destroys all alike, while the other, killed his enemies and cherished 
his friends. There is, however, very little in the verses devoted to his 
glorification which may be taken for facts. The time of his reign is not 
given, nor the name of his caste, nor that of the place where he caused 
the temple to be erected. He is related to have invaded Assam 
(Kamariipa) and the Coromandel Coast between the Chilka Lake and 
Madras (Kalinga), and to have sent a fleet of war-boats up the Ganges 
to conquer the Western kings ; but nothing is said of the results of 
these invasions : the last is, in a manner, acknowledged to have proved 
a failure ; for the only thing noticeable in it, was the stranding of one 
of the boats on a sand-bank, poetically described as " the ashes on the 
forehead of S'iva, changed to mud by contact with the water of the 

The genealogy of the king includes three names, those of Hemanta 
Sena, Sivmanta Sena, and Vira Sena. The last was evidently the 
founder of the family, for he appears as a descendant of the moon, 
without any reference to his immediate progenitors. All the three were 
kings of Gour, but their names occur nowhere in history. Vijaya 
the last of the series was, according to tradition, known by the name 
of Sukha Sena, and under that name he occurs in the Ayin Akbary, as 
the father of Ballala Sena. His name occurs in the Bakerganj plate 
as the first of a series of four kings, the last of which was Kesava 
Sena. Vijaya there appears as the father of Ballala Sena. Again, in 
a manuscript of the Ddnasagara, a treatise on gifts attributed to 
Ballala Sena, the author describes himself as the son of Vijaya Sena 
and the grandson of Hemanta Sena. These facts justify the assump- 
tion that the three records allude to the same family, and that Sukha 
Sena was an alias of Vijaya Sena. If this be admitted, the Sena 
dynasty of Bengal will have to be extended by the addition of the 
three names which occur in the inscription now under notice. 

Of the descendants of Vijaya, the most distinguished was, no doubt, 

1865.] On the Sena Bdjds of Bengal 131 

Ih's sou Ballala, : ' This prince," to quote the words of an able writer 
in the Calcutta Review, " was held in such high estimation all over 
Bengal, that the most extravagant fancies have been indulged and the 
wildest tales invented in order to connect his memory with the mar- 
vellous and the sublime." The same writer continues; " Poets have 
invested him with the dignity of a divine original and described 
his infantile precocity in the most glowing colours. He has been 
represented as the son of the fluvial god Brahmaputra, who had 
deceived his mother by assuming the form of her own hus- 
band. His nativity is said to have taken place in the solitude of a 
thick forest, where his mother had been banished a few nmnths before 
her parturition through the jealousy and treachery of Ids father's two 
other wives. In these sylvan shades and under the especial protection 
of heaven he passed his infantile days, undisturbed by the noise and 
distractions of towns and cities, and uncontaminated by the pleasures 
and irregularities of riotous society. His divine parent, " the uxorious 
Ainnis," as Horace would perhaps call him, instructed him iu the 
different branches of a Hindu's education, and in the tactics of war 
and diplomatic policy. While yet a boy he is said to have exhibited 
extraordinary proofs of heroism ami strength. He had discomfited 
unassisted and alone a whole host of disciplined troops commanded by 
princes and veteran captains, and armed with all the weapons of native 
warfare." The whole of this statement, however, is founded upon vague 
traditions or modern records of doubtful authority. We may dismiss 
it, therefore, without a remark. The Bakerganj inscription of Ballala's 
grandson does not allude to the facts noted in it with sufficient circum- 
stantiality to give them any prominence. From what it says, we may take 
for granted, however, that he was a great patron of learning and himself 
an author of some pretension. — Vedartha smriti sangrahadi purusha. 
The treatise on gifts alluded to above shews that his reading was 
extensive and his knowledge of the s'astras respectable.* He is, 

* The prominent mention made in the work of the author's tutor, Anirudha 
would waken a suspicion that, like many other crowned heads in India and Europe, 
BaUiila had assumed to himself a credit which rightly belonged to another. How- 
fever that be, the authenticity of the work is undoubted. It has been quoted by the 
author of the Samaya Prakdsd who lived several hundred years ago, and Raghu- 
naudana who flourished at the end of the loth century, alludes to it in two places 
in his Suddhitattva : '^ ^T^T ; ^'s^Tj , g'rf«T<rs^|-^.rq£iTJflf(T ^[«P3|JH:: 
Swampore edition, p. 194. Again : ^q-^i^T^if^fa^^T^q^T^Tf^rr- 



On the Sena Bdjds nf Bengal. 

[No. 3, 

however, better known in this country by the system of hereditary 
nobility which he established in his court than by his devotion to 
letters. The main object of that system was to give preeminence to 

*lfarra T^T ^"TWIT;: I Ibd- 20 — 3 - Tlie work is divided into 70 Sections 
and devoted to a description of 1375 gifts, the mode of consecrating them, the pro- 
per persons to give them to, the time meet for making such gifts, &c. &c. The 
author enumerates in his introduction the different authorities he had consulted 
in compiling his work, and as his list gives an idea of the works which were 
reckoned as standard authorities in his time, 9 hundred years ago, I quote it 





Gopatha Brahmana. 
















Vrihaspati ? ? 















Maha Vyasa. 



Laghu Vyasa. 


Vrihad Vasishtha. 

Laghu Harita. 



Chhandoga perisishta 







S'lokas are often repeated by panditas, which tradition ascribes to this 
prince. It is said that once when his son Lakshmana was long absent from 
home, his danghter-in-law brought the circumstance to his notice by writing the 
following s'loka on the wall before the place where he used to dine : — 


^ W\*fi: S«Tl^T ^T "^WT^ ^if^^lfw II 

" The clouds are pouring without intermission and the peacocks are dancing 
with joy ; on such a day death or my darling alone can remove my suffering." 
Touched by it he invited his son back to his home with the following stanza :— 

'BfrHT ^fls^srriqJTfrr^rT ^smfqrn frra^ 

VT'trRl^fl^^^f WH % ^ Srft^T VFZ II 

" O thou who art disposed as the second (the Bull — listen)." Alone and op- 
pressed is she with the breasts like the eleventh (pitchers-globes) of the elephant, 
by the approach of him who has the tenth (Makara on his flag Oupid), even as are 
the twelfth (fishes) and the fourth (crabs), on the approach of the shark (maka- 
ra). That sixth ( virgo), with eyebrows without compare, (lit. devoid of the seventh 
libra), who should belong to the royal fifth (lion-prince is suffering from the pangs 
of the eighth (scorpio). O, first (arios— my son) hasten and be thou the third 

1865.] On the Sena Bdjds of Benyal. 133 

the descendants of the five Brahmins and Kayasthas who had heen 
brought to Bengal by Adis'ura. The particular qualities whichever© 
to characterise his nobles were " good manners, learning,' humility, 
reputation, pilgrimage, faith, fixed profession, austerity, and charity"* 
but as there was no standard measure for those qualities, and it 
was difficult to secure them without attaching penalties to personal 
delinquencies which could never be enforced, he had recourse to other 
and more definite means for their perpetuation. He. availed himself of 
the popular notion that children invariably inherit the moral qualities 
of their parents, and hoped that by maintaining the blood of his newly 
created nobles pure and undefiled, he would attain his end. He forbad all 
intermarriage between the original Brahmans and Kayasthas of the 
country and the newcomers, and ordained various and complicated rules 
for the gradual degradation of those families which should permit any 
stain to fall on the gentility of their blood. Mis-alliances could not, how- 

(gemini)." The play on the names of the twelve signs of the zodiac in this 
s'loka cannot be preserved in the English translation. 

On another occasion he was himself absent from home for a long time, having 
been detained in a forest by the charms of a lowly born damsel. The scandal 
was great, and his sou, to stop it, requested his return with the following 
verse : — 

far ?p: S3fa?rf w^fa 33^1: T3m*r v^mx: 1 

far^JJfT **«I^Tfa ^-^frrT^ ^^!tf%i)t aft^ 


" Generally cool art thou, O river, and transparent by nature. Of thy purity 
what can I say ? everything becomes pure by thy touch. What olse need I tell in 
thy praise ? thou art the life of all living things. And yet strange to relate, thou 
flowest downwards and none can withhold thee." 

To it the king sent the following reply : — 

rfiqT TTqJIrr^'qi T ^ IW VI rTt T V^fi rf^T- 

^r ^j^^^Tfr: ^r^^r^^i: m\ it*t ^^t mm 11 

^TT^iJF 5RVq^^fT^^fl% W5=KSRl<?n^^r: II 

" The elephant has not yet soothed its skin nor allayed its thirst ; the dust on 
its body still remains unwashed, and the tuberous roots of the lotus have hi- 
therto not yielded it a mouthful of food, much less an entertainment; the lotus 
remains untouched by his far projectile arm : verily the bees have raised an 
unmeaning hue and cry by their murmurs." 

The authenticity of these s'lokas is, however, not such as may be relied upon, 
* Acharo vinayo vidya pratishtha tirtha daisana, nishtha vritti tapo danam 
navadha kula-lakshanam. 

13-1 On the Sena Edjds of Bengal. [No. 3, 

ever, be altogether prevented, and the successors of Ballala somewhat 
encouraged them, by raising the social status of those plebeans who 
succeeded in securing the alliances of kulinas. Wealthy maulikas large- 
ly availed themselves of the opportunity which was thus given them 
of rising in social rank, and the cupidity of our nobility has of late 
encouraged them by a system of polygamy which has made kulinism 
in Bengal, a positive nuisance to society. 

The son and successor of Ballala was Lakshmana Sena. The author 
of the Bakerganj plate makes him erect altars and pillars of victory at 
Benares, Allahabad, and Jagannath, but " it may reasonably be doubt- 
ed," says Prinsep, " whether these monuments of his greatness ever 
existed elsewhere than in the poet's imagination." His prime minis- 
ter and Lord Chancellor (Dharnudhikara,) was Halayudha, son of 
Dhananjaya, of the Vatsya race, a Brahmin of great learning and a 
descendant of Bhattanarayana, the author of the Venisafihara. His 
eldest brother, Pashupati, wrote a treatise on the srdddha and other 
ceremonials under the title of Pashupati Paddhati. His next brother 
was a great scholar and professor of Sniriti and the Mirnafisa ; he wrote 
a treatise on the diurnal duties of Brahmins which still exists — 
Ahnilca Paddhati. Halayudha himself is said to have written several 
works on Smriti, of which the most important is the Brdhmana Sarva- 
sva. In it, he describes his patron in the usual grandiloquent terms 
of his time, but there is nothing in it to shew that he was other than a 
prince of mediocre merit. He is said by the Mahomedan historians to 
have greatly embellished the city of Grour, and called it after his own 
name Lakhnouty or Lahshmana-vati ; but the inscriptions ai - e silent on 
the subject, as they are as regards the popular belief of Ballala Sena's 
having built the town of Grour. 

Lakshmana was followed successively by his two sons, Madhava Sena 
and Kesava Sena. The Rajdvali brings in a Su or Sura Sena after 
Kesava, and Mahomedan writers have a Noujib, a Narayan, a Lakh- 
mana, and a Lakhmaniya to follow him ; but no monumental record 
has yet been found to prove their ever having existed. An As'oka Sena 
also occurs as one of the kings of Gour, but his position in the list is 
nowhere defined. Of these therefore I have nothing to say. I shall 
make an exception, however, in favour of the last of the series. The 
Tabkdt i Ndsiri of Minkajuddin Jowzjani says that the last king of 

1865.] On the Sena Rajcis of Bengal . 135 

the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniya, and this authority nutst be accepted 
as correct, as the work was written within fifty-bight years after 
the conquest of Bengal by Bakhtiar Khilijy, and its author had 
ample opportunities, during his sojourn in Bengal, of conversing 
with the contemporaries of Lakhmaniya who had taken part in that 
conquest, and of collecting the most authentic information available in 
his time. The account given in that book is as follows : — 

Oils-- jSj, ^A. &i <ii| lOjS OJ !j; i^' v ^ AlJl ft+*-J t\)J O&J 

' A/of JLs'j,} <-^~»l »,jtf*l cU*i«l «l_Ij ii)T O^^a- jl <£j&»> £^c ^JOJ j 

^j^ *xu& <_') ^1 q/ J*J ^ j ( *-lj wT;^ etj^ &S-^*~A JS 3 

iyUs Axl ii»iykl£ J*a. £~ij jli'f \j ^j^ _j ■>*«) v^Jj^ iJj^iJ ojllj 
a ,j| ^5*| dJ OSXSlZ jjj'jlilj (Wjlj jsI^j j e-Jij jJLfc 13 ^ £<^a. \j ^U^j } 
^jfcLi^ljW j <>.^.ti .l/cl«J la. .A ^i.^»^s- , dJ»u cjo5[j *£»*Ui ^Jj^ lj ^j^ 

<i.^ ->^ A . L>j' ^ ^tr*? **&>. u» l *« V/C J' /♦^ cH 1 j' j-> l/0 £>>*■ *^ 

Translation. — Contemporary historians, on whom be the blessings of 
God, have thus related : " That when the news of the valour and the wars 
and subjugation of kingdoms by Mohammed Bakhtyar, may the mercy 
of God be on him, reached Lakhmaniya, the capital of his kingdom 
was Nuddea. The Rdya was very learned and had sat on the 
throne for 80 years. It will not be amiss to mention here an anecdote 
of the Rdya which has come to my knowledge ; it is this : When the 
father of the R;iya passed away from this world, Raj'a Lakhmaniya 
was in his mother's womb. The crown was therefore placed on the 
womb, and the officers of State all girt themselves and stood round 
and behind the mother. The family of this prince was known as the 
Raya of Rayas of Hind by the wise men of the time, and reckoned ag 

136 On the Sena Bdjds of Bengal. [No. 3, 

the viceroys (khalifa) of India. When the time for the birth of Lakh- 
maniya approached near, and the mother felt the pains of delivery, the 
astrologers and Brahmans were assembled together, so that they may 
watch the auspicious moment of birth. They unanimously said that 
should this boy be born immediately, it will be unfortunate in every 
respect, and he will never attain to royalty. But should he be delivered 
two hours hence, he will reign for 80 years. When the mother heard 
this from the astrologers, she ordered that she may be hung up by 
her two feet as long as the auspicious moment should not come, and 
that the astrologers should be in attendance to watch that moment. 
When the proper time arrived and the astrologers said that it was 
at hand, she was taken down. Thus was Lakhmaniya born, but his 
mother immediately died of the pains she had been subjected to. 
Lakhmaniya was immediately placed on the throne, where he reigned 
for eighty years." 

Three things may be taken for granted in this statement ; first that 
the name of the last king of the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniya ; 
second, that he was a posthumous child ; and third, that he reigned for 
eighty years. It must be admitted, however, that the word Lakhmani- 
ya is very unlike a Bengali proper name. The only Bengali or San- 
skrit word to which it bears any resemblance is the patronymic* Ldksh- 
maneya, "a son, grandson or descendant of Lakshmana," and if it be 
admitted that the LaJchmaniyd of the Mahomedan historians is a cor- 
ruption of the Sanskrit Ldk-shmaneyu, it would not be too much to 
assume that the prince under notice was the grandson of Lakshamana 
son of Ballala. 

The reigns of Madhava and Kesava Sena were short and inconsequen- 
tial, and it is very likely that the Lakhmaniya who succeeded Kesava, 
and reigned in Bengal for 80 years, was taken by the Mahomedans 
to be the immediate successor of Lakshmana, son of Ballala, who 
had a long and prosperous reign of many years. I adopt this assump- 

* The affix dhah is ordinarily used after feminine nouns, *jfVHJT B^i Panini 
iv, I. 120, but under the especial rule s'ubhrd-dibhyas'cha (P. iv, 1. 123.) Lakhsh- 
inana of the Vasishtha gotra takes that affix. " Lakshmana sxjdmayorvdsish- 
the." I know not whether the Senas were of the Vasishtha gotra, but such niceties 
of grammar were so little attended to in the middle ages that I do not think that 
anybody would have objection to its use in the case of persons not of the Vasish- 
tha gotra. If such an objection be raised, we must take Lakshmanij'a to be a 
matronymic and assume the name of our prince's mother to have been Laksh- 

1865.] On the Sena Rdjus of Bengal. 137 

tion owing as much to the names of Su Sena Noujib and a second 
Lakshmana not occurring in any authentic early document, as to there 
being no sufficient time available between the dates of Ballala Sena 
and that of the Mahomedan conquest for the allocation of three reigns, 
after making the necessary allowance for Lakshmana, Madhava and 
Kesava Senas and Lakhmaniya. It is possible that those reigns were 
only of a few months' duration each, but there is nothing authentic to 
support such a theory, and therefore, I feel fully justified in the assump- 
tion I have made above. 

The inscriptions are very unsatisfactory on the subject of dates. 
The Bakerganj plate professes to have been recorded in the month of 
Jaishta in the third year of the king's reign, but does not name any cur- 
rent era. The Rajashahi stone has no date whatever. Bat it is not 
difficult to find the probable time when the different members of the 
Sena dynasty flourished in Bengal. According to the author of the 
Samaya Prakds'a, the Ddnasdgara was written (or completed ?) in the 
S'akayear 1019* = A. D. 1097. Ballala must therefore have lived at 
about the end of the eleventh century, and this accords well with the 
statement of the Ayin Akbary which makes that prince commence his 
reign in the year 1066. Lakshmana, according to Abul Fazel, assumed 
the sovereignty of Bengal in 1116, which gives a period of 51 years to 
Ballala. I doubt, however, the accuracy of the last date. The date 
of Bakhtiar's conquest of Bengal is well known (1203), and the 
testimony of Minhajuddin regarding the eighty years' reign of 
Lakshmaniya cannot be easily set aside. This carries us back to 1123. 
On the other side if we allow only three years to Ballala after the 
completion of his Danasagara we come to the end of the 11th century, 
leaving only 23 years between 1101 and 1123 for distribution among 
Lakshamana, Madhava and Kesava. The exact period of Laksmana's 
reign is not known. Abul Fazel allots to him only 8 years, but Halay- 
udha, his prime minister, suggests a much longer time. He says that 
he was in his boyhood made a court pandit, by the king ; that in his 
early manhood, he attained to the rank of a minister ; and that 

138 On the Sena Bdj'ds of Bengal. [No. 3, 

subsequently lie was raised to tlie office of the Lord Chancellor 
DharmadJiihdra* This is not practicable within the space of eight 
years, and I feel no hesitation in assigning to him two and a half times 
that number of years ; the remaining three years being left for Madhava 
and Kesava and possibly for Su or Sura Sena should a prince of that 
name be hereafter verified. For the present I am disposed to throw out 
a hint that Su Siira Noujeb and As'oka were probably the proper name 
and aliases of the prince whose patronymic was Lakhmaniya. Prinsep, 
following the A'yin Akbavy, takes 1136 to be the date of the Bakerganj 
plate, but as that authority makes Lakhmaniya begin his reign in the 
year 1200 A. D. and fly to Orissa three years after, when Minhajuddin, 
who had ample opportunities of conversing with the contemporaries of 
Lakshmana, and was himself in Bengal a few years after his overthrow, 
assures us that that prince reigned for 80 years, we may without com- 
punction reject its evidence as unworthy of belief. The ancestors of 
Ballala from Hemanta to Vira Sena were hitherto unknown to history, 
and even now the inscription under notice does not name the time when 
they flourished. The final settlement of their dates must, therefore, be 
left for future research. If we assign to them the usual Indian average 
of 18 years to a reign, the Sena dynasty may be arranged as follows : — 

* For those who may be curious on the subject I quote a few stanzas from the Sarvasx'a. 

TTraiT ^TS?TT famm tr$W< SITTIT ^TTT^flT ' 

^^n^Trrwa stw^ ■5rr=rrf^'sf *TT^*T?j I 

*?fTT ^m ^lfaWTfa3nTT*SfimTKT: ^WT^: || 

18G5.] On the Sc?ia Raja* of Bengal. 139 

A. D. 

Viia Sena, 994 

Samanta Sena, 1012 

Henianta Sena, 1030 

Vijaya alius Suklia Sena, 1048 

Ballala Sena, 1066 

Lakshmana Sena, 1101 

Madliava Sena, 1121 

Kesava Sena, 1122 

Lakhmaniya, aliaa As'oka Sn or Sura Sena, 1123 

The last overthrown by Bhakhtiar in 1203 

This arrangement brings the age of Vira Sena, probably the first of 
the family who settled in Bengal, to very near the time which I have 
assigned to A'dis'ura in my paper on Mahendrap.ila,* and it would not be 
too much to assume that Vira was the immediate successor of Adis'ura. 
There is, however, no monumental or any ancient authentic record to 
prove the date of A'dis'ura. The authorities quoted in my paper agree 
in bringing him down to the time of Ballala, and must therefore be 
rejected as false. The author of the Kdyastha Ecuusbubha places the 
advent of the Kanauj Brahmans in Bengal in the year 380 Bengali or 
892 A. D., which would place A'dis'iira in the midst of the Palas and be 
altogether inconsistent with the history of the five original Brahmans 
and Kayashtas of Bengal. Pere Tieffenthaler's authorities carry A'dis'iira 
still further back, and place him twenty-two generations away from 
Balliila. My date of A'dis'iira is founded upon the genealogical tables of 
the Kayasthas as now current in this country. Those tables give 27 
generations from the time of A'dis'ura, and at 3 generations to a century 
the time of that prince is carried to 964 of the Christian era. If there 
be any error in the tables, it would no doubt falsify my deduction, but 
as long as that error is not detected, that deduction will, I expect, 
command more attention than the authorities I have quoted. But be 
that as it may, as far as we are at present informed, it must be admitted 
that the two princes lived at times very close to each other. It is said 
by some that Adis'ura was the father of Ballala ; while others maintain 
that he was the progenitor of the Sena dynasty. The first statement 
nniy at once be rejected as inconsistent witli the inscriptions and the 
* Ante Vol. XXX, p. 11. 


140 On the Sena Rajas of Bengal. [No. 3, 

Ddnasdgara ; but the second may be true, and if so, Vira Sena may 
well be taken to be the same with Adis'ura. The name Adis'ura. does 
not sort either with the Palas or with the Senas. The word s'ura 
is a synonym of Vira a hero, and the udi is indicative of the initial 
position which Vira Sena occupies in the genealogy of the dynasty. It 
is stated in the genealogical tables of the Kayasthas that when Balbla 
established his system of Kula the original five Kayasthas of Ka- 
nauj had multiplied to 56 families. Assuming that each generation 
of the original Kayasthas had multiplied two-fold, five generations from 
Adis'ura to Ballala would give eighty individuals, who may well repre- 
sent the alleged number of families. Of the Brahmans the total number 
of families that lived at the time of Ballala is not known. But it is 
evident that it was not large, for we find that he included only ten 
families in the ranks of his nobles, viz. two of the descendants of 
Bhattanarayana, two of those of Daksha, one of those of S'ri Harsha, 
three of those of Chhandada, and two of those of Vedagarbha. They do 
not suggest a longer period than would be covered by five generations^ 
It should be noted that the editor of the Venisanhiira,* Muktarama 
Vidyavagis'a, in his genealogical table of the Tagore family makes 
Halayudha minister of Lakshmana Sena, to be the 16th in descent 
from BhattanarAyana ; but inasmuch as his statement has been con- 
tradicted by the author of the Khitis a-vansdvali-charitaf who would 
have him to be the third in descent from Bhattanarayana, and both 
have been contradicted by Halayudha himself, who calls bis father 
Dhananjaya, whereas the one makes him the son of Nipu and the 
other that of Ramariipa, we may well reject his testimony as inad- 
missible. It must, however, be admitted that the identity I suggest is 
a mere conjecture, and I hope it will be taken as such and no more. 

There is one more circumstance in connexion with the Senas to 
which I wish to allude, before I conclude, — it is with reference 
to their caste. The universal belief in Bengal is, that the Senas were 
of the medical caste, and families of Vaidyas are not wanting in the 
present day who trace their lineage from Ballala Sena. There is, 
however, nothing authentic to justify this belief. It is well known 
that a great many of the pedigrees given in Burke's Landed Gen- 
try are utterly worthless, and it is notorious that many families of 
* Ed. Calcutta, 1855. f Pertche's Ed. p. xvi. 

1805.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal; 141 

obscure origin have their veins filled with the blue blood of genera- 
tions of kings hy the opportune help of popular genealogists, and 
we feel strongly tempted to believe that the pedigree of the so- 
oaJled Ballala's descendants is no better. The Kulapanjikd of Kula- 
charya Thakura describes A'dis'iira as the " sun of the Kshatriyarace." 
(Kshatriya vansa hansa) ; the Bakerganj and the Rajshahi inscrip- 
tions agree in calling the Senas, the descendants of the moon or 
Kshatriyas of the lunar race (Somavaiisa) ; the latter describes Samanta 
Sena as " a garland for the head of the race of noble Kshatriyas" — 
braJvma kshatriydndm kulos'iro ddma ; and their testimony cannot 
be rejected in favour of modern tradition. Nor is it difficult to 
account for the mistake which has given rise to that tradition. There 
lived in former days in the North- West a race of Kshatriyas of the name 
of Ambastha. The Vishnu Purana alludes to them when enumerating 
the several races of the North-West Provinces, (*T?}T TTIT^WTOT: TT- 
Tfal3fT^ra«n'" ) and Panini quotes Ambastha as an example of the 
same word meaning a Kshatriya race and a country where they live 
(Panini IV, I, 171.) The Mahabharata uses the word both as the 
name of a race of Kshatriyas, and that of a Kshatriya king, and the 
Medini, the Viswaprakiis'a and the Sabdaratnakara explain it as the 
name of a country.* It is very likely that the Senas belonged to this 
section of the military class, and in Bengal, in later days, was confounded 
with the Ambasthas of Mann who were a mixed tribe of Brahmans and 
Vaisyas, and therefore taken to be of the medical caste*. Such con- 
founding of names anil their meanings has been so common in India, 
that one need not be at all surprised at finding the Senas degraded from 
a military to a mixed caste, from a misapprehension of the meaning of 
their name. Abul Fazel in the A'yin Akhary and Pere Tieffenthaler 
make the Senas to belong to the Kdyasiha caste, and this may beexplain- 
ed by the fact that the Kayasthas in the North- West are even to this day 
called by the name of Ambasthas. If this be not accepted, tradition shall 
have to be opposed to authentic inscription. James Prinsep noticed in 
the Bakerganj plate the title of S'ankara Gaudes'ivara which, written as 
the word s'ankara is with a palatal s, can only mean " the excellent lord 
of Gauda," unless ^IfXI " excellent" be taken as a euphuism of sankara, a 
mixed race. There is a temple at Kashmir known by the name of San- 
* Goldstiicker's Sanskrit Dictionary, voce Ambastha. 

142 On the Sena Rajus of Bengal. [No. 3, 

kara* Gaureswara, owing probably to its having been erected by order 
of one of the Sena R'ljas. The epigraph of the Ddnasdgcvra assigns to 
Ballala Sena the title of fspW^STUT which, according as the s of 
Sankara is taken to be a palatal or a dental, means " undoubtedly the 
most excellent," or " undoubtedly of a mixed race." It is very unlikely 
that anybody would assume the latter for a distinctive title. This 
is, however, a question of so little consequence to the antiquarian, that 
I need not dwell upon it any longer. 

P. S. As Mr. Metcalfe's translation does not profess to be literal I have 
not thought proper to alter it in any way, except in the cases of verses 
4, 5 and 20, which are susceptible of very different interpretations, 
one of which would make Vfra Sena a king of Dekkan and his great 
grandson the first who subjugated Bengal, and another take him to 
be only a Southron by race, but a king of Bengal. (12th Sept. 18G5.) 

Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from Bdjashdhi. — By 
C. T. Metcalfe, Esq., C. S. 

. oeff ^JTT^Tfa "ffaenfa 5T?if% 9T*Hi: || ^ |1 

Victory be' to the mouths of Shambhu (Shiva), who laughed on 
looking through the light of the moon at the shame-contracted face 
of Debi who, for fear of the removal of her breast -cloth, turned 
aside her head, the garland of which drowned the light of the candle in 
the hymeneal chamber. 

^«jt ^fl^fas^-rmfk^n^T^: sm: || ^ || 
We bow down before the idol of Harihara (Vishnu and Shiva), 
known under the name of Pradyumneshwara, where the Debis, fearing 
* Ante Vol. XVII. Pt. II, p. 283. 

1805.] On the Sena R<iju$ of Bengal, 143 

lest they should no longer enjoy the embrace of their husbands, went 
inside (the idol) ; and became an obstacle to the amalgamation of the 
two deities. 

[When Hari and Hara intended to amalgamate themselves into one 
form, their wives, being afraid of not recognising their husbands, 
became an obstacle to executing their purpose, and the deities instead 
of being able to assume a new form, retained half of each.} 

Victory be to the first king moon, who sits enthroned on the 
matted hair (Jata) of Shiva, fanned by a chauri having drops 
of Ganges water ; the white expanded hood of the serpents which 
adorn the head of Shiva, became the covering of his chatttt 
(umbrella), and the serpents, its handle. 

[Here the moon is represented as a king, who has the matted hair 
of Shiva for his throne, and the hood of the serpent's for his umbrella.] 

UTOsnfo f^sr^mtjft^^iJiHnr sirens h a h 

In his race, who enjoyed the companionship of the celestial 
maidens, and the virtuous deeds of which race were celebrated in 
honied verses by Vyasa for the satisfaction of the universe, wore born 
king Vira Sena and others, who were Dakhinatyas* and famous 

* The word Ddkshin atya kshaunindra may moan " a king of the Southern 
country" Dekkan, or " a king of the Southern race," in the same way in which 
pdichdtya, Sdraswat, Drdlida, indicate races. R. M. 

144 On the Sena Rajas of Bengal. [No. 3, 

In that Sena family was born Samanta Sena, the destroyer of hundreds 
of the enemy's champions. He was a worshipper of Brahma and a 
garland for the head of the race of the noblest Kshetriyas ; and verses 
celebrating his heroic deeds were sung by the celestial maidens on the 
border of the dam cooled by the agitated waves of the ocean, in a manner 
Avhich might even excite the envy of Rama, the son of Dasharatha. 

He did in the field of battle play with his hands his serpentdike 
swords, where the noise of his battle-drums depressed the spirit of his 
enemies, and the pearls which fell from the globe over the head of his 
enemies' elephants, imseamed by his sword, are still to be found scat- 
tered in the shape of heavy kouries. 

TZ^r^W WTTT^ct sTWfcT THPf MtWT- 

ftixt>rf*:?ifvf , 5rcr*rrcfa ift^fa %*iij- 

^cmfeS^^fa^^^ *TCO II ® || 

His fame mounting the backs of his enemies' wives, did travel 
from house to house, from city to city, from forest to forest, from 
mountain to mountain, and from ocean to ocean. 

He did extirpate the enemies who plundered the riches of the Carnatic, 
and the rnarrow, flesh and bones, (of the dead bodies of his enemies' 
troops) to be found in abundance there, has caused Yama not to leave 
the southern quarters up to the present time, becoming himself gladly 
an inhabitant of the place. 

[Yama is lord of the Pretas, a kind of evil spirits or demons, who 
live upon human flesh and blood.] 

1865.] Ou tie Sena Rdyds of Bengal 115 

In his old age he settled himself in the sacred groves of the hilly 
forests situated on the hank of the Ganges, where the smoke of the 
incense offerings reached to the skies, and young deer sucked the 
milk of the wives of the moonies (saints); where parrots have got hy 
rote the Vedas; and where the slopes of the mountains are filled up by 
the saints who resort there on approach of death. 


From this king, in his manhood, when he had not devoted himself to 
the contemplation of God, was horn Hemanta Sena, who was famous 
for killing his enemies proud of their strength, and who did acquire 
from his birth all the pure and virtuous qualities possessed by his 

He did hear on his head the dust of Shiva's feet, had truth on his 
throat (i. e. spoke truth), had the Vedas in his ear, (t. e. heard the 
Vedas,) had the hairs of his enemies under his feet, («'. e. received ho- 
mage from his enemies), and had the scars of bow-strings on his arms. 
Such were his ornaments, while the pearl flowers, ear-rings and golden 
bracelets formed the ornaments of his dancing girls. 

[This sloke is so full of participles that it is difficult to translate it 

146 On the Sena Rujik of Bengal [No. 3, 

The breasts of the heroes, who on account of their fall in hat- 
tie with him, being pierced by his spears, which were spiritedly 
played by his arms, assumed celestial forms, and were embraced 
by the celestial maidens, whose breasts were reddened by good- 
smelling red powders, were looked with terror by the Shiddhas, a spe- 
cies of celestial inhabitants, (for, on account of their breasts being 
reddened by their embracing the celestial maidens, the Shiddhas were 
reminded of the time when they fell in battle, their breasts being then 
besmeared with blood, pierced by his spear). 

[It is represented in Hindu mythology, that heroes, after their 
fall in battle, assume celestial forms and ascend to heaven.] 

gwfw*j*fifa^*w'r% xt*;: ^*: »n§ f^^T 

*r^n iiftr ^ir^K*™*:: *n&'- vmi; vmi- 

%m fT^tnsi^ re d^T*^: nf re: f%i?m it \^ 11 

His arms and his swords could both assume diverse aspects, the one in 
acts of benevolence, and the other when killing his foes, both were ingen^ 
iously employed. One intended destruction to his enemies, and the other 
blessing to his friends ; one adorned his friends with garlands, and the 
other his enemies with wounds. 

fof;rc(F^?fftf^w^fto^xn;a!TT i 
OrfV: srt^ ^rr&cft ?TcTf3<Tcrt>i<iri5^ra*[( 
^sn^ft ^m f%vw^JT^i^riiftTi;wcT h * a 11 

His queen was of the name of Yasho Debia, who possessed a 
delightful figure, was a treasure to her husband, was famous for per- 
forming ceremonial rites, and the path of her feet was adorned by the 
rays of the pearls stuck on the crest of the diadem of her friend- and 
enemies' wives. 

^ifa^^n^is^f *?re:^t>i3m: i 

1865.] On tltt Sena Rajas of Bengal. 147 

From this king of the world and the queen, was born Vijaya Sena, 
the emperor of the earth, who diverted his youthful days by destroying 
the strength of his enemies, and extended his conquests to the end of the 
four oceans* which girdle the world like bracelets. 

ufcjf^RH!WT5TT $ f5ftTT 3T fcTT 3T I 

TJ^T Tf<T ^Vtfh iw*jf ^T^iirs^: || \$ (| 

Who can count the number of kings daily killed or conquered by 
hiin ? The moon, being his first progenitor could only retain the title 
of Raja before him in this world. 

[That is, he defeated or destroyed all the Rajas of this earth, and 
acquired its possession.] 

^TlWTfHcT^tflT1^^S^l^^^T"5?TW-qr^n || ^ || 

As he, being armed only with a sword and with no other assistance, 
obtained the undisputed dominion of the earth girdled by the seven 
oceans, can we compare him to Rama, the leader of innumerable monkey 
forces? or to Partha (Arjuna) the generalissimo of the Pandava forces ? 

[In conquering the earth, Rama and Partha had advantages of large 
armies, while he had none. 

Partha the third son of Pandu was a famous warrior. In the war 
of the Kurus and Pandavas, he was the general of the Pandavas. His 
heroic deeds are celebrated in the Mahabharat. 

" Monkey forces." This mention of monkey forces, appears to me 
to agree curiously with the scenes in Homer II. iii. 6. When speaking 
of India, he writes — 

Av&pacrt, Ilvy^aiotcrt <f>ovov kou Krjpa <f>epovo~ai 
and he goes on to say. (I forget the remaining lines,) that the king of 
India kept an army of 3000 of them as guards.] 
* Ceylou doubtless. 


148 On the Sena Bdjds of Bengal. [No. 3, 

Of the (three) qualities of the Deity, which manifest themselves 
singly, without discrimination, one destroys the universe, the other 
preserves, and the third creates it. But this king resembled the 
Deity, on account of his having these eminent qualities, and employing 
them with discretion, for he destroyed his enemies, preserved the 
virtuous, and made his subjects happy by destroying their foes. 

ci^T^g:iiTmn^Tftfjn jtctt *r^ f?*ri ^^rfW: « ^ y 

He assigned heaven for the residence of his opponent kings, and took 
upon himself the dominion of the earth ; his sword decked with heroes' 
blood, fulfilled this contract. Had it been otherwise, then why did the 
descendants of his enemies, fly from the field of battle, where he chal- 
lenged them with his sword ? 

"Thou hast no hero to conquer" said the bards. On hearing it, 
through a misconception (the words being susceptible of the meaning 
" thou hast conquered no hero,") a deep anger rose and assailed the 
king of Oauda who overcame the king of Kamrupa, and forthwith con- 
quered him of Kalinga.* 

* The latter part of the s'loka may mean that the king (not the anger) 
assailed the king of Gour, subjugated the king of Kamrupa and quickly conquered 
him of Kalinga ; or, he assailed the king of Gour who had subjugated the king of 
Kamarupa, and quickly conquered him of Kalinsra ; or he quickly conquered the 
king of Kalinga who had overcome the king of Kamarupa without the interven- 
tion of the king of Gour. R. M. 

1865.] Ov the Shu, Rdjds of Bengal. IV.) 

^ret w^N ^ *?}*: fsf^T stt^tPt ^xjJ^t^ i 

Riighava, Xswineya, Vardhana, do you boast, calling yourself 
a hero? away with, your boasting, stop your pride. The cries that arose 
day and night among the captive kings prevented the -guards of the 
prison-house from sleeping (at any time). 

jr^-Tsr^T^ w^refa ihf%<u^ I 

The fleet which he equipped for conquering the western countries, 
went up the stream of the Ganges, and one of the ships became stuck 
in the ashes which are on the forehead of Shiva, and which have been 
changed into mud by constant mixture with the water of the Ganges, 
and being left there, shines as the moon. 

[The Hindu Shasters affirm that the Ganges proceeds from the 
Jata (matted hair of Shiva), and hence this sloka means, that this 
king having resolved to conquer up to the source of this river, one 
of his ships going up the stream became stuck on the forehead of 
Shiva, where it shines like the moon.] 

Through his favour the wives of the rich Brahmins learned to make 
diamonds from cotton seeds, black diamonds from grass leaves, silver 
from the flower of long gourds, pearls from brittle cavities of pome- 
granates, and gold from flowers of gourd-creepers and euphorbia. 

^TSfTfl f^Tfa cT*J^^<J - 

150 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal [No. 3, 

^iT^I^i*TT^5|tq^Tfq wf : II ^ II 

Though on account of this age, the praise of his virtue is one-legged, 
yet, through his power, it has travelled over the world, holding the 
sacrificial posts continuously erected hy him (on the earth). 

[The import of the sloka is, that he was constantly engaged in per- 
forming sacrifices, on which occasion posts are erected on the spot 
where the ceremony is performed. 

Among the Hindus, there are four ages ; Satya Yuga is the age of 
purity, Treta, Dwapara and Kali. In the first, virtue is supposed to he 
four-legged, in the second, three-legged, in the third two-legged, and in 
the last one-legged ; thereby showing that the world is gradually becom- 
ing sinful. This is Kali Yuga, and is said to have commenced from 
the latter part of the reign of Yudkisthir, king of Hastinapura, the 
modern Delhi.] 

xrijf ifrr xr*;^?;^ ^ *m ^reiiTfainsixf: || ^y. 11 

Having invited the gods from Meru, which was infested by enemies, 
this sacrificer made the inhabitants of the heaven and earth to change 
their places ; and by digging deep ponds* and erecting lofty temples, 
he made the heaven and the earth to resemble each other. 

[It is supposed that the peaks of Meru are inhabited by the gods. 
When any sacrifice is performed, they are suffered to come down to the 
earth to partake of the offerings.] 

* The Burrin or high land of Eajashahi is covered with the most enormou3 
tanks that astonish every body. I do not know of ever hearing of any other dis- 
trict with the same number of tanks as this. It is no exaggeration to say, 
that there is a tank measuring 200 to 500 yards in the north of this district, and 
some most extensive and beautiful. 

1865.] On the Sena Hdjds of Bengal. 151 

This king of the earth erected a temple to Pradyumneshwar, which 
was girdled by the oceans and contained inside the whole ethereal 
firmament. It extended to all directions in space, and vied in lofti- 
ness with Mem, round which the sun, moon and the stars move. It 
became the mid-day mountain of the sun who rises and sets in the 
eastern and western mountains. 

'sreng^ TrSnsre^g few f^itq^n ^cir 

^T^^flR cTTTTfiT *m TT^ff f TU^ TTlfT^ || ^® II 
sun ! in vain have you obliged Agastya to remain in the southern 
quarter ; look, this lofty temple has obstructed the passage of your 
horses.* Let Agastya go in any direction he likes, and let Vindya 
increase its heights as much as it can, but it shall never be able to 
attain the loftiness of this temple. 

[According to the Punins, the sun is represented as moving round 
Sumeru, a mountain supposed to be situated in the middle of the 
earth. This particular honour paid to it, excited the jealousy of Vin- 
dhya, another mountain, (the mountains are supposed to possess animal 
life), and he worshipped Shiva and obtained the power of increasing his 
body as high as he wished. Vindhya did so, and obstructed the passage 
of the sun which doomed the half of the earth to darkness. The gods, 
having perceived this, were alarmed and prevailed upon Agastya, a 
moonie and spiritual guide of Vindhya, to leave Kashi (Benares) and 
to prevent his increase. Agastya acceded to their wishes, and went to 
Vindhya who, seeing his guru, prostrated himself on the ground. 
Agastya, thereupon in order to serve the purposes of the gods, ordered 
him to remain in that posture till his return from the southern quarters, 
where he is supposed still to reside.] 

cT^Z": ^T^tWWfa'T ^W<|W^I cT^faTcT^ II =?,<= II 

If Brahma, making the earth as a potter's wheel builds a pot, taking 
as much mud as the Sumeru is in weight, then that pot can bear 
resemblance to the golden one placed by this king on the summit of 
this temple. 

* The mythological story of Phoebus aud his horses. 

152 On the Sena Rdj<k of Bengal [No. 3, 

Before the temple of Shiva, he dug a pond in which reflected the 
rays of the pearls stuck in the diadem of the crest of the female ser- 
pent and to which the black bees are attracted by the sweet scent of 
the musks applied to the breasts of the maidens who go to bathe there. 

[The snakes are supposed to reside in Patal, a region below this 
earth. He dug his pond to such a depth, to cause the rays of the dia- 
monds over the heads of the female snakes to pierce, through its 

TjSTIWFcTfwfssrerfacr^TTsmWT: ^ W** 1 | 

-v d. ^* "** 

This descendant of the Sena family did wisely provide for the poor, 
inasmuch as he clothed Digambar (naked) with coloured dresses, 
adorned his body with golden ornaments, erected a palace for him, as 
he used to live in Shashana (a place where dead bodies are burnt,) and 
made him rich, as he maintained himself by begging. 

[In the Hindu mythology, Shiva is represented as naked, living in 
Shashana, and maintaining himself by begging. He is ornamented, 
with serpents.] 

$mS, *T f^fe^T ^TJjfWcTC'Srir: 3r3J^TUTf%3i^J || ^\ || 

This king dressed Shiva at his own choice in the shape of Kalpa 
Kapalika, replacing his (Shiva's) tiger's hide by coloured silken clothes, 
his serpents by bulky garlands pendent over his breasts, his ashes by 
sandal wood powders, his rosary by blue pearls, and his human bones 
by gems. 

1865.] On the Sena Rdjus of Benyal. 153 

[A Kalpa is a period of 4,320,000,000 of years (constituting a day and 
night of Brahma), after which period the universe is supposed to be 
destroyed by Shiva, who assumes on the occasion the form of Kapalika, 
having a tiger's hide for his dress, serpents round his neck, ashes over 
his body, and a rosary of human bones in his hand. 

The carpenter in Marryat's " Midshipman Easy" was evidently ac- 
quainted with the Kalpa theory.] 

He acquired by his arms the government of the world, and gained 
what was good for him in earth by his own powers. He has nothing 
to ask for in this world ; but, O Shiva, who hast the half-moon on thy 
crest, bless him and give him in the end final absorption into yourself. 

It is Valmika and Vyasa who are able awhile to do justice to his 
life ; we have tried this only to purify our words by emerging in the 
holy river of his fame. 

[Valmika, a saint, is the author of the Ramayana, a famous and 
beautiful historical poem, containing a life of Rama. 

I believe Rama to be Bacchus, or rather Bacchus to be Rama. I 
have no authority for this idea beyond a curious similarity between the 
fables of this country and the fables as told by the Greeks. 

Rama conquered the Continent of India, 

nunc quoque qui puer es, quantus turn, Bacche, fuiste 

Cum timuit thyrsos India victa tuos ! 
Victa racemifero lyncas dedit India Baccho. 

Ovid. Art. Amorum i. 189, 190. Metam. xv. 113.] 

154 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3, 

«TT^TTT^t CETSTrJ *T*§t cTxi^^T^T Sfftfrf : II ^8 || 

As long as the Ganges will purify the heaven, the earth, and the 
Patala, (a region under the earth, Purgatory) , as long as the moon will 
become an ornament of Shiva, and as long as the three Vedas (Rig, 
Yajus and Shama) impart true knowledge to the virtuous, so long may 
his fame, becoming their friends, do similar duties which are done by 
them ! 

yi^TTtlfiiVW Sifci: 531%: || ^ || 

This garland of praises, consisting of the gems of the pure Sena family 
kings, has been constructed by Oomapatidhar, a poet, whose under- 
standing has been refined by study of words and their meanings, (i. e. 
by the study of literature) . 

nrsntniitemni ^infim ii ^i \\ 

This praise has been inscribed (dug) by humble Shulapani, the 
head of the Barendra artists, son of Brihaspati, grandson of Manadasa 
and great-grandson of Dharma. 

Jowrnel As. Soc- 

io! \xx;r t\rt i •"••.■ -rx 


■— i 






/ IS J 








/ i [ 


/ SQ^iirk i 


a / 

-so/ ° 

/ ] U ( [ffimuuputs 

Lrthca- at ilue, Surn .- 6eniroJi ittft'<x. (Idcitita.; Jugt M*S- 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 155 

Report of the Proceedings of the Archceological Surveyor- to the Govern- 
ment of India for the Season of 1862-63. — By Major-General 
A. Cunningham, Archaeological Surveyor to the Govt, of India. 
[Received 3rd Feb., 1865.] [Read 1st March, 1865.] 

(Continued from Vol. XXXIII. page Ixxxvii.) 


159. In the Brahmanical city of Mathura, in A. D. 634, the 
temples of the gods were reckoned by Hwcn Thsang at five only, 
while the Buddhist monasteries amounted to 20, with 2,000 resident 
monks. The number of St upas and other Buddhist monuments was 
also very great, there being no less than seven towers, containing 
relics of the principal disciples of Buddha. The king and his minis- 
ters were zealous Buddhists, and the three great fasts of the year 
were celebrated with much pomp and ceremony, at which times the 
people flocked eagerly to make their offerings to the holy S!hj>ii* 
containing the relics of Buddha's disciples. Each of them, says 
II wen Thsang, paid a special visit to the statue of the Bodhisatwa 
whom he regarded as the founder of his own school. Thus the follow- 
ers of the Abhidharma, or transcendental doctrines, made their offerings 
to Sdriputra ; they who practised Samddhi or meditation, to Mudga- 
laputra ; the followers of the Sautrdntikas, or aphorisms, to Pwrva 
Maitreyani Putra ; they who adhered to the Vinaya or discipline, to 
Updli ; the Bhikshuni or Nuns, to Ananta ; the Anupdsampannas, ov 
novices, to Rdhula (the son of Buddha) ■ and they who studied the 
" Greater means of advancement," to the great Bodhisatwa Manjw 
Sri or Avalokiteswara, who plays such a conspicuous part in later 
Buddhism. But notwithstanding this apparently flourishing condition 
of Buddhism, it is certain that the zeal of the people of Mathura 
must have lessened considerably since A. I). 400, when Fa Hian 
reckoned the body of monks in the 20 monasteries to be 3,000, or 
just one-half more than their number at the time of Hwen Thsang's 
visit in A. D. 634. 

160. Fa Hian and his companions halted at Mathura for a whole 
month, during which time " the clergy held a great assembly and 
discoursed upon the law." After the meeting they proceeded to the 
Stupa of SdriputrUf to which they made an offering of all sorts of 


156 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 3, 

perfumes, and before which they kept lamps burning the whole night. 
Hwen Thsang describes these processions as carrying flying streamers 
and stately parasols, while the mists of perfumes and the showers of 
flowers darkened the sun and moon ! I can easily realize the pomp and 
glittering show of these ceremonies from the similar scenes which 
I have witnessed in Barma. I have seen streamers from 100 to 200 
feet in length carried in processions, and afterwards suspended from 
pillars or holy trees. I have beheld hundreds of gorgeous parasols of 
gold and silver brocade flashing in the sun ; and I have witnessed the 
burning of thousands of candles day after day before the great Shi pa 
of Shwe-Dagon at Rangoon, which is devoutly believed to contain 
eight hairs of Buddha. Before this sacred tower, I have seen flowers 
and fruits offered by thousands of people, until they formed large 
heaps around it, while thousands of votaries still came thronging in 
with their offerings of candles, and gold leaf, and little flags, with 
plantains and rice, and flowers of all kinds. 

161. From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims it would appear 
that the Buddhist establishments at Mathura must have been of consi- 
derable importance, and this conclusion is fully borne out by the 
number and interest of the recent discoveries. Contrary to his usual 
practice, Hwen Thsang has unfortunately given us but few details 
regarding the monasteries and temples of Mathura. This is the more 
to be regretted, as we now know that one of the monasteries was 
established by the great Indo-Scythian King Huvishka, about the 
beginning of the Christian era, and that one of the stone statues, 
judging by the size of its hand, could not have been less than 20 feet 
in height. 

162. The first plaice described by Hwen Thsang is a monastery 
situated on a mound, at 5 or 6 li, or about one mile, to the east of the 
city. Cells were formed in the sides of the mound, which was ap- 
proached through a hollow, and in the midst was a Stupa containing 
the nails of Buddha. This monastery is said to have been built by 
the holy Upagupta, who, as we learn from one of the legends of Pdtali 
Putra, was a contemporary of Asoka. The nails and beard of the 
holy man were still preserved. 

163. On another mound to the north of this monastery, there was 
a cave containing a stone chamber, 20 feet high and 30 feet long, 

1865.] Iicjimi of {he Archaeological Swrveg. 157 

which was full of bamboo spikes only four inches in length. These 
spikes represented the number of husbands and their wives who had 
been converted by Upagupta. 

1(J4. At 24 or 25 11, or just four miles to the south-east of the 
stone chamber, there was a large dry tank, with a Stwpa on its bank, 
which marked the spot where Buddha was said to have taken exercise. 
On this spot also, according to the local legends, a monkey had offered 
honey to Buddha, which the teacher graciously accepted and directed 
that it should be mixed with water and given to the monks. The 
glad monkey made a wild bound, and fell into the tank and died ; but 
owing to the powerful influence of his good act, he became a man in 
his next birth. 

1G5. In a forest at a short distance to the north of the tank there 
was another holy spot, where the four previous Buddhas were said 
to have taken exercise ; and all around it there were numerous Stupas, 
which marked the places where no less than 1,250 arhats, or holy 
men, including Sdriputra, Mudgalaputra, and others, used to sit in 
meditation. But besides these, there were several other Slupas on 
the spots where Buddha at different times had explained the law. 

166. The two principal sites described by Hwen Thsang can, I 
think, be fixed with tolerable certainty ; namely, that of the famous 
Upagupta monastery, and that of the monkey's offering. The first 
is said to be at 5 or 6 li, or just one mile, to the east of the city ; but 
as an eastern direction would take us to the low ground, on the oppo- 
site bank of the Jumna, where no ruins now exist, I feel quite satisfied 
that we should read west instead of east. This change is rendered 
almost certain by the discovery of numerous Buddhist remains inside 
the great square of the Katra, which is just one mile to the westward 
of the old fort of Mathura. But it is rendered quite certain by the 
more recent discovery of very important Buddhist remains and old 
Inscriptions in a mound beside a tank which is situated just three miles 
to the south-east of the Katra mound. This tank mound I take to 
be the place where Buddha was said to have taken exercise, and where 
the monkey made his offering of honey. The direction is precisely 
the same, and the distance agrees also as well as can be made out from 
Hwen Thsang' s statements. He gives the distance as four miles from 
the stone chamber, which was at some unstated, but certainly short, 

158 Report of the Arckeeoh/yical Sure ctj. [No. 3, 

distance to the north of the Upagvpta monastery. The nearest 
mounds are about half a mile to the north of the Katra, which will 
make the whole distance 3J miles, if measured in a direct line hy 
the British road, which passes outside the city, hut which will he fully 
four miles if measured by the old road, which goes through the city. 
Had the Chinese pilgrim given us the name of the monastery built 
hy Upayupta, we might perhaps have obtained some absolute proof of 
its identity with the site of the Katra • but I believe that the very 
strong reasons which I have just before given are amply sufficient to 
fix the site of the Upayupta monastery at the present Katra. 

167. There are a great number of lofty earthen mounds around 
Mathura which are covered with fragments of stone and brick. No- 
thing, however, is known about them, although every one of them has 
a separate name. The numerous fragments of stone which are found 
upon them show that they are not old brick-kilns, as might have been 
supposed from their vicinity to the city. Apparently, they are natural 
mounds such as are found everywhere along the lower course of the 
Jumna, and which have usually been taken advantage of for the sites 
of forts or temples. Thus the old fort of Mathura is perched upon 
a similar mound, and so also is the Jama Masjid in the middle of the 
Katra Square. Most of the names of these mounds refer to the Brah- 
manical divinities ; but there are two of them, such as the Anand 
Tila and the Vinayah Tila, that are unmistakably Buddhist, and 
which may possibly refer to the two Stupas of Ananda and Updli 
(the Vinayaha, or teacher of Vinayd) as described by Hwen Thsang. 
Both of these mounds are to the north of the city. To the south 
there are seven mounds known as the Sat Tila, which ai-e severally 
named as follows :— wl, Dhu-ka-Tila ; 2, Sapt Rishi ; 3, Bal, or But, 
Tila ; 4, Narad ; 5, Kans ; 6, Kal-juy ; 7, Ndyshesha. Now, it is 
remarkable that the number of great Stupas of the disciples of Buddha 
was also seven ; but unfortunately as nothing is recorded regarding 
their relative positions, we are left entirely to conjecture whether these 
seven mounds may possibly represent the seven famous Stupas of Bud- 
dha's principal disciples. I think that it would be worth while to 
make some excavations in all of these seven mounds to the south, as 
well as in the two northern mounds which still bear Buddhistical 

1865.] Report of the ArchcBohgical Survey. 159 

168. The Katra mound has heen successively occupied by Bud- 
dhists, Brahmans, and Musalmans. The Katra, or market-place, is 
an oblong enclosure like a Sard, 804 feet in length by 653 feet in 
breadth. In the midst of this square stands the Jama Maajid, on 
a large mound from 25 to 30 feet in height. The mosque is 172 feet 
long and 66 feet broad, with a raised terrace in front of the same 
length, but with a breadth of 86 feet, the whole being 30 feet in 
height above the ground. About 5 feet lower, there is another terrace 
286 feet in length by 268 feet in breadth, on the eastern edge of 
which stands the mosque. There is no inscription on the building, 
but the people ascribe it to Aunmgzib, who is said to have pulled 
down the great Hindu temple of Kemva Dana, or Keso Hay, that 
formerly stood on this high mound, a most noble position, which com- 
mands a fine view of the whole city. Curiously enough, I have been 
able to verify this charge against Aurungzib by means of some inscrip- 
tions on the pavement slabs which were recorded by Hindu pilgrims 
to the shrine of Kesava Bay. In relaying the pavement, the Muham- 
madan architect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them 
fit into their new places. This is proved by several of the slabs bear- 
ing incomplete portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late date. One 
slab has " hat 1713, Phdlgun," the initial Sam of Savibat having been 
cut off. Another slab has the name of Kcso Bay, the rest being 
wanting; while a third bears the late date of S. 1720. These dates 
are equivalent to A. D. 1656 and 1663 ; and as the latter is Jive years 
subsequent to the accession of Aurungzib, it is certain that the Hindu 
temple was still standing at the beginning of his reign. 

169. The greater part of the foundations of the Hindu temple of 
Kesava Bay may still be traced at the back of the Masjid. Indeed 
the back wall of the mosque itself is actually built upon the plinth 
of the temple, one of the cyma rcversa mouldings being filled up with 
brick and mortar. I traced the walls for a distance of 163 feet to the 
westward, but apparently this was not the whole length of the temple, 
as the mouldings of the Hindu plinth at the back of the Masjid are 
those of an exterior wall. I think it probable that the temple must 
have extended at least as far as the front of the mosque, which would 
give a total length of 250 feet, with an extreme breadth of nearly 72 
feet, the floor of the building being no less than 25 feet above the 

160 Report of the Archccological Survey. [No. 3, 

ground. Judging from these dimensions, the temple of Kesava Dcua 
must have been one of the largest in India. I was unable to obtain 
any information as to the probable date of this magnificent fane. It 
is usually called Keso Ray, and attributed to Raja Jaga Deva, but 
some say that the enshrined image was that of Jaga Deva, and that 
the builder's name was Ray or Raja Kesava Deva. It is possible that 
it may have been one of the " innumerable temples" described by 
Mahmud in his letter to the Governor of G-hazni, written in A. D. 
1017, as we know that the conqueror spared the temples either through 
admiration of their beauty, or on account of the difficulty of destroy- 
ing them. Mahmud remained at Mathura only 20 days, but during 
that time the city was pillaged and burned, and the temples were rifled 
of their statues. Amongst these there were " five golden idols whose 
eyes were of rubies, valued at 50,000 dinars," or £25,000. A sixth 
golden image weighed 98,300 mishkah, or 1,120 lbs., and was decor- 
ated with a sapphire weighing 300 mishJcals, or 3Jlbs. But " besides 
these images, there were above one hundred idols of silver, which 
loaded as many camels." Altogether the value of the idols carried of 
by Mahmud cannot have been less than three millions of Rupees, or 

170. The date of Mahmud's invasion was A. D. 1017, or some- 
what less than 400 years after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen 
Thsang, who in A. D. 034 found only five Brahmanical temples in 
Mathura. It is daring these four centuries, therefore, that we must 
place, not only the decline and fall of Buddhism, but its total dis- 
appearance from this great city, in which it once possessed twenty 
large monasteries, besides many splendid monuments of its most famous 
teachers. Of the circumstances which attended the downfall of Bud- 
dhism we know almost nothing ; but as in the present case we find 
the remains of a magnificent Brahmanical temple occupying the very 
site of what must once have been a large Buddhist establishment, we 
may infer with tolerable certainty that the votaries of Sahya Muni 
were expelled by force, and that their buildings were overthrown to 
furnish materials for those of their Brahmanical rivals ; and now these 
in their turn have been thrown down by the Musalmans. 

171. I made the first discovery of Buddhist remains at the temple 
of Kesava Ray in January 1853, when, after a long search, I found 

1865.] Report of the Archwohgical Survey. 1G1 

a broken pillar of a Buddhist railing sculptured with the figure of 
Maya Devi standing under the Sal tree. At the same time I found 
the capitals of two large round pillars of an early date, which are most 
probably Buddhist, along with a fragment of an inscription of the 
Gupta dynasty, containing the well known genealogy from Gupta, the 
founder, down to Samudra Gupta, where the stone is broken off. 
During the present year I have discovered the peculiarly curved archi- 
trave of a Buddhist gateway, Avhich is richly sculptured on both sides 
with buildings, figures, and trees, including a representation of a gate- 
way itself. I found also a very perfect standing figure of Buddha, 
the Teacher, which had lately been discovered in clearing out a well 
at the north-west corner of the temple. The figure is 3| feet high, 
with the left hand grasping the drapery, and the right hand raised in 
the act of teaching. On the pedestal there is a dated inscription, in 
two lines, in characters of an early period. The date is given in 
figures and is uncertain, but the remainder of the inscription, which 
is in perfect order, is easily legible. It records the gift of a statue of 
Sakya Bhihshu to the Yasa Vihdra, or " splendid monastery," which 
I take to have been the name of the Buddhist establishment that once 
existed on this spot. I think also that there are good grounds for 
believing that this was the famous monastery which was founded by 
the holy Upagupta during the reign of Asoka. 

172. In the same well there were found five other pieces of Bud- 
dhist sculpture, of which the only specimens worth mentioning are 
a colossal arm and hand, and a small figure of Buddha, the Ascetic, 
with an imperfect inscription on its pedestal in characters of the Gupta 
dynasty. All these discoveries are sufficient to show that the mound 
of Kesava Ray must have been the site of a Buddhist establishment 
of much wealth and of considerable size. The inscribed statue proves 
that here stood the Yasa monastery, and the gateway architrave shows 
that there must also have been a Stupa surrounded with the stone 
railing which is peculiar to Buddhist architecture, and which on that 
account I have ventured to call the Buddhist railing. The site is 
a most promising one for a discovery, and as the Masjid has long been 
disused, owing to many dangerous cracks in both roof and walls, 
I believe that there would not be any objection whatever to a complete 
exploration of the mound. 

162 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 3, 

173. The most extensive discoveries at Mathura have been made 
in a mound close to the Jail, which, according to the inscriptions, 
would appear to have been the site of at least two different monas- 
teries, named the Huvishka Vihdra and the KundoJchara Vihdra. 
The first of these names I deciphered in 1860 from a circular inscrip- 
tion round the base of a column, and the second name I found early 
in the present year, 1863, on a large flat slab of stone which had 
apparently been used as a seat. 

174. In my notice of the first discovery, which was published in 
the Asiatic Society's Journal for 1860, I identified this Huvishka with 
his namesake of the Wardak inscription, and with the Hushka of the 
Baja Tarangini ; and this identification has since been adopted by all 
who have made any reference to either of these records. The ques- 
tion is one of considerable importance, as it enables us to fix the date 
of the building of the monastery in the latter half of the century 
immediately preceding the Christian era, at which period the three 
Indo-Scythian princes, HushJea and his brothers, Kanishha and Jushka, 
ruled over Kabul, Kashmir, and the Punjab. The bases of about 30 
pillars belonging to this monastery have now been discovered, of which 
no less than 15 are inscribed with the names of the donors who pre- 
sented the columns to the monastery. But as one of these gifts 
consisted of six pillars, a second of 25, and a third of 26 pillars, there 
still remain 40 columns to be discovered, which will bring up the total 
number to 70. The diameter of the circular shafts of these pillars 
varies from 17 to 18 inches, and the side of the square base from 23^ 
to 24 inches. They are all very coarsely worked, the rough marks of 
the chisel never having been smoothed away. 

175. The name of the second monastery, Kundokhara, refers, I 
believe, to the tank which lies immediately to the westward of the 
mound. At most of the old Buddhist sites I have found tanks named 
in a similar manner, as the Buddhokhar at Buddha Graya, the Panso- 
Tchar at Nalanda, the Narokhar and Chandokhar at Sarnath, Benares, 
the Buddhokhar at Punawa, and the Chandokhar at Dharawat. All 
of these I believe to be formed of Pushkhara, or Pokhar, the well 
known term for a tank, added to the name of Buddha, or to that of 
the person at whose expense it was excavated. 

176. The discoveries already made in the Jail mound, amongst 

1805.] Report of the Archceoloijieal Survey. 163 

the ruins of the Huvishka and Kundokhara monasteries, have been 
very interesting on account of their variety, as they comprise statues 
of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist railings, votive Stupas, stone 
umbrellas, and many other objects peculiar to Buddhism, of a date as 
early as the first century of the Christian era. Amongst the broken 
statues there is the left hand of a colossal figure of Buddha, the 
Teacher, which measures exactly one foot across the palm. The 
statue itself, therefore, could not have been less than from 20 to 24 
feet in height, and with its pedestal, halo, and umbrella canopy it 
must have been fully 30 feet in height. Stone statues of this great 
size are so extremely difficult to move, that they can be very rarely 
made. It is true that some of the Jain statues of Gwalior are larger, 
such as the standing colossus in the Urwdhi of the fort, which is 57 
feet high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great seated figure on 
the east side of the fort, which is 29 feet high, with a hand 7 feet in 
length. But these figures are hewn out of the solid rock, to which 
they are still attached at the back. There are larger statues also in 
Banna, but they arc built up on the spot of brick and mortar, and 
cannot be moved. I look forward, therefore, with great interest to the 
discovery of other portions of the Mathura Colossus, and more especi- 
ally to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect to find the name 
of the donor of this costly and difficult work. 

177. Most of the statues hitherto discovered at Mathura have been 
those of Buddha, the Teacher, who is represented cither sitting or 
standing, and with one or both hands raised in the attitude of enforcing 
his argument. The prevailing number of these statues is satisfactorily 
illustrated by II wen Thsang, who records that when Buddha was alive 
he frequently visited Mathura, and that monuments have been erected 
" in all the places where he explained the law." Accordingly, on this 
one spot there have already been found two colossal standing figures 
of the Teacher, each 7^ feet in height, two life-size seated statues, and 
one three-quarter size seated statue, besides numerous smaller figures 
of inferior workmanship. 

178. The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a female 
of rather more than half life-size. The figure is naked, save a 
girdle of beads round the waist, the same as is seen in the Bhilsa 
sculptures and Ajanta paintings. The attitude and the positions of the 


164 Re-port of the Arcliceolorjical Survey, [No. 3, 

hands arc similar to those of the famous statue of Venus of the Capitol. 
But in the Mathura statue the left hand is hrought across the right 
breast, while the right hand holds up a small portion of drapery. The 
head is slightly inclined towards the right shoulder, and the hair is 
dressed in a new and peculiar manner, with long curls on each side of 
the face, which fall from a large circular ornament on the top of the 
head. The hack of the figure is supported by a thick cluster of lotus 
stalks covered with buds and flowers, which are very gracefully arranged 
and boldly executed. The plump face with its broad smile is the least 
satisfactoiy part of this work. Altogether this statue is one of the best 
specimens of unaided Indian art that I have met with. I presume 
that it represents a dancing girl, and that it once adorned one of the 
gateways of the great Stupa near the monastery of Huvishka. 

179. Three statues of lions have also been discovered, but they 
are inferior both in design and in execution to most of the other 
sculptures. They are all of the same height, 3 feet, and are all in the 
same attitude, but two of them have the left foot advanced, while the 
third has the right foot brought forward. The attitudes are stiff, and 
the workmanship especially of the legs, is hard, wiry and unnatural. 
It is the fore part only of the animal that is given, as if issuing out of 
the block of stone in rear, from which I infer that they must originally 
have occupied the two sides of some large gateway, sitch as we may 
suppose to have belonged to the great monasteiy of Huvishka. 

180. The most numerous remains are the stone pillars of the Bud- 
dhist railings, of which at least three different sizes have been found. 
Those of the largest size are 4J feet in height, with a section of 12J 
by 6 inches. When complete with base and coping, this railing would 
have been about 7 feet in height. The middle-sized pillars are 3 feet 
8 inches high, with a section of 9 by 4f inches. The railings formed 
of these pillars would have been 5J feet in height. Those of the 
smallest size are 2J feet high, with a section of 6J by 3| inches, 
which would have formed a railing of only 4 feet in height. Of this 
last size no more than six specimens have yet been found, but two of 
them are numbered in the ancient Gupta numerals as 118 and 129 so 
that many more of them still remain to be discovered. If we assume 
the number of these pillars to have been no more than 129, the length 
of railing which they formed would have been 144 feet, or with two 

18G5-3 Report of the Archaeological Survey. 165 

entrances not less than 160 feet. This might have been disposed 
cither as a square enclosure of 40 feet side, or as a circular enclosure 
of upwards of 50 feet diameter. The last would have been sufficient for 
the circular railing of a Stupa 40 feet in diameter. 

181. No inscriptions or numbers have been found on any of the 
large sized pillars, but there can be no doubt that they must have formed 
parts of the surrounding railings either of St upas or of holy trees, such as 
are represented in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, or as we see them in still existing 
examples at Sanchi and Sonari. Of the middle-sized railing I found a 
single broken rail, and also a single specimen of the architraves or 
coping stones. In the Sanchi and Sonari examples the coping is quits 
plain, but this Mathura specimen is ornamented on both faces with 
semi-circular panels or niches containing figures and flowers. 

182. The sculptures on the Mathura pillars are of two kinds ; 
namely, large single figures on the front, and on the bac*k either small 
bas-reliefs in compartments one above the other, or else full-blown 
flowers at regular intervals. Both in the single figures ami in the 
bas-reliefs we find the same mixture of religious and social subjects as 
in the sculptures of Sanchi and Buddha Gaya. On one pillar we have 
a standing figure of Buddha, the Teacher, with a halo and umbrella 
canopy, and on the back four small bas-reliefs representing. 1st, a holy 
tree with suspended garlands, surrounded by a Buddhist railing ; 2nd, 
a pair of figures, male and female ; 3rd, a kneeling figure presenting 
an offering to a standing figure ; and 4th, an elephant with rider. One 
of the other single figures is a female holding a water vessel to her 
lips, and no less than four of the others are representations of MayS 
Devi standing under the Sal tree, and holding one of its branches, in 
which position she is described as having given birth to Buddha. A 
specimen one of the large sized Mathura pillars may be seen in the 
Asiatic Society's Museum in Calcutta, where it was deposited by 
Colonel Stacy. 

183. But perhaps the most curious of all the Mathura sculptures 
is that which was figured and described by James Prinsep in 1836 
as a Statue of Silenus. The block is 3 feet 10 inches in height, 3 feet 
broad, and 1 foot 4 inches thick. On the top there is a circular 
bason 16 inches in diameter and 8 inchfes deep. On the front there is 
a group of three figures about three-fourths of life-size, with two 

166 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 3, 

smaller figures, and on the back a group of four figures of half life-size. 
In the front group the principal figure is a stout, half naked man 
resting on a low seat, with ivy or vine-crowned brow, and outstretched 
arms, which appear to be supported by the figures, male and female, 
standing one on each side. The dress of the female is most certainly 
not Indian, and is almost as certainly Greek. The dress of the male 
figure also appears to be Greek. Colonel Stacy describes it as " a 
kerchief round the neck with a tie in front as worn by sailors ;" but 
as it widens as it approaches the shoulders, I presume that it must be 
the short cloak of the Greeks which was fastened in front in the very 
same manner as represented in this sculpture. Prinsep agrees with 
Stacy in considering the principal figure to be Silenus : " his portly 
carcass, drunken lassitude, and vine-wreathed forehead, stamp the 
individual, while the drapery of his attendants pronounces them at 
least to be foreign to India, whatever may be thought of Silenus's 
own costume, which is certainly highly orthodox and Brahmanical. 
If the sculptor were a Greek, his taste had been somewhat tainted by 
the Indian beau-ideal of female beauty. In other respects his 
proportions and attitudes are good ; nay, superior to any specimen 
of pure Hindu sculpture we possess ; and considering the object of 
the group, to support a sacrificial vase (probably of the juice of 
the grape), it is excellent." Of the group on the back I have but 
little to say : the two female figures and one of the men are dressed 
in the same Greek costume as the figures of the other group, 
but the fourth figure, male, is dressed in a long tur.i?, which is 
certainly not Greek, and cannot well be Indian. The religious 
Buddhist would have his right shoulder bare, and the layman would 
have the dhoti, or waist-cloth. The Greek-clad male figure may 
possibly be Silenus, but I am unable to offer even a conjecture as to 
the figure in the tunic. 

184. The question now arises, how is the pi - esence of this piece of 
Greek sculpture to be accounted for ? Perhaps the most reasonable 
solution is to assume the presence of a small body of Bactrian Greek 
sculptors who would have found ready employment for their services 
amongst the wealthy Buddhists, just in the same way as goldsmiths 
and artillerymen afterwards found service with the Mogul Emperors. 
It must be remembered that Mathura is close to the great sandstone 

18G5.] Report of the Archwological Survey, 1G7 

quarries which for ages past have furnished materials for sculptors and 
architects of Upper India. All the ancient statues that I have met 
with in Rohilkhund and Oudh are made of this stone, and there can 
be little doubt that the Buddhist custom of making gifts of statues 
and pillars to the various monasteries must have created such a steady 
demand for the sculptor's works as would have ensured the continuous 
employment of many skilled workmen. Many of the Bactrian Greeks 
may thus havefound remunerative service amongst the Indian Buddhists. 
Indeed, this is the only way in which I can account, not only for the 
very superior execution of many of the earliest specimens of Indian 
art, but also for many of their ornamental details, such as the fluting of 
the pillars in the Western Punjab architecture and the honeysuckle and 
astragal ornaments of Asoka's monoliths, all of which are of undoubted 
Greek origin. In the great fort of Narwar there still exists a Roman 
Catholic chapel, with a burial-ground attached, containing fifty tombs 
of all sizes, of which two only are inscribed. One records the death of 
a German, named Cornelius Oliver, in A. D. 1747 ; the other of a 
young girl named Margarita, the daughter of a Hakim or Doctor. 
The first is recorded in Portuguese, the other in Persian. That the 
fifty tombs are those of Christians is proved, not only by the presence 
of the cross on several of the uninscribed head-stones, but by the occur- 
rence of letters I. II. S. surmounted by a cross, on the wall imme- 
diately above the altar. I presume that these Christians were gunners 
who formed the artillery portion of the garrisons of the important 
fortress of Narwar. Here, then, we have the clearest proof of the 
existence of a small body of foreigners in the very heart of India, who 
were permitted the open exercise of their religion by the most bigoted 
of all mankind, the Indian Muhammadans. Such also I think may have 
been the position of a small party of Bactrian Greeks amongst the 
tolerant Buddhists of the great city of Mathura, about the beginning 
of the Christian era, Their very names are unknown, and their occupa- 
tions are uncertain, but their foreign religion is attested beyond all 
doubt by the presence of a Bacchic altar, bearing the known figure of 
the wine-bibbing Silenus. 

185. About 15 miles to the westward of Masuri, and on the right 
bank of the Jumna just above the junction of the Tons river, there 

168 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 3, 

stands a huge quartz boulder covered with one of the well known 
inscriptions of Asoka. The inscribed rock is situated close to the 
little villages of Byas and Haripur, and about one mile and a half to the 
south of the large and well known village of Khalsi, by which name 
I propose to distinguish this copy of Asoka's edicts from those of 
Kapurdagiri, Junagiri, Bohitds, and Ganjam. In speaking of Firuz 
Shah's Pillar at Delhi, which we know was brought from the foot of 
the hills on the western bank of the Jumna near Khidrabad, I have 
already identified the district of Khalsi with part of the ancient kingdom 
of Srughna, as described by Hwen Thsang. As my reasons for com- 
ing to this conclusion are based entirely upon the statements of the 
Chinese pilgrim, it is necessary that they should be given in detail. 

186 On leaving Sthdneswara or Thdnesar Hwen Thsang records 
that he went 400 li, or 66 miles, to the westward, to the kingdom of 
Su-lu-kin-na. or Surghna, which he describes as being bounded by the 
Ganges on the east, and by high mountains on the north, and as being 
watered by the Jumna, which ran through the midst of it. The Capital, 
which was 20 li, or upwards of three miles, in circuit, was situated 
immediately on the west bank of the Jumna, and although much ruined, 
its foundations were still standing. Amongst other monuments it 
possessed a Stupa of King Asoka. The direction given by Hwen 
Thsang is undoubtedly wrong, as the Jumna is not more than 24 
miles distant from Thanesar towards the east. But the mention of the 
hills shows most clearly that the bearing should be north-east, and as 
the recorded distance of the Jumna at the foot of the hills agrees with 
the actual distance, the situation of the Capital of Srughna must be 
looked for along the western bank of the Jumna, somewhere between 
Khalsi and Khidrabad. At first I was inclined to fix the position of 
the Capital in the immediate neighbourhood of the inscribed rock of 
Khalsi, but I could neither find nor hear of any ruins in its vicinity, 
and the distance is besides too great, being, 71 miles in a direct line, 
or about 80 miles by the road. If Hwen Thasng's distance is correct, 
the most probable position of the Capital is Paota, on the right bank 
of the Jumna, which is 57 miles distant from Thdnesar in a direct line, 
or about 65 miles by the road. I believe also that Paota is the very place 
from whence Firuz Shah removed the Delhi column, for the name of its 
original site is variously written as Taopar,o\Topara, or Taoparsuk, any 

1805.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 169 

one of which by the mere shifting of the diacritical points might he read 
as Paotar. It is possible also that the word Suh may still preserve a 
trace of the ancient name of Swjhan, which is the spoken form of the 
Sanskrit Srityhna. I propose to explore this neighbourhood during 
the ensuing cold season. In the meantime I am satisticd with having 
shown that the inscribed rock of KMlsi is situated within 18 or 20 
miles of the site of the ancient Capital of Siughna, in whose great 
monastery the Chinese pilgrim spent upwards of four months, because 
the monks discussed the most difficult cpxestions so ably that all doubts 
were cleared up. By the hands of this learned fraternity were most 
probably engraved the two copies of the edicts of Asoka which are still 
extant, on the Khalai rock and on the Delhi Pillar of Firuz Shah. 

187. Between Khalsi and the Jumna the land on the western 
bank of the river is formed in two successive ledges or level steppes, 
each about 100 feet in height. Near the foot of the upper steppe 
stands the large cpiartz boulder which lias preserved the edicts of 
Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet high, and 
about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has been smoot li- 
ed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the original 
surface. The main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface, 
which measures 5 feet in height with a breadth of 5| feet at top, which 
increases towards the bottom to 7 feet 10 \ inches. The deeper hollows 
and cracks have been left uninscribed, and the lines of letters are un- 
dulating and uneven. Towards the bottom the letters increase in si/.e 
until they become about thrice as large as those of the upper part. 
Owing either to this enlargement of the letters, or perhaps to the latter 
part of the inscription being of later date, the prepared surface was 
too small for the whole record, which was therefore compressed on the 
left hand side of the rock. 

188. On the light hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with 
'the words Gaja tame inscribed between his legs in the same characters 
as those of the inscription. The exact meaning of these words I do 
not know ; but as the Junagirijock inscription closes with a paragraph 
6tating that the place is called Swcta Hasti, or the " white elephant," 
I think at probable that Gaja tame may mean the " dark or black 
elephant," and may therefore be the name of the rock itself. Amongst 
the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhalr Sila, 

170 Report of the Archaeological Srwrvey. [No. 3, 

or " the canopy stone," which would seem to show that the inscribed 
block had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or 
perhaps only by an umbrella, as the name imports. There are a 
number of squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as se- 
veral fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which 
are hollowed out or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common 
fashion of the pillars of Buddhist railings. There is also a large 
carved stone, 7 feet long, 1J foot broad, and 1 foot in height, which 
from its upper mouldings I judged to have formed the entrance step 
to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone. 

189. When found by Mr. Forrest early in 1860 the letters of the 
inscription were hardly visible, the whole surface being encrusted with 
the dark moss of ages ; but on removing this black film the surface 
became nearly as white as marble. At first sight the inscription looks 
as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is owing to the engrav- 
er having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions uninscrib- 
cd. On comparing the different edicts with those of the itapurdagiri, 
Junagiri and Dhouli versions, I find the Khalsi text to be in a more 
perfect state than any one of them, and more especially in that part of 
the 13th Edict which contains the names of the five Greek Kings, 
Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander. The Khalsi 
text agrees with that of Dhouli in rejecting the use of the letter r\ 
for which I is everywhere substituted. But the greatest variation is in 
the use of the palatal sibilant s, ^, which has not been found in any 
other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word 
Pdsanda, which curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one s, and 
sometimes with the other, even in the same edict. As the proper 
spelling of this word is Pashanda, it seems almost certain that the 
people of India Proper did not possess the letter sh in the time of Asoka. 

190. I made a complete impression of the whole of this important 
inscription. I also copied the whole of the inscription on the left side 
by eye, as well as most of the more obscure parts in the front inscrip- 
tion. I have since compared the entire text with those of the other 
rock tablets, and I am now engaged in making a reduced copy of this 
valuable record for early publication. I propose, however, first io 
compare it with the Kapurdagiri version in the Arian characters. 
With good copies of all the different texts before them, the scholars 

1865.] tbeport of ike Archaeological Surrey. 171 

of Europe will be able to give a more satisfactory interpretation of 
Asoka'a edicts than has hitherto been made, even with the aid of all 
the learning of Burnouf and Wilson. 


191. From Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Mo-ti-pu-lo, 
or Madipur, to the east of the Ganges, a distance of 800 li, or 133 
miles. Madipur has been identified by M. St. Martin with Manddwar, 
a large old town in "Western Rohilkhand near Bijnor. I had made the 
same identification myself before reading M. St. Martin's remarks, and 
I am now able to confirm it by a personal examination of the locality. 
The actual distance from Paota on the Jumna to Manddwar via lhm<l- 
wdr, is not more than 110 miles by the present roads ; but as it 
would have been considerably more by the old native tracks leading 
from village to village, the distance recorded by Hwen Thsang is most 
probably not far from the truth, more especially when we remember 
that he paid a visit to Ma-yu-lo, or Mayurapura, now Myapoor, near 
Hard war at the head of the Granges Canal. But the identity of the 
site of Maddwar with Madipur is not dependent on this one distance, 
alone, as will be seen from the subsequent course of the pilgrim, which 
most fully confirms the position already derived from his previous route. 

192. The name of the town is written *T3T3T, Maddwar, the 
Munddwur of the maps. According to Johari Lai, Chaodri and 
Kanungo of the place, Maddwar was a deserted site in Samvat 1171, 
or A. D. 1114, when his ancestor Dwdrha Das, an Agarwala Baniya, 
accompanied by Katdr Mull, came from Mordri in the Mirat District, 
and occupied the old mound. The present town of Maddwar contains 
7,000 inhabitants, and is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in 
length by half a mile in breadth. But the old mound which represents 
the former town is not more than half a mile square. It has an aver- 
age height of 10 feet above the rest of the town, and it abounds with 
large bricks, a certain sign of antiquity. In the middle of the mound 
there is a ruined fort, 300 feet square, with an elevation of 6 or 7 feet 
above the rest of the city. To the north-east, distant about one mile 
from the fort, there is a large village, on another mound, called 
Madiya ; and between the two lies a large tank called Kund.a Tdl, 
surrounded by numerous small mounds which are said to be the re- 


172 Jteport r of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 3, 

mains of buildings. Originally these two places would appear to have 
formed one large town about 1J mile in length by half a mile in 
breadth, or 3J miles in circuit. The Kanungo states that Maddwar 
formed part of the dominions of Pithora Raja, and that it possessed 
a large Hindu temple of stone, which was afterwards destroyed by one 
of the Grhori Sultans, who built the present Jama Masjid on its site, 
and with its materials. The stones of the mosque are squared blocks 
of soft grey sandstone, and as many of them exhibit cramp-holes on the 
outside, there can be no doubt that they must originally have belong- 
ed to some other building. 

193. To the south-east of the town there is a large, deep, irregu- 
larly shaped piece of water called Pirwdli Tdl. It is nearly half a 
mile in length, but not more than 300 feet broad in its widest part. 
It is rilled in the rains by a small channel carrying the drainage of the 
country from the north-east, and its overflow falls into the Mdlini 
River, about two miles distant. This pool is only part of a natural 
channel of drainage which has been deepened by the excavation of earth 
for the bricks of the town. But in spite of this evident origin of the 
Maddwar tank, it was gravely asserted by the Buddhists to have been 
produced by an earthquake which accompanied the death of a celebrat- 
ed saint named Vimala Mitra. 

194. According to Hwen Thsang Madipur was 20 U, or 3J miles, 
in circuit, which agrees very closely with what would appear to be 
the most probable size of the old town. The King was a Sudra, who 
cared nothing for Buddhism, but worshipped the Devas. Tkere were 
12 Buddhist monasteries, containing about 800 monks, who were 
mostly attached to the school of the Sarvdstivddas, and there were 
also about 50 Brahmanical temples. To the south of the town, at 4 
or 5 li, or f of a mile, there was a small monastery in which Gunapra- 
bha was said to have composed 100 works ; and at half a mile to the 
north of this there was a great monastery which was famous as the 
scene of Sanghabhadra's sudden death from chagrin, when he was over- 
come in argument by Vasubandhu. His relics were deposited in a 
Stupa in the midst of a mango grove only 200 paces to the north-west 
of the monastery. These two chiefs of Buddhism lived about the 
beginning of the Chirstian era, and the Stupa was still standing in 
A. D. 634, at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit. There is no trace 

1865.] Report of the Archeeological Survetf. *»q 

now existing either of the monasteries or of the Stupa, but their sites 
can be fixed with tolerable certainty by the aid of Hwen Thsang's 
descriptions. The village of Lalpur, which is situated on a mound 
about three quarters of a mile to the south-south-east of the Jama 
Masjid, and which is built partly of old bricks, represents the site of 
the small monastery of Ghmaprabha, To the north of Lalpur, and 
just half a mile distant, is the shrine of Hidayat Shah, with a Masjid 
attached, both of which are built of old bricks. This spot I believe 
to be the site of the great monastery of SanghabJtadra. Lastly, to 
the west-north-west of Hidayat's shrine, at a distance of 200 paces, 
there is another shrine, or Fakir's takia, standing in the midst of a 
mango grove, like the old Stupa of Scmghabhadra, the site of which 
it represents almost exactly as described by Hwen Thsang. 

195. Beside the mango grove, there was a second Stupa which con- 
tained the relics of Vimala Mitra, who, as a disciple of Scmghabhadra, 
must have lived in the first century of the Christian era. The legend 
relates that on passing the Stupa of his master Sanghabhadra, he 
placed his hand on his heart, and with a sigh expressed a wish that he 
might live to compose a work which should lead all the students of 
India to renounce the " Great Vehicle" (Mahd Ydna), and which 
should blot out the name of Vasubamdhu for ever. No sooner had he 
spoken than he was seized with frenzy, and five spouts of burning hot 
blood gushed from his month. Then feeling himself dying, he wrote 
a letter "expressing his repentance for having maligned the Mahd 
Yilua, and hoping that his fate might serve as an example to all 
students." At these words the earth quaked, and he expired instantly. 
Then the spot where he died suddenly sank and. formed a deep ditch 
and a holy man who witnessed his end, exclaimed, " To-day this master 
of the scriptures, by giving way to his passions, and by persisting in 
erroneous opinions, has calumniated the Mahd Ydna, for which he 
has now fallen into everlasting hell." But this opinion of the holy 
man would appear to have been confined to the followers of the Mahd 
Ydna, for the brethren of Vimala Mitra, who were Sarvdstivddas or 
students of the lesser Vehicle, burned his body and raised a Stupa 
over his relics. It must be remembered, also, that Hwen Thsang who 
relates the legend, was a zealous follower of the Mahd Ydna and this 
no doubt led him to overlook the manifest contradiction between the 

174 Report of the Archesological Survey. [No. 3, 

statement of the uncharitable arhat, and the fact that his brethren had 
burned his body in the usual manner. This legend, as well as several 
others, would seem to show that there was a hostile and even bitter 
feeling between these two great sects of the Buddhist community. 

196. The site of Vimala Mitra's Stupa is described as being at 
the edge of the mango grove, and from the details of the legend it is 
clear that it could have been at no great distance from the Stupa of 
Sanghabhadra. It would appear also that it must have stood close by 
the great ditch, or hollow, which his opponents looked upon as the 
rent in the earth by which he had sunk down to " everlasting hell." 
Now, the mango grove which I have before mentioned, extends only 
120 paces to the westward to the bank of the deep tank called the Pincdll 
Toll, I conclude therefore that the Stupa of Vimala Mitra must have 
stood close to the edge of this tank and on the border of the mango grove 
which still exists in the same position as described by Hwen Thsang. 

197. It seems probable that the people of Maddwar, as pointed out 
by M. St. Martin, may be the Matlioz of Megasthenes who dwelt on 
the banks of the Erineses. If so, that river must be the Malini It 
is true that this is but a small stream, but it was in a sacred grove 
on the bank of the Malini that Sahuntala was brought up, and along 
its course lay her route to the Court of Dushmanta at Hastinajmr . 
While the lotus floats on its waters, and while the Chakwa calls its 
mate on its bank, so long will the little Malini live in the verse 
of Kali das. 


198. On leaving Madipur the Chinese pilgrim travelled 400 U, or 
66 miles to the south-east and arrived in the kingdom of Kiu-pi- 
sMvang-na, which M. Julien renders by Govisana. The Capital 
was 14 or 15 li, or 2 J miles, in circuit. Its position was strong, being 
elevated, and of difficult access, and it was surrounded by groves, 
tanks, and fish ponds. There were two monasteries containing 100 . 
monks, and 30 Brahmanical temples. In the middle of the larger 
monastery, which was outside the city, there was a Stupa of Asoka, 200 
feet in height, built over the the spot where Buddha was said to have 
explained the law. There were also two small Stupas, only 12 feet 
high, containing his hair and nails. 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Swrvey. 175 

199. According to the bearing and distance from Madipnr, as 
given by Hwen Thsang, we must look for Govisana somewhere to the 
north of Muradabad. In this direction the only place of any antiquity 
is the old foil of Ujain, which is just one mile to the east of Kashipur. 
According to the route which I marched the distance is 44 kos, or 66 
miles. I estimate the value of the kos by the measured distance of 
59 miles between the Post Offices of Bareli and Muradabad, which is 
always called 40 kos by the natives. The trae bearing of Kashipur 
is east-south-east, instead of south-east, but the difference is not great; 
and as the position of Kashipur is equally clearly indicated by the 
subsequent route to Ahichhatra, I feel quite satisfied that the old fort 
of Ujain represents the ancient city of Govisana which was visited by 
Hwen Thsang. 

200. Bishop Ileber describes Kashipur as a " famous place of 

Hindu pilgrimage which was built by a divinity 
named Kashi 5,000 years ago." But the 
good Bishop was grossly deceived by his informant, as it is well known 
that the town is a modern one, it having been built about A. D. 
1718 by Kashi Nath, a follower of Raja Devi Chandra* or Deb Chand, 
of Champawat in Kumaon. The old fort is now called Ujain, but as 
that is the name of the nearest village it seems probable that the true 
name has been lost. The place itself had been deserted for several 
hundred years before the occupation of Kashipur, but as the holy tank 
of Dion Sdgar had never ceased to be visited by pilgrims, I presume 
that the name of the tank must have gradually superseded that of the 
fort. Even at the present day, the name of Dron Sdgar is just as well 
known as that of Kashipur. 

201. The old fort of Ujain is very peculiar in its form, which may 
be best compared to the body of a guitar. It is 3,000 feet in length 
from west to east, and 1,500 feet in breadth, the whole circuit being 
upwards of 9,000 feet, or rather less than 2 miles. Hwen Thsang 
describes the circuit of Govisana as about 12,000 feet, or nearly 2J 
miles, but in this measurement he must have included the long mound 
of ruins on the south side, which is evidently the remains of an ancient 
suburb. By including this mound as an undoubted part of the old 
city, the circuit of the ruins is upwards of 11,000 feet, or very nearly 
the same as that given by Hwen Thsang. Numerous groves, tanks, 

176 Report of the Archaeological Survetf. [No. 3, 

and fish ponds still surround the place. Indeed, the trees are parti- 
cularly luxuriant, owing to the high level of the water which is within 
5 or 6 feet of the surface. For the same reason the tanks are numer- 
ous and always full of water. The largest of these is the Dron Sugar, 
which, as well as the fort, is said to have been constructed by the five 
Pandu brothers for the use of their teacher Drona. The tank is only 
600 feet square, but it is esteemed very holy, and is much frequented by 
pilgims on their way to the source of the Granges. Its high banks are 
covered with Sati monuments of recent date. The walls of the fort are 
built of large massive bricks, 15 inches by 10 inches by 2 \ inches, which 
are always a certain sign of antiquity. The general height of the walls 
is 30 feet above the fields ; but the whole is now in complete ruin, and 
covered with dense jungle. Shallow ditches still exist on all sides 
except the east. The interior is very uneven, but the mass has a mean 
height of about 20 feet above the country. There are two low open- 
ings in the ramparts, one to the north-west and the other to the south- 
west, which now serve as entrances to the jungle, and which the people 
say were the old gates of the fort. 

202. There aYe some small temples on the western bank of the Dron 
Sdyar ; but the great place of worship is the modern temple of Jwala 
Devi, 600 feet to the eastward of the fort. This goddess is also called 
Ujaini Devi, and a great fair is held in her honour on the 8th day of 
the waning moon of Chaitra. Other smaller temples contain symbols of 
Mahadeva under the titles of Butesar, Mulctesar, Nagndth, and Jdgesar. 
But all of these temples are of recent date ; the sites of the more ancient 
fanes being marked by mounds of various dimensions from 10 to upwards 
of 30 feet in height. The most remarkable of these mounds is situated 
inside the northern wall of the fort, above which the ruins rise to a height 
of 52 feet above the country, and 22 feet above the ramparts. This 
mound is called Bhimgaja, or Bhimgada, that is, Bhim's club, by which 
I understand a large lingam of Mahadeva. Were it not for this name, 
I should be inclined to look upon this huge mound as the remains of 
a palace, as I succeeded in tracing the walls of what appeared to have 
been a large room, 72 feet in length from north to south, by 63 feet in 
width, the walls being 6 feet thick. About 500 feet beyond the 
north-east angle of the fort there is another remarkable mound which 
is rather more than 31 feet in height. It stands in the midst of a 

X865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 177 

quadrangular ten'ace, GOO in length by 500 feet in breadth, and, as well 
as I could ascertain from an excavation at the top, it is the remains of a 
large square temple. Close by on the east, and within the quadrangle, 
there arc the ruins of two small temples. To the eastward of the Jwabl 
Devi temple, there is a curious circular, flat-topped mound of earth, 68 
feet in diameter, surrounded by a brick wall from 7 to 11 feet in height. 
It is called Rdmgir Gosain-ka-tila, or "the mound of Rdmgir Gosain," 
from which I infer that it is the burial place of a modern Gosain. To 
the south of the fort, near the temple of Jagesar Mahadeva, there is a 
third large mound, 22 feet in height, which was once crowned by a 
temple 20 feet square inside. The bricks have only recently been 
removed, and the square core of earth still remains perfect. To the 
westward of this last, there is a fourth mound, on which I traced the 
ruins of a temple 30 feet square standing in the midst of a raised 
quadrangle about 500 feet square. Besides these there are ten smaller 
mounds, which make up altogether 14, or just one-half the number of 
the Brahmanical temples which are mentioned by Hwen Thsang. 

203. The only ruin which appeared to me to be of undoubted 
Buddhist origin was a solid brick mound 20 feet in height, to the 
south-west of Jagesar Mahadeva, and close to the small village of 
Khargpur. The base of the mound is upwards of 200 feet in diameter. 
The solid briek-work at the top is still 60 feet thick, but as it is 
broken all round, its original diameter must have been much greater, 
probably not less than 80 feet. But even this larger diameter is too small 
for a Stupa of 200 feet in height of the hemispherical form of Asoka's 
time ; a Stupa of that early period, even when provided with both 
plinth and cupola, would not have exceeded 100 feet in height. Unless 
therefore we may suppose that there is a mistake of 100 feet in the text 
of Hwen Thsang, I feel quite unable to offer any identification 
whatever of the Buddhist remains of Govisana as described by the 
Chinese pilgrim. 


204. From Govisana Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south-east 
400 li, or 66 miles, to Ahi-chi-ta-lo, or Ahicliliatra. This once famous 
place still preserves its ancient name as Ahichhatr, although it has 
been deserted for many centuries. Its history reaches back to B. C. 

178 Report of the Archaeological Savvey. [No. 3, 

1430, at which time it was the Capital of Northern Pdnchdla. The 
name is written Ahi-kshetra, as well as Ahi-chhatra, hut the local legend 
of Adi Raja and the Naga, who formed a canopy over his head when 
asleep, shows that the latter is the correct form. This grand old fort 
is said to have heen huilt hy Raja Adi, an Ahir, whose future elevation 
to sovereignty was foretold hy Drona } when he found him sleeping 
under the guardianship of a serpent with expanded hood. The place is 
mentioned hy Ptolemy as ABio-do'pa, which proves that the legend at- 
tached to the name of Adi is at least as old as the beginning of the 
Christian era. The fort is also called Adikot, hut the more conmon 
named is Ahichhatr. 

205. According to the Mahdbhdrat the great kingdom of Pdnchula 
extended from the Himalaya Mountains to the Chambal River. The 
capital of North Pdnchdla, or Rohilkhand, was Ah i-chhatra, and that of 
South Pdnchdla, or the Central G-angetic Doab, was Kdmpihja, now 
Kampil, on the old Ganges between Budaon and Farokhabad. Just 
before the great war, or about 1430 B. C, the King of Pdnchdla, 
named Drvpada, was conquered by Dwna, the preceptor of the five 
Pandus. Drona retained north Pdnchdla for himself, but restored the 
southern half of the kingdom to Drupada, According to this account 
the name of Ahi-chhatra, and consequently also the legend of Adi 
Raja and the serpent, are many centuries anterior to the rise of 

206. It would appear, however, that the Buddhists must have 
adopted and altered the legend to do honour to their great teacher, for 
Hwen Thsang records that outside the town there was a Ndga-hrada, or 
f ' serpent tank," near which Buddha had preached the law for seven clays 
in favour of the Serpent King, and that the spot was marked by a 
Stupa of King Asoka. Now, as the only existing Stupa at this place 
is called Chattr, I infer that the Buddhist legend represented the Nd'ja 
King after his conversion as forming a canopy over Buddha with his 
expanded hood. I think, also, that the Stupa erected on the spot 
where the conversion took place would naturally have been called Aim 
f-hhatra, or the " serpent canopy." A similar story is told at Buddha 
Gya of the Nnga King Muehalinda, who with his expanded hood 
sheltered Buddha from the shower of rain produced by the malignant 
demon Mara. 

1865.] Report of the Archaological Survey. 179 

207. The account of Ahi-chhatra given by Hvven Thsang is 
unfortunately very meagre, otherwise we might most probably have 
identified many of the existing ruins with the Buddhist works of an 
early age. The Capital was 17 or 18 li, or just three miles, in 
circuit, and was defended by natural obstacles. It possessed 12 
monasteries, containing about 1,000 monks, and nine Brahmanical 
temples, with about 300 worshippers of Iswara Deva (Siva), who 
smeared their bodies with ashes. The Stupa near the serpent tank, 
outside the town, has already been mentioned. Close beside it there were 
four small St upas built on the spots where the four previous Buddhas 
had either sat or walked. Both the size and the peculiar position of 
the ruined fortress of Ahi-chhatra agree so exactly with Hwen 
Thsang's description of the ancient Ahi-chhatra, that there can be no 
doubt whatever of their identity. The circuit of the walls, as they 
stand at present, is 19,400 feet, or upwards of 3| miles. The 
shape may be described as an irregular right-angled triangle, the 
west side being 5,600 feet in length, the north side 6,400 feet, 
and the long side to the south-east 7,400 feet. The fort is 
situated between the Ram Ganga and Gdnghan Rivers, which are 
both difficult to cross ; the former on account of its broad sands, the 
latter on account of its extensive ravines. Both on the north and 
east the place is rendered almost inaccessible by the Piria Nala, 
a difficult ravine with steep broken banks, and numerous deep pools 
of water quite impassable by wheeled vehicles. For this reason the 
cart road to Bareli, distant only 18 miles due east, is not less than 23 
miles. Indeed the only accessible side of the position is the north- 
west, from the direction of Lakhnor, the ancient capital of the Katehria 
Rajputs. It therefore fully merits the description of Hwen Thsang 
as being defended by " natural obstacles." Ahi-chhatra is only seven 
miles to the north of Aonla, but the latter half of the road is rendered 
difficult by the ravines of the Gdnghan River. It was in this very 
position, in the jungles to the north of Aonla, that the Katehria 
Rajputs withstood the Muhammadans under Firuz Tughlak. 

208. The ruins of Ahi-chhatra were first visited by Captain 
Hodgson, the Surveyor, who describes the place as " the ruins of an 
ancient fortress several miles in circumference, which appears to 
have had 34 bastions, and is known in the neighbourhood by the 


180 Unpaid of the Archgologieal Suroey. [No. 3, 

name of the " Pandus Fort." According to my survey there are 
only 32 towers, but it is quite possible that one or two may have 
escaped my notice, as I found many parts so overgrown with thorny 
jungle as to be inaccessible. The towers are generally from 28 
to 30 feet in height, excepting on the west side, where they rise to 
35 feet. A single tower near the south-west corner is 47 feet in 
height above the road outside. The average height of the interior 
mass is from 15 to 20 feet. Many of the present towers, however, 
are not ancient, as an attempt was made by Ali Muhammad Khan, 
about 200 years ago, to restore the fort with a view of making it his 
stronghold in case he should be pushed to extremities by the King 
of Delhi. The new walls are said to have been 1 J guz thick, which, 
agrees with my measurements of the parapets on the south-eastern 
side, which vary from 2 feet 9 inches to 3 feet 3 inches in thickness 
at top. According to popular tradition, Ali Muhammad expended 
about a crore of rupees, or one million pounds sterling, in this 
attempt, which he was finally obliged to abandon on account of its 
costliness. I estimate that he may perhaps have spent about one 
lakh of rupees, or £10,000, in repairing the ramparts and in rebuilding 
the parapets. There is an arched gateway on the south-east side, 
which must have been built by the Musalmans, but as no new 
bricks were made by them, the cost of their work would have been 
limited to the labour alone. The ramparts are 18 feet thick at 
the base in some places, and between 14 and 15 feet in others. 

209. There are three great mounds inside the fort, and outside, 
both to the north and west, there are a number of mounds of all sizes, 
from 20 feet to 1,000 feet in the diameter. To the north-west, distant 
one mile, there is a large tank called the Gcmdh&n Sdgar 1 which has 
an area of 125 bigahs, and about one quarter of a mile beyond it 
there is another tank called the Adi Sdgar, which has an area of 
150 bigahs. The latter is said to have been made by Adi Raja at 
the same time as the fort. The waters are collected by an earthen 
embankment faced on both sides with bricks of large size. The Gandhdn 
Sdgar is also embanked both to the east and south. The mounds 
to the south of the tanks are covered with large bricks, both plain 
and moulded ; but judging from their shapes, they must all have 
belonged to temples, or other straight walled buildings, and not to 

1865.] Report of the Arclueoloyicul Survey. 181 

fftupas. There is nothing to show whether these are the remains 
of Buddhist or of Brahmanical buildings, hut from their extent it is 
probable that they were the former. 

210. According to Hwen Thsang there were only nine Brahmani- 
cal temples at Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634, all of which would appear 
to have been dedicated to Siva. Bat as Buddhism declined, this 
number mast have been increased, for I discovered the ruins of not 
less than 20 temples of various sizes, of which one is gigantic, four 
are large, five are of middle size, and 12 of small dimensions. Three 
of these are inside the fort, and the others are grouped together 
outside on the west road. I made excavations in most of these 
mounds, all of which yielded moulded bricks of various patterns, 
but only two of them afforded sculptures by which their original 
purpose could be absolutely identified. These two temples are 
marked as Nos. I and IV in my survey of the ruins. 

211. The remains of No. I temple form a mound, 65 feet 9 inches 
in height above the country, and upwards of 30 feet above the walls 
of the fortress. This lofty mound stands inside the fort near the 
middle of the north wall, and forms the most conspicuous object amongst 
the ruins of the mighty fortress of Ahi-chhatra, The floor of the 
temple is 60 feet above the ground, ami at this enormous height 
stood a colossal lingam, 3 feet 6 J inches in diameter, and upwards 
of 8 feet in height, which must have been visible from both east, 
and west through the open doors of the temple for a distance 
of some miles. The interior of the temple is only 14 feet 
4 inches by 10| feet. The north and south walls are 9 feet 5 
inches thick, and the east and west wails only 5 feet 9 inches ; 
but on these two sides there are open porches outside the two 
entrances which increase the thickness of the walls to 19 feet on 
the west side, and to 14 feet 11 inches on the east. The exterior 
dimensions of the temple are 48 feet 3 inches by 29 feet 4 inches. 
From these dimensions I calculate that the temple must have been 
about 100 feet in height above its own floor, or 165 feet above the 
country. The base of the stone lingam is square, the middle 
part octagonal, and the upper part hemispherical. A trisul, or 
trident, is cut upon the base. The upper portion of the lingam 
is broken. The people say that it was struck by lightning, 

182 Beport of the Arcliceoloy iced Survey. [No. 3, 

but from the un&hattered state of the large block I am more 
disposed to ascribe the fracture to the hammer of the Muhammadans. 

212. Mound No. II, which is also inside the fort to the west of 
the large mound, is 35 feet in height, and from 5 to 10 feet above 
the general line of the ramparts. It shows the remains of a large 
square building with a long flight of steps on the west side. No. 
Ill mound is only 30 feet in height, and is covered with scrub 
jungle. There are traces of walls on the surface, but the jungle 
prevented their immediate excavation. I will take an early opportu- 
nity of exploring both of these mounds, a"s I feel satisfied that 
they are the remains of large Brahmanical temples. 

213. No. IV mound stands about 1,000 feet outside the west 
gate of the fort. It is 300 feet square at base, and 30 feet in 
height, and has two smaller mounds attached to the north-east 
corner. On excavating the surface I discovered the foundations of 
a temple, 11 feet square inside, with walls 3i| feet thick, and a 
long pedestal or raised platform for the reception of statues. The 
entrance is on the east side towards the town. Amongst the rains 
I found a seated terracotta figure of Siva, 12 inches in height, with 
four arms and three eyes, and one hand holding a large lotus flower. 
I found also in red stone a small light hand grasping the hilt of a 
sword, and a left hand of three-quarter life size, grasping a large 
conch. As the last must have belonged to a figure of Vishnu, it 
is possible that the temple was dedicated to that god, but a 
projecting portion of the pedestal leads me to believe that it must 
have been occupied by a lingam, and if so, the principal figure 
would have been that of Mahadeva. There was also a large 
quantity of ashes inside this temple, from which I infer that it 
was most probably destroyed by the Musalmans in one of their 
early expeditions against the Katehvia Rajputs. 

214. The Buddhist remains at Ahi-chhatra are both more exten- 
sive and more ancient than those of the Brahmans. In my survey I 
have marked them by the letters of the Alphabet to distinguish them 
from the Brahmanical ruins, which are numbered. Only three of the 
Buddhist mounds have been excavated, but as most of the others have 
furnished materials for the neighbouring villages, it does not seem 
likely that their excavation would be attended with any success. I 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 183 

will, however, manage to have them examined at the end of the 
ensuing season. 

215. The most important of the Buddhist ruins is an irregular 
shaped mound, about 1,000 feet square, from the centre of which 
rises a large Stupa of solid brick-work, which the people call 
shhair, I have already identified this with the great Stupa which 
was built over the spot where Buddha converted the Serpent King. 
It is surrounded by eight smaller mounds, of which four would 
appear to be the ruins of St upas, and three of temples, whilst one 
only is doubtful. Now^ Hwen Tlisang describes the great Stupa 
as having on one side of it four small Stupa*, which account agrees 
exactly with the position of the four small mounds above men- 
tioned. I have no doubt, therefore, as to the identity of the chhatr 
mound with the Stupa of Hwen Thaang, although I was unable 
to discover any certain trace of the tank called the Ndga-h/rada, 
or " serpent pond" by the Chinese pilgrim. It is quite possible, 
however, that a tank may once have existed on the south-west side, 
where the ground is still very low. 

216. The great ruins called Chhatr is a mass of solid brick- 
work, 40 feet in height above the fields, and 30 feet in diameter 
at top. The original building was a hemisphere of 50 feet diame- 
ter, which was raised upon a base or plinth 15 feet in height. At 
some later period an outer casing, 12£ feet thick, was added, 
which increased the diameter to 75 feet, and the height of the 
crown' of the hemisphere to 52J feet. Allowing two-sevenths of 
the diameter for the height of the cupola or pinnacle, which is 
the proportion observed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, the total height 
of the original Stupa would have been 57 feet,, and that of 
the later Stupa 77 feet. I made several superficial excavations 
around the base in the hope of finding some portions of the stone 
railings with which the Stupa was most probably surrounded, but 
without success. I still believe, however, that there must have been 
the usual Buddhist railings around this Slupa, and that a further 
search would probably bring some of the pillars to light. I found, 
however, a number of curved wedge-shaped bricks, that must have 
belonged to a circle of between 15 and 16 feet in diameter, and which, 
I presume, are the remains of the cupola. 

184 Report of the Archaeological Su/rvey. [No. 3, 

217. If I am right in my identification of this Stupa with 
that which was built near the Serpent Tank, its original construc- 
tion must be referred to the reign of Asoka, or about 250 B. C. 
A strong argument in favour of this date is the similarity of its 
shape to that of the Bhilsa Topes, which are undoudtedly of Asoka's 
age. The date of the enlargement of the Stupa can only be 
fixed approximately by inferring from Hwen Thsang's silence that 
it must have been in good order at the time of his visit. Admitting 
this to have been the case, the date of the enlargement cannot 
be placed earlier than about A. D. 400 to 500. 

218. The great Stupa attracted the attention of some British 
Officer, about 30 years ago, who dug a gallery into it, 21 feet in 
length, and then sunk a well for some unknown depth, which I found 
filled with rubbish. I made use of this old gallery, and continued it 
to the centre of the Stupa, where it met a shaft which I had sunk 
from the top. From this point I carried the shaft downwards, making 
use of the gallery for the removal of the bricks. At a depth of 27 
feet from the present top, or at 7 feet below the centre of the older 
hemisphere, I found a low pyramidal topped vessel of common red un- 
glazed earthenware, 8 inches in diameter. Inside this vessel there was a 
small steatite box, containing many minute fragments of seed pearls, 
several pieces of blue glass, one large bead of red amber, and about a tea 
spoonful of little bits of rock crystal. Mixed with these were ten small 
cylindrical pierced beads of a dirty white colour like old chalk. They 
consist chiefly of carbonate of lime with a trace of some other sub- 
stance, and are most probably only the remains of some artificial beads. 
The little steatite box is a sphere of 2 inches diameter, but rather 
pointed at the top and bottom. Its general colour is white with a few 
purple blotches. The whole is rudely ornamented, the top with flowers, 
and the bottom with animals of school-boy design. The inside also 
is rudely ornamented, but with simple lines only. There is no trace 
of any inscription. 

219. At 6|- feet below the deposit just described, or at 13f feet 
below the centre of the hemisphere, a second deposit was found 
imbedded in the ground immediately under the last course of a globular 
shaped mottled steatite vase, 8J inches in diameter and 6 inches in 
height. This vase has a neck 3 inches in diameter inside and 2f 

1865.] Report <>/ the Archaeological Survey. 185 

inches in height, thus making the whole height of the vessel 8| inches. 
This is divided into two equal portions, the lower half having an inner 
lip, which is overlapped hy the upper half. The vessel is quite plain, 
excepting only a few helts of simple lines which encircle it. The open 
mouth was found closed hy the lid of a small dark-coloured steatite 
vase exactly similar to several that were discovered in the Bhilsa Topes. 
Inside there was nothing hut a hard cake of earth, G inches in dia- 
meter, mixed with small stones. A similar earthen cake, hut only 2| 
inches in diameter, was found in the earthenware jar of the upper 
deposit. What this cake may he I cannot at present say, hut it does 
not effervesce with acids. 

220. The second Buddhist mound which has yielded important 
evidence of its former occupation, is called Katdri Khera. It is situa- 
ted 1,200 feet to the north of the old fort, and 1,600 feet to the east 
of the small village of Nasratganj. The mound is ahout 400 feet 
square and 20 feet in height. Close hy there is a small pond called 
the Maswdse Tdl ; hut neither this name, nor that of Katdri Khera, 
would seem to have any reference to the old Buddhist estahlishment 
which formerly stood there. Unfortunately this mound has furnished 
hricks to the neighbouring village for many generations, so that hut 
little is now left to point out the nature of the original huildings. A 
surface excavation hrought to light a temple 26^ feet in length hy 22 
feet in breadth outside, and 11 feet square inside. The plinth is still 
standing A\ feet in height, formed of blocks of hanlar, but the walls 
have altogether disappeared, excepting some portions of a few courses. 
The doorway faces the east, from which I infer that the enshrined 
statue was most probably that of the ascetic Buddha, who is always 
represented seated in a similar position under the holy Pipal Tree of 
Buddha Gaya. I am also led to the same conclusion by the discovery 
of a broken statue of Buddha with two flying figures over the right 
shoulder, which are the usual accompaniments of the ascetic figures of 
Buddha. This statue is broken at the waist, and both arms are lost ; 
but the fragment is still 2 feet high and 2 feet broad, from which I 
infer that the size of the original statue was not less than 4 feet in 
height by 3 feet in breadth ; and this I believe to have been the prin- 
cipal figure of the temple. 

221. In the same place five other carved and sculptured stones 

186 Report of the AfcJueologicaX Survey. [No. 3, 

were discovered, of which one is an inscribed pillar of a Buddhist railing 
of middle age. The pillar is broken, but the remaining portions of the 
socket holes are sufficient for the restoration of the original dimensions. 
The fragment is 1 foot 11 inches in length, with a section of 8 J inches 
by 4 inches. The socket holes are 8 inches long, and 4§ inches apart, 
which in a pillar of two rails would give a height of 3 feet 2J inches, 
or of 4 feet 3 inches in a pillar of three rails. The face of the pillar 
is sculptured with six rows of naked standing figures, there being 
five figures in the lowest row, and only four figures in each of the 
others. On one of the sides there is the following short inscription 
in four lines of the age of the Guptas : — 

Acharya Indranandi Sishya Mahddari Pdrswarnatisya Kottari. 
The last word but one might perhaps be read as patisya ; but the 
remainder of the inscription is quite clear. I understand it to record 
the gift of " Mahddari, the disciple of the teacher Indranandi, to the 
temple (Kottari) of Parswamati." Perhaps the term Kottari may be 
preserved in the name of Katdri Khera, by which the mound is now 

222. The other sculptured stones are not of much interest. The 
largest is a broken statue of a standing figure, 3 feet high by 2 feet 
broad, which appears to be naked. The head, the feet, and the right 
arm are gone. A second small stone, 1 foot long and 5 inches broad, 
bears the figures of the Navagraha, or " Nine Planets." On the back 
there is a short inscription of only eight letters, of which two are 
somewhat doubtful. I read the whole as Sahada, Bhima, Devindra, 
but the word Bhima is very doubtful. A third stone, 2\ feet long 
and 1 \ feet square, is the fragment of a large pillar, with a lion sculp • 
tured on each of its four faces. The naked figures of these sculptures 
belong to a somewhat late period of Buddhism, after the introduction 
of the Tantrika doctrines, which, as we learn from Skanda Gupta's 
inscription on the Bhitari Pillar, were prevalent during the time of the 
later Guptas, in the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D. As the forms of the 
letters of these inscriptions are also those of the Gupta period, we may 
conclude with some certainty that the Kottari, or temple, of Parsiua- 
mati was erected before the fall of the Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319. 

223. Four hundred feet to the south of the great bastion, and 
close to the south-west angle of the fort, there is another extensive 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 187 

monnd, marked D in my map, upwards of 300 feet square, and 35 
feet in height above the road. The principal mass of ruin, which is 
in the middle of the west side, is the remains of a large temple, 40 feet 
square outside. In the middle of the south side there are the ruins 
of a small building which may perhaps have been the entrance gate- 
way. To the right and left of the entrance there are the ruins of two 
small temples, each 14 feet square outside, and 9 feet 4J inches inside, 
raised upon a plinth 24 feet square. The centre of the square is open, 
and has evidently never been built upon. My excavations were too 
limited to ascertain more than I have noted above, but I propose to 
continue the exploration towards the end of the ensuing cold weather. 
I believe that this mound is the remains of a very large monastery 
with its lofty enclosed temple, which could not have been less than 80 
or even 100 feet in height. 

224. Connected with Ahi-chhatra is an inscription of the Gupta 
period on a square pillar found near the village of Dilwdri, 3 Jtos, or 4J 
miles, to the south of the fort. The inscription consists of 14 lines 
of five letters each, the letters of one line being placed exactly under 
those of the line above, so as to form also five straight perpendicular 
lines. The stone is 2J feet long, 1 foot broad, and 9 inches thick in 
the middle, but the continual sharpening of tools has worn down the 
edges to a breadth of from 7 to 7 J inches. The inscription, which is 
on one of the narrow faces, has accordingly suffered in the partial loss 
of some of the initial and final letters of several lines. The other 
three faces of the stone are quite plain, and there is nothing whatever 
to show what the pillar may have been originally intended foi\ 

225. My account of Ahi-chhatra would not be complete without a 
reference to the gigantic lingam near the village of Gulariya, 2^ miles to 
the north of the fort, and to the Priapian name of the village of Bhim- 
laur, one mile to the east of the fort. Bhim-gaja and Bhim-laur are 
common names for the lingam in all the districts to the north of the 
Ganges. I have already quoted Hwen Thsang's remark that the nine 
Brahmanical temples of Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634 were dedicated to 
Siva, and I may now add in illustration, that only in one of the many 
ruins above the old fort did I find a trace of the worship of any other 


288 Report oftJic Archaeological Survey. [No. 3, 


226. From Ahi-chhatra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in a south 
direction a distance of from 260 to 270 li, from 23 to 25 miles, to 
the Ganges, which he crossed, and then turning to the south-west he 
arrived in the kingdom of Pi-lo-shan-na. His route to the south 
would have taken him through Aonla and Rudaon to the Budh Ganga 
(or old Ganges) somewhere near Sahawar, a few miles below Soron, both 
of which places stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late as 400 
years ago. As his subsquent route is said to have been to the south- 
west, I believe that he must have crossed the Ganges close to Sahawar, 
which is 42 miles from Ahi-chhatra in a direct line. From all my 
early enquiries I was led to believe that Soron was the only ancient 
place in this vicinity ; and as Hwen Thsang does not give any distance 
for bis south-west march, I concluded that Soron must have been the 
place to which he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I accordingly 
visited Soron, which is undoubtedly a place of very great antiquity, 
but which cannot, I think, be the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim. 
I will, however, first describe Soron before I proceed to discuss the 
superior claims of the great ruined mound of Atranji-Khcra to be 
identified with the Pi-lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim. 

227. Soron is a large town on the right, or western, bank of the 
Ganges, on the high road between Bareli and Mathura. The place 
was originally called Ukala Kshetra ; but after the demon Hiranyalsha 
had been killed by the Yardha Avatar, or Boar incarnation of Vishnu, 
the name was changed to Sukura Kshetra, or " the place of the good 
deed." The ancient town is represented by a ruined mound called the 
Kilah, or " fort," which is one quarter of a mile in length from north 
to south, and somewhat less in breadth. It stands on the high hank 
of the old bed of the Ganges, which is said by some to have flowed 
immediately under it so late as 200 years ago. The modern town 
stands at the foot of the old mound on the west and south sides, and 
probably contains about 5,000 inhabitants. There are no dwellings 
on the old mound, which is occupied only by the temple of Sita-Bdmji 
and the tomb of Snekh-Jamdl. But it is covered with broken bricks 
of large size, and the foundations of walls can be traced in all direc- 
tions. The mound is said to be the ruins of a fort built by Raja 
Somadatta of Soron many hundred years ago. But the original 

18G5.] "Report of tJie Archaeological Survey. 189 

settlement of the place is very much older, being attributed to the 
fabulous Raja Vena Chakravarlti, who plays such a conspicuous part 
in all the legends of North Bihar, Oudh, and Rohilkhand. 

228. The temples of Soron are very numerous, and several of them 
are said to be old. But the only temples of any consequence are those 
of Sita-Rdmji, on the top of the mound, and Varuhaji to the north- 
west of the city. A great annual fair is held near the latter temple 
on the 11th of the waxing moon of 3Idnjusirsha, in remembrance of 
the destruction of the demon by the Boar incarnation of Vishnu. It 
contains a statue of Vardlia Lakshmi, and is visited by crowds of pil- 
grims. The temple of Sita-Rduiji, which is said to have been ruined 
by Aurang Shah (or Aurangzib) was restored by a wealthy Baniya, 
only four years ago, by building up the space between the pillars with 
plain white-washed walls. Internally the temple is a square of 27 
feet supported on 1G stone pillars ; but the people say that the original 
building was much larger, and that it contained 32 pillars. This ac- 
count is most probably correct, as the foundations of the walls of the 
sanctum, or shrine, are still standing at the back, or west side, of the 
temple. There arc also 10 superfluous pillars inside the temple, of 
which two support the broken architraves, and eight are built into the 
corner spaces of the walls. The style of these columns is similar to that 
of the set of pillars in the south-east corner of the quadrangle of the 
Great Kutb Mosque at Delhi, which bear the date of Sam vat 1124, or 
A. D. 10G7. That this date is not too early for the Soron temple is 
proved by the inscriptions of various pilgrims who have visited the 
shrine. As the oldest legible record bears the date of Samvat 122G, 
or A. D. 11G9, the date of the erection of the temple cannot therefore 
be placed later than A. D. 1000. 

229. These pilgrim's records are generally short and uninteresting, 
but as there are no less than 38 of them, bearing dates which range 
from A. D. 11G9 to 1511, they become valuable for tracing the 
history of the temple. The earliest date after the Muhammadan con- 
quest is A. D. 1211, and from that time down to A. D. 1290 there are 
no less than 15 dated records, showing that Soron continued to be a 
much frequented place of pilgrimage during the whole period of the 
Ghrri dynasty, which ended in A. D. 1289. But during the rule of 
the next two dynasties, the KliUjia and 1 'ugh Inks, there is only one 

190 Report of the Archceologicul Survey. [No. 3, 

inscription, dated in A. D. 1375, in the reign of Firuz. Now, as nearly 
one-half of this period was occupied by the reigns of the cruel despot 
Ala-ud-din Khilji and the ferocious rnadman Muhammad Tughlak, it 
seems only reasonable to conclude that the people were deterred from 
making their usual pilgrimages by the persecution of their Muham- 
madan rulers. The next record is dated in A. D. 1429, and from that 
time down to 1511 there are 16 dated inscriptions ; but as no less 
than 13 of this number belong to the reign of Bahlol Lodi, I infer that 
the rule of the Syad dynasty was not favourable to Hindu pilgrimages. 
I infer also that the temple must have been destroyed during the reign 
of the intolerant Sikandar Lodi, because the series of inscriptions closes 
with A. D. 1511, or just six years before the end of his reign. Had 
the temple existed during the happy centmy when the sceptre of India 
was swayed by the tolerant Akbar, the indifferent Jehangir, and the 
politic Shah Jahan, it is almost certain that some records of the pilgrims' 
visits would have been inscribed on the pillars of the temple. For 
this reason I feel satisfied that the destruction of the great temple of 
Soron must be assigned to an earlier period than that of the bigoted 
Aurang Shah. 


230. The great mound of ruins called Atranji-Khera is situated on 
the right, or west, bank of the Kali Nadi, four miles to the south of 
Karsana, and eight miles to the north of Eyta, on the Grand Trunk 
Road. It is also 15 miles to the south of Soron, and 43 miles to the 
north-west of Sankisa in a direct line, the road distance being not less 
than 48 or 50 miles. In the Ayin Akhari Atranji is recorded as one 
of the Parganahs of Kanoj, under the name of Sikandar-pur Atreji, 
Sikandarpur, which is now called Sikandrabad, is a village on the left 
bank of the Kali Nadi opposite Atranji. From this it would appear 
that Atranji was still occupied in the reign of Akbar. The Parganah 
was afterwards called Karsana, but it is known by the name of SaJid- 
war Karsana, or of Sahdwar only. The name given by the Chinese 
pilgrim is Pi-lo-shan-na, for which M. Julien proposes to read Virasa- 
na. So far back as 1848 I pointed out that, as both pil and kar are 
Sanskrit names for an elephant, it was probable that Pilosana might 
be the same as Karsana, the large village which I have already men- 

1865.] Report oftlte Archaeological Survey. 191 

tioned as being four miles to the north of Atranji Khera. The chief 
objection to this identification is the fact that Karsdna is apparently 
not a very old place, although it is sometimes called Deora Karsdna, 
a name which implies the possession of a temple of note at some for- 
mer period. It is, however, possible that the name of Karsdna may 
once have been joined to Atranji in the same way that we find Sikan- 
darpur Atreji in the Aijin Akbari. As the identification of Karsdna 
with Pilosana is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any more 
speculations on this subject. The bearing and distance from Sankisa, as 
recorded by Hwen Thsang, point to the neighbourhood of Sirpura, near 
which there is a small village called Pilkuni, or Pilokuni, which is tho 
Pilttkhoni of our maps. It is, however, a very petty place ; and although 
it boasts of a small khera, or mound of ruins, it cannot, I think, have 
ever been more than one-fourth of the circuit of two miles which II wen 
Thsang attributes to Pi-lo-shan-na. But there are two strong points 
in its favour — namely, 1st, its position, which agrees both in bearing 
and distance with the Chinese pilgrim's account ; and 2nd, its name, 
which is almost identical with the old name, sh being very commonly 
pronounced as kit, so that Hwen Thsang's Piloshana would usually 
be pronounced Pilokhana. 

231. In proposing Atranji-Khera as the site of the ancient Pilo- 
sliduna, I am influenced solely by the fact that this is the only large 
place besides Soron of any antiquity in this part of the country. It is 
true that the distance from Sankisa is somewhat greater than that 
recorded by the Chinese pilgrim — namely, 45 miles, instead of 33 
miles ; but the bearing is exact ; and as it is quite possible that there 
may be some mistake in Hwen Thsang's recorded distance, I think 
that Atranji-Khera has a better claim than any other place to be 
identified with the ancient Piloshana. I have not visited the place 
myself, as I was not aware of its importance when I was in its neigh- 
bourhood. I propose, however, to take an early opportunity of explor- 
ing it in person. In the meantime I have had it inspected by a 
trustworthy servant, whose report shows that Atranji must once have 
been a place of considerable extent and importance. According to him 
the great mound of Atranji is 3,250 in length, and 2,550 in breadth at 
the base. Now, these dimensions would give a circuit of about two 
miles, which is the very size of Piloshana as recorded by Hwen Thsang. 

192 Beport of the Archaeological Survey. [Nu. 3, 

Its highest point is 44 feet 9 inches, which, if my identification is 
correct, should he the ruins of the great Stupa of Asoka, upwards of 
100 feet in height, as this lofty tower is said to have been situated 
inside a monastery in the middle of the town. Outside the town there 
were two other monasteries, inhabited by 300 monks. These may 
perhaps be represented by two small mounds which still exist on the 
east side of the Great Ehera. To the south there is a third mound, 
165 feet in length by 105 feet in breadth, which may possibly be the 
remains of one or more of the five Brahmanical temples described by 
Hwen Thsang. 

232. Atranji-Kliera had two gates, one to the east, towards the Kali 
Nadi, and the other to the south. The foundation of the place is attri- 
buted to Raja Vena Chaleravartti. The mound is covered with broken 
bricks of large size and fragments of statues, and old coins are said to 
be frequently found. All the existing fragments of statues aie said to 
be Brahmanical. There is a temple of Mahadeo on the mound, and 
there are five lingams in different places, of which one is 6 feet in height. 
The principal statue is that of a four-armed female called Debi, but 
which, as she is represented treading upon a prostrate figure, is most 
probably Durgd. 

233. The only objection to the identification of Atranji with Pi- 
loshanna is the difference between the distance of 200 U, or 33 miles, 
as stated by Hwen Thsang, and the actual distance of 43 miles direct, 
or about 48 or 50 miles by road. I have already suggested the pos- 
sibility of there being some mistake in the recorded distance of Hwen 
Thsang, but perhaps an equally probable explanation may be found in 
the difference of the length of the yojana. Hwen Thsang states that 
he allowed 40 Chinese U to the Yojana ; but if the old yojana of 
Kohiikhand differed from that of the Central Doab as much as the hos 
of these districts now differ, his distances would have varied by half a 
mile in every kos, or by two miles in very yojana, as the Rohilkhand 
hos is only 1| mile, while that of the Doab is two miles ; the latter 
being one-third greater. Now, if we apply this difference to Hwen 
Thsang's measurement of 200 U, or 33 miles, we increase the distance 
at once to 44 miles, which agrees with the direct measured distance on 
the map. I confess, however, that I am rather inclined to believe in 
the possibility of there being a mistake in Hwen Thsang's recorded 

1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 193 

distance, as I find exactly the same measurement of 200 li given as tho 
distance between Sankisa and Kannj. Now, the two distances are pre- 
cisely the same — that is, SamJcisa is exactly midway between Atranji 
and Kanoj ; and as the latter distance is just 50 miles by my measure- 
ment along the high road, the former must also be the same. I would 
therefore suggest the probability that both of these distances should 
be 300 li, or 50 miles, instead of 200 li as recorded in the text. In 
favour of this proposed correction I may cite the testimony of the ear- 
lier Chinese pilgrim Pa Hian, who makes the distance from Sankisa 
to Kanoj 7 yojanas, or 49 miles. At Hwen Thsang's own valuation 
of 40 li to the yojana, tbis measurement would give 280 li ; and as Fa 
Hian does not record half yojanas, we may increase the distance by hall' 
a yojana, or 20 li, which brings the total up to 300 li, or exactly 50 

234. But whatever may be the true explanation of the difference 
between the actual distances and those recorded by Hwen Thsang, then- 
still remains the important fact that Sankisa was exactly midway be- 
tween Kanoj and Piloshanna, just as it now is midway between Kanoj 
and Atranji. If we couple this absolute identity of position with tho 
fact that Atranji is the only old place in the part of the country indi- 
cated by Hwen Thsang, we can scarcely arrive at any other conclusion 
than that the great ruined mound of Atranji is the site of the an 

(To be concluded.) 


01? THE 



No. IV.— 1865. 

Report of the Proceedings of the Archceological Surveyor to the Govern- 
ment of India for the Season of 1862-63. — By Major-General 
A. Cunningham, Archceological Surveyor to the Govt, of India. 

[Received 3rd Feb., 1865.] [Read 1st March, 1865.] 

(Continued from page 193.) 


235. The site of Sanlcisa was discovered by me in 1842 ; but it was 
not until the end of 1862 that I got an opportunity of exploring the 
ruins at leisure. The name of the place is written Seng-kia-she by the 
Chinese pilgrims, a spelling which is well preserved in the Sankisa of 
the present day, and which represents with considerable faithfulness 
the Sangkdsya of Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name of 
Kie-pi-tha, or Kapitha, of which I was unable to discover any trace. 
Sankisa was one of the most famous places of Buddhist pilgrimage, as 
it was there' that Buddha was believed to have descended from the 
Trayislrinsa heaven by a ladder of gold or gems, accompanied by the 
gods Indra and Brahma. According to this curious legend, Mdyd, the 
mother of Buddha, died seven days after his birth, and ascended at once 
to the Trayastrinsa heaven, the abode of the 33 gods, of whom Indra 
was the chief. But as she had no opportunity in this abode of the gods 
of hearing the law of Buddha, her pious son ascended to the Trayas- 
trinsa heaven, and preached for three months in her behalf. He then 


196 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

descended to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra hy three stair- 
cases, one of which was formed either of crystal or precious stones, 
another of gold, and the third of silver. According to Fa Hian, Buddha 
descended by a staircase formed of the " seven precious things," — that 
is, the precious metals and precious gems ; whilst Brahma accompanied 
him on his right side by a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a gol- 
den one. But Hwen Thsang assigns the golden staircase to Buddha 
himself, and the silver staircase on the right to Brahma, and the crys- 
tal staircase on the left to Indra. The descent was accompanied by a 
multitude of Devas, who scattered showers of flowers on all sides as 
they sang the praises of Buddha. 

236. Such are the main points of this curious legend, which is 
believed as firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was by Asoka 
2,100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of the 5th, 6th, and 7th 
centuries of our era. According to Fa Hian, the three staircases disappear- 
ed underground immediately after the descent, leaving only seven steps 
visible. Apparently these seven steps must have existed in the time 
of Asoka, as he is reported to have been anxious to behold their 
foundations, and accordingly sent men to dig down to their base. But 
the diggers " reached a yellow spring without being able to penetrate 
to the foundation." The King, however, " felt sensible of a great in- 
crease of his faith and veneration," and therefore built a chapel over the 
three staircases, and upon the middle one erected a full length statue 
of Buddha 60 feet high. According to Hwen Thsang's account, the 
three staircases still existed in his time, (A. D. 634), but were com- 
pletely sunk in the earth. On their foundations, however, the pious 
Kings of different countries had erected three staircases, similar to the 
first, of bricks and stones, ornamented with many precious things. 
The height of these staircases was about 70 feet. Over them there 
was a Vihdr containing statues of Buddha, Brahma, and Indra, who were 
represented leaning forward as if about to descend. The Barmese say 
that the descent took place at the full moon of Thadingkyut, (October), 
and that the feet of the steps were at the gate of the city of Thing- 
lca-tlia-na-go, or Singhasanagara. Hwen Thsang adds that the three 
staircases were placed in a line from north to south, with the descent 
facing the east, and that they stood within the walls of a great 

: : 

1865.] Report of the A rchaoloy ical Survey. 197 

237. Close to the staircase there was a stone pillar, 70 feet in 
height, which had been erected by King Asoka. It was formed of a 
hard, fine-grained reddish stone, and had a brilliant polish. On its 
summit was a lion, who was seated facing the steps. There were figures 
also sculptured inside the pillar with marvellous ai-t, which were visible 
only to the virtuous. This is Hwen Thsang's account, with wbich Fa 
Hian's agrees in almost every particular ; but he adds a curious legend 
about a dispute between the Sramanas and heretics. " If," said the 
former, " this place ought to be the abode of the Sramanas, let a super- 
natural testimony proclaim it. They had no sooner finished this speech 
than the lion on the summit uttered a loud roar." 

238. There were several Stupas at Sankisa, of which the most 
famous were the following : — 

1st. — On the spot where Buddha descended from the Trayastrinsa 
heaven, accompanied by Indra and Brahma. This Slupa is not men- 
tioned by Hwen Thsang, but it is noticed by Fa Hian, and in the 
Burmese life of Buddha. 

2nd. — On the spot where the four Buddhas had formerly sat and 
taken exercise. 

3rd. — At the place where Buddha bathed. 

4th and 5th. — Two small Stupas of India and Brahma. 

6th. — On the spot where the female mendicant Pundarikavarnd 
obtained the first sight of Buddha on his descent. 

7th. — On the spot where Buddha cut his hair and nails. 

239. The only other place of note at Sankisa was the tank of a 
Ndga, or serpent, which was situated to the south-east of the great Stupa. 
Fa Hian says that this Ndga had white ears ; that he lived in the 
dwelling-place of the " ecclesiastics ;" and that he conferred fertility and 
abundance on the " country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the 
fields, and securing them from all calamities." A chapel was erected 
for his use, and he was said to make his appearance once a year. 
" When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they present him with cream in 
a copper vessel." 

240. Hwen Thsang's account of Sankisa is unfortunately so mea- 
gre that we have but little to guide us in our attempt to identify the 
holy places of his time with any of the ruins of the present day. The 
only spot that can be identified with any certainty is the tank of the 

198 Report of the Arclueological Survey. [No. 4, 

Ndga, which still exists to the south-east of the ruins, in the very 
position described by Hwen Thsang. The name of the Ndga is Kdre- 
war, and that of the tank Kandaiya Tdl. Milk is offered to him dur- 
ing every day of Vaisakh, and on the Ndg-panchami of Sravana, and 
" at any other time when rain is wanted." In a note on the word 
Chaurdsi Sir Henry Elliot has given an account of Sankisa, in which 
he asserts that this Ndga is the common Nag of the Hindu worship, to 
whom the Ndg-panchami is specially dedicated. But this opinion is 
certainly wrong, as the above account shows that the Sankisa Ndga of 
the present day is propitiated with offerings of milk whenever rain is 
wanted, just as he was in A. D. 400, when Fa Hian visited the place. 
This therefore is not the common Ndga of Hindu worship, but the lo- 
cal Ndga of Sankisa, who is commonly invoked as Kdrewar Ndg 

241. Before attempting to identify the site of the great monastery 
with its three famous staircases, its lion pillar and attendant Stupas, 
it will be better to describe the place as it is at present, although but 
little is now left of the great city of Sankisa with all its magnificent 
monuments. The little village which still preseiwes the name of San- 
kisa is perched upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 feet in height above 
the fields. This mound, which is called the Eilah, or " fort," is 1,500 
feet in length from west to east, and 1,000 feet in breadth. On the 
north and west faces the sides are steep, but on the other faces the slope 
is much more easy. Due south from the centre of the Kilah, at a 
distance of 1,600 feet, there is a mound of solid brick-work which is 
crowned by a modern temple dedicated to Bisdri Devi, who is describ- 
ed as a goddess of great power. At 400 feet to the north of the tem- 
ple mound there is a capital of an ancient pillar bearing the figure of an 
elephant, standing, but both his trunk and tail are wanting. The capital 
itself is of the well known bell shape, corded or reeded perpendicularly, 
with an abacus of honeysuckle similar to that of the Allahabad pillar. 
The figure of the elephant is by far the best representation of that 
animal that I have seen in any Indian sculpture. The veins of the 
legs are carefully chiselled, and the toes of the feet are well and faith- 
fully represented, but the loss of the trunk prevents us from forming a 
decided opinion as to its excellence as a work of art. If we may judge 
from the position of the legs, the animal was most probably represent- 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Swrvey. 199 

ed as standing still with his trunk hanging down. The stone is a fine- 
grained sandstone of reddish hue, and has been very highly polished. 
The bell-capital is low, its breadth being greater than its height, in 
which particular it resembles the Asoka Pillar of Navamhjarh Lauriya, 
to the north of Bettiah. Taking all these circumstances into consider- 
ation along with the superior execution of the work, I feel satisfied 
that this capital is of the same age as the well known Asoka Pillars of 
Allahabad and Navandgarh. 

242. Due south from the temple of Bisari Devi, at a distance of 
200 feet, there is a small mound of ruins which appears to be the re- 
mains of a Stwpa. Due east from the temple 600 feet, there is an 
oblong mound 600 feet in length by 500 feet in breadth, which is 
known by the name of Nivi-ka-kot. Nivi would appear to have been 
the name of the man who formerly brought this piece of ground into 
cultivation ; and Kot, in the phraseology of Sankisa, means simply 
any mound of ruins, and is applied to all the isolated portions of the 
ramparts. Nivi-ka-kot would, however, appear to be the remains of 
some large enclosed building, such as a Buddhist monastery. It is 
covered with broken bricks of large size, and a few fragments of stone ; 
but I could not trace any remains of walls on the surface. At the 
south-east and north-east angles of Nivi-ka-kot there arc large circular 
mounds which are probably the remains of Stupas from which all the 
available bricks have been removed ; and at a short distance to the north 
there is a third mound of the same character. 

243. The Kilah and the different mounds of all sizes around the 
temple form a mass of ruin 3,000 feet in length by 2,000 feet in 
breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this was only the central por- 
tion of the ancient city of Sankisa, comprising the citadel and the 
religious buildings that were clustered around the three holy staircases. 
The city itself, which would appear to have surrounded this central 
mound on all sides, was enclosed with an earthen rampart, 18,800 feet, 
or upwards of 3 J miles, in circuit. The greater part of this rampart still 
remains, the shape being a tolerably regular duodecagon. On three sides, 
to the east, the north-east and the south-east, there are breaks or openings 
in the line of rampart which are traditionally said to be the positions of 
the three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the people refer to 
the village of Paor-Kheria, or £; Gate-village," which is just outside 

200 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

the south-east gap in the ramparts. But the name is pronounced 
Paor, xf TT;, and not Paur, vi\x, and may therefore refer to the stair- 
cases or steps (Paori), and not to the gate. The Kali, or KalinJri 
Nadi, flows past the south-west corner of the ramparts from the Raj- 
ghat, which is half a mile distant, to the Eakra Ghcit, which is rather 
more than one mile to the south of the line of ramparts. 

244. To the north-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, stands 
the large mound of Agahat, which is 40 feet in height, and rather 
more than half a mile in diameter at base. The name of the old town 
is said to have been Agahat, but the place is now called Agahat Sarai 
(Agahat of the maps) from a modern Sarai, which was built in 
A. H. 1080, or A. D. 1670, on the north-east corner of the mound, by 
the ancestor of the present Pathan Zamindar. The people say that 
before this, the place had been deserted for several centuries ; but as I 
obtained a tolerably complete series of the copper coins of the Muham- 
madan Kings of Delhi and Jounpur, I presume that it could not have 
been deserted for any very long time. The mound is covered with 
broken bricks of large size, which alone is a sure test of antiquity : and 
as it is of the same height as that of Sanhisa, the people are most 
probably right in their assertion that the two places are of the same 
age. In both mounds are found the same old coins without any in- 
scriptions, the more ancient being square pieces of silver covei - ed with 
various punch marks, and the others, square pieces of copper that have 
been cast in a mould, — all of which are, in my opinion, anterior to the 
invasion of Alexander the Great. 

245. In identifying Sanhisa with the Sang Kasya of the Rama- 
yana and the Seng-Jcia-she of the Chinese, we are supported, not only 
by its absolute identity of name, but likewise by its relative position 
with regard to three such well known places as Mathura, Kanoj, and 
Ahi-clihatra. In size, also, it agrees very closely with the measure- 
ment given by Hwen Thsang ; his circuit of 20 /*', or 8J miles, being 
only a little less than my measurement of 18,900 feet, or 3| miles. 
There can be no doubt, therefore, that the place is actually the same ; 
but in attempting to identify the sites of any of the holy spots 
mentioned by Hweu Thsang, I find myself baffled at the outset by 
the indefiniteness as well as the meagreness of the pilgrim's descrip- 
tions. It is his usual practice to state the relative bearings and 

1865.] Report of the ArehcBological Survey. 201 

distances of most of the chief places of Buddhist veneration, but in 
describing Sankisa he has given only one bearing and not a single 
distance. The tank of the Ndfja is the one solitary spot that can be 
identified with certainty, the sites of all the rest being only guesses 
of more or less probability. 

246. But the difficulty regarding the identification of the Asoka 
Pillar is of a different kind. Both of the Chinese pilgrims make 
mention of only one pillar at Sankisa, which was crowned with the 
figure of a lion, and Fa Hian records a silly legend which refers to the 
miraculous roar of this lion statue. Now, the only piece of an Asoka 
Pillar at present existing is the elephant capital, which I have already 
described, and which, however absurd it may seem, I think may possi- 
bly be the lion pillar of the Chinese pilgrims. The reasons which 
induce me to think so are the following : — 1st, the elephant capital is 
undoubtedly much older than the date of either of the pilgrims, and 
yet, if it is not the same as the lion capital, it has been left altogether 
undescribed by them, although its great size could scarcely have allowed 
it to remain unnoticed ; 2nd, the height of the elephant pillar would 
seem to correspond very closely with that of the lion pillar, as recorded 
by Fa Hian, who calls it 30 cubits, or from 45 to 60 feet according to 
the value of the Chinese chhi. Now, the diameter of the neck of the ele- 
phant pillar is 2 feet 9J inches, which, compared with the dimensions 
of the Allahabad pillar, 2 feet 2 inches neck diameter, to 35 feet of 
height, gives a total for the shaft of the Sankisa Pillar of 44 feet 3 
inches. By adding to this the height of the capital, we obtain 52J feet 
as the probable height of the Sankisa Pillar. 3rd, as the trunk of the 
elephant has long been lost, it is possible that it was missing before the 
time of the Chinese pilgrims, and if so, the nature of the animal might 
easily have been mistaken at a height of 50 feet above the ground. 
Indeed, supposing the pillar to be the same, this is the only way in which 
I can account for the mistake about the animal. But, if the pillar is 
not the same, the silence of both pilgrims regarding this magnificent ele- 
phant pillar seems to me quite unaccountable. On the whole, therefore, 
I am inclined to believe that the elephant's trunk having been long lost, 
the nature of the animal was mistaken when viewed from a distance of 
50 feet beneath. This is confirmed by the discrepancy in the statements 
of the two pilgrims regarding the capital of one of the Smvasti pillars, 

202 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

whicb/Fa Hian calls an ox, and Hwen Thsang an elephant. See para. 
342 of this Report. 

247. Admitting, then, that this elephant capital is not improbably 
the same as the lion pillar described by the Chinese pilgrims, we have 
a clue to the site of the great monastery which would seem to have en- 
closed within its walls the great stone pillar as well as the three holy 
staircases. I infer, therefore, that the temple of Bisari Devi most pro- 
bably occupies the site of the three staircases, and that the three mounds 
which stand to the east of the Nivi-ka-kot may be the remains of the 
three Stupas which were erected on the three other holy spots of Sankisa, 
which have already been described. I made several excavations about 
the different mounds just noticed, but without any success. 

248. I made also a careful but an unsuccessful search for some trace 
of the base of the stone pillar. The people were unanimous that the 
elephant capital had been in its present position beyond the memory 
of any one now living, and most of them added that it now stands in 
its original position. But there were a few men who pointed to a spot 
on the west of the village, or Kilah mound, as the original site of the 
capital. Here, indeed, there is an octagonal hole in a small mound, 
from which the bricks of a solid foundation have been removed. If any 
dependence could be placed upon this statement, the mound on which 
the village now stands would almost certainly be the site of the great 
monastery with its three holy staircases, and the three mounds to the 
east of Nivi ka-kot would still represent the three Stupas. The main ob- 
jection to our accepting this statement as correct is the apparent want of 
all object in the removal of the elephant capital to any other site. It is, 
however, quite possible that the capital may have been stopped on its 
way to the temple of 3Iahadeva, near the Ndga mound and tank. 
The temple of Bisari Devi would then be the site of one of the ten ancient 
Brahmanical fanes which are described by Hwen Thsang. Altogether, 
this is perhaps "a more probable solution of the case than that first 

249. In his description of Sankisa, Hwen Thsang mentions a 
curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt near the great monastery 
were " many tens-of -thousands" in number. As an illustration of this 
statement I may mention that the people have a tradition that Sankisa 
was deserted from 1800 to 1900 years ago, and that 1300 years ago, 

1 865.] Report of the Archeeohy iced Survey. 203 

or about A. D. 560, it was given by a Kayath to a body of Brahmans. 
They add also that the population of the village of Paor-Kheria is 
known to have been wholly Brahman until a very recent period. 


250. Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred years 
was the Hindu Capital of Northern India, the existing remains are few 
and unimportant. In A. D. 1016, when Mahmud of Ghazui approach- 
ed Kanoj, the historian relates that " he there saw a city which raised 
its head to the skies, and which in strength and structure might justly 
boast to have no equal." Just one century earlier, or in A. D. 915, 
Kanoj is mentioned by Masudi as the Capital of one of the Kings of 
India, and about A. D. 900 Abu Zaid, on the authority of Ilm 
Wahab, calls " Kaduge, a great city in the kingdom of Gozar." At 
a still earlier date, in A. D. 634, we have the account of the Chinese 
pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who describes Kanoj as being 20 li or 3 J miles, 
in length, and 4 or 5 li or f of a mile, in breadth. The city was sur- 
rounded by strong walls and deep ditches, and was washed by the 
Granges along its eastern face. The last fact is corroborated by Fa 
Hian, who states that the city touched the River Heng (Granges) when 
he visited it in A. D. 400. Kanoj is also mentioned by Ptolemy, 
about A. D. 140, as Kavoyi£a. But the earliest notice of the place is 
undoubtedly the old familiar legend of the Puranas, which refers the 
Sanskrit name of Kanya Kubja, or the " hump-backed maiden," to the 
curse of the sage Vayu on the hundred daughters of Kusandba. 

251. At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, Kanoj was the Capital 
of Raja Harsha Vardhana, the most powerful Sovereign in Northern 
India. The Chinese pilgrim calls him a Fei-she, Vaisya, but it seems- 
probable that he must have mistaken the Vaisa, or Bais, Rajput, for 
the Vaisya, or Bais, which is the name of the mercantile class of the 
Hindus ; otherwise Harsha Vardhana's connexion by marriage with 
the Rajput families of Malwa and Balabhi would have been quite 
impossible. Baiswara, the country of the Bais Rajputs, extends from 
the neighbourhood of Lucknow to Khara Manikpur, and thus com- 
prizes nearly the whole of Southern Oudh. The Bais Rajputs claim 
descent from the famous Sdlivdhan, whose capital is said to have been 
Daundia Khera, on the north bank of the Ganges. Their close 


204 Eeport of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

proximity to Kanoj is in favour of the sovereignty which they claim 
for their ancestors over the whole of the Gangetic Doab from Delhi to 
Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too imperfect, and most 
probably also too incorrect, to enable us to identify any of fheir recorded 
ancestors with the Princes of Harsha Vardhana's family. 

252. The vast empire which Harsha Vardhana raised during his 
long reign of 44 years, between A. D. 607 and 650, is described by 
Hwen Thsang as extending from the foot of the Kashmir hills to 
Assam, and from Nepal to the Narbada River. He intimidated the 
Raja of Kashmir into surrendering the tooth of Buddha, and his 
triumphal procession from Pataliputra to Kanoj was attended by no 
less than 20 tributary Rajas from Assam and Magadha on the east, 
to Jalandhar on the west. In the plenitude of his power, Harsha 
Vardhana invaded the countries to the south of the Narbada, where 
he was successfully opposed by Raja Pulakesi, and after many repulses 
was obliged to retire to his own kingdom. This account of Hwen 
Thsang is most singularly corroborated in every particular by several 
ancient inscriptions of the Chdluhya Rajas of Kalydn. According to 
these inscriptions, Raja Vikramaditya, the grandson of Puldkesi Yal- 
labha, gained the title of Parameswara, " by the defeat of Sri Harsha 
Vardhana, famous in the north countries.*" Now Vikramaditya's 
neign is known to have commenced in Sake 514, or A. D. 592, as one 
of his inscriptions is dated in Sake 580, or A. D. 608, which is called 
the 16th year of his reign ; f and as his grandson did not succeed to the 
throne until the Sake year 618, or A. D. 696, it is certain that Vikrama- 
ditya must have been a contemporary of Hai'sha Vardhana throughout 
the greater part, if not the whole, of his reign. The unusually long 
reigns of the earlier Chdluhya Princes have led Mr. Walter Elliot to 
suspect the accuracy of the dates, although, as he points out," the 
succeeding dates tally with each other in a way that affords the strongest 
presumption of their freedom from any material error." The question 
of the accuracy of these dates is now most satisfactorily confirmed by 
the unimpeachable testimony of the contemporary record of Hwen 
Thsang which I have quoted above. 

* Bombay Asiatic Society's Journal, III 206. 
f Royal Asiatic Society's Journal IV. 10. 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 205 

253. In determining the period of Harslia's reign, between the 
years 607 and 650 A.. D., I have been guided by the following evi- 
dence : — 1st. The date of his death is fixed by the positive statement 
of Hvven Thsang in the year 650 A. D.— 2nd. In speaking of Harslia's 
career, the pilgrim records that from the time of his accession Harsha 
was engaged in continual war for b\ years, and that afterwards for 
about 30 years he reigned in peace. This statement is repeated by 
Hwcn Thsang, when on his return to China, on the authority of the 
King himself, who informed him that he had then reigned for upwards 
of 30 years, and that the quinquennial assembly then collected was 
the sixth which he had convoked. From these different statements it 
is certain that at the date of Ilwen Thsang's return to China, in 
A. D. 640, Harsha had reigned upwards of 30 years, and somewhat 
less than 35 years. His accession must, therefore, be placed between 
A. D. 605 and 610. — 3rd. Now, in the middle of this very period, in 
A. D. 607, as we learn from Abu Rihan, was established the Sri 
Harsha era, which was still prevalent in Mathura and Kanoj in the 
beginning of the 11th century. Considering the exact agreement of 
the names and dates, it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion 
that the Harsha who established an era in Kanoj in A. D. 607 was the 
great King Harsha Vardhana who reigned at Kanoj during the first 
half of the seventh century. 

254. Hwen Thsang adds some particulars regarding the family of 
Harsha Vardhana which induce me to think it probable that it may be 
identified with one of the dynasties whose names have been preserved 
in the genealogies of the Raj aval i. The names differ in the various 
copies, but they agree generally in making Raj Sing, who reigned 
only nine years, the predecessor of Hara or Hari Sing, who is recorded 
to have reigned for 44 or 45 years, Now, according to Hwen Thsang, 
the predecessor and elder brother of Harsha Vardhana was Rajya Var- 
dhana, who was assassinated shortly after his accession. Here both the 
names of these two Kings and the lengths of their reigns agree so well 
together as to suggest the probability of their identity. In most 
copies of the Rajavali this dynasty of six Kings, of which Raja and 
Hara are the 3rd and 4th names, is made the immediate predecessor 
of the Great Tomar dynasty, whose accession has already been assigned 
in my account of the Kings of Delhi to the year 736 A. D. 


Report of the Archccoloyical Survey. 

[No 4, 

The following lists give the names of all the Kings of this dynasty 
according to the various authorities in my possession : — 





and Ward. 

M. S. 

M. S. 

Sayid Ahmad* 






Dipa Sinha 


Dip S. ... 


Dip S 


Dip Sing ... 


KanaS. ... 


Ran S.... 


Ran S. 


Ran Sing . 


Prakara Yar- 

Rflja S. ... 


Raj S. ... 


Ram S. .. 


Raj Sing ... 


Rajya ditto. 

Vara S. ... 


Hari S. 


Mitr S. ... 


Shir Sing 


llarsha ditto. 

Kara S. .. 


Nar S.... 


Bir S 


Hara Sing 



Jiwan ... 



Jiwan Sing 


Total ... 





According to Sayid Ahmad the accession of Shir Sing, who is the 
Hara or Hari of the other lists, took place in A. D. 611, or within 
four years of the date already obtained for Harsha Vardhana. 

255. In my account of Delhi I have given my reasons for believing 
that Kanoj was the Capital of the Tomars down to the invasion of 
Mahmud in A. D. 1621, immediately after the defeat and death of 
Raja Jai Pal. Shortly after that date the small town of Bari to the 
north of Lucknow became the Capital, until about A. D. 1650, when 
the Tomars retired to Delhi before the groAving power of the Rdhtors. 
Once more Kanoj became the Capital of a powerful kingdom, and the 
rival of Delhi, both in extent and in magnificence. Here Jaya Chan- 
dra, the last of the Rdhtors, celebrated the Aswamedha, or " Horse- 
sacrifice ;" and here in open day did Prithi Raja, the daring chief of 
the Chohans, cany off the willing daughter of the Rdhtor King, in 
spite of the gallant resistance of the two Ban afar heroes Alha and 
Udal. The fame of these two brothers, which is fully equal to that of 
Prithi Raja himself, is still preserved in the songs and traditions of 
the people amongst the Ohandels of Malwoa and the Rdhtors and 
Chandels of the Doab. After the fall of Delhi in January, 1193, A. 
D., Muhammad Ghori marched against Kanoj. Raja Jaya Chandra 
retired before him as far as Benares, where he made his last stand, but 
was defeated with great slaughter. The Raja escaped from the field, 
but was drowned in attempting to cross the Granges. When his body 
was recovered by the conquerors it was found that he had false teeth 

1865.] Report of the Arcliccological Survey. 207 

fixed with wires of gold. With Jaya Chandra ended the dynasty of 
the Bdhtors of the Doab and the wealth and importance of the far- 
famed Capital of Kanoj. Only one hundred and fifty years later it is 
dcscriped by Ibn Batuta as a " small town," and from that time down 
to the present this ancient city has gradually lessened in consequence ; 
but as it was close to the high road of the Doah, it still continued to 
be visited by numerous travellers who were attracted by its ancient fame. 
The final blow to its prosperity has now been given by the diversion 
of the Railroad to Etawa, which leaves Kanoj far away to the east, 
to be visited for the future only by the curious antiquary and the Civil 
Officials of the district. 

256. In comparing Hwen Thsang's description of ancient Kanoj 
with the existing remains of the city, I am obliged to confess with 
regret that I have not been able to identify even one solitary site with 
any certainty ; so completely has almost every trace of Hindu occupa- 
tion been obliterated by the Musalmans. According to the traditions 
of the people, the ancient city extended from the shrine of Hdji Har- 
wdyan on the north near the Raj Chat, to the neighbourhood of 
Miranka-Sara on the south, a distance of exactly three miles. Towards 
the west it is said to have reached to Kapatya and Makarandnagar } 
two villages on the high road, about three miles from Hdji Harmdyan. 
On the east the boundary was the old bed of the Granges, or Chota 
Ganga as the people call it, although it is recorded in our maps as the 
Kali Nacli. Their account is that the Kali, or Kdlindri Nadi, former- 
ly joined the Ganges near Sangirdmpur or Sangrdmpur ; but that 
several hundred years ago the great river took a more northerly course 
from that point, while the waters of the Kali Nadi continued to flow 
down the deserted channel. As an open channel still exists between 
Sangrdmpur and the Kali Nadi, I am satisfied that the popular account 
is correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, from San- 
grdmpur to Mhendi Ghat, although now chiefly filled with the waters 
of the Kali Nadi, was originally the main channel of the Ganges. 
The accounts of Fa Hian and Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the 
Ganges, are therefore confirmed, not only by the traditions of the 
people, but also by the fact that the old channel still exists under the 
name of the Chota Ganga, or Little Ganges. 

257. The modern town- of Kanoj occupies only the north end of 

208 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

the site of the old city, including the whole of what is now called the 
Kilah or citadel. The boundaries are well defined by the shrine of 
Hdji Harmdyan on the north, the tomb of Taj Bdj on the south-west, 
and the Masjid and tomb of Maklidum Jahdniya on the south-east. 
The houses are much scattered, especially inside the citadel, so that 
though the city still covers nearly one square mile, yet the population 
barely exceeds 16,000 in number. The citadel, which occupies all the 
highest ground, is triangular in shape, its northern point being the 
shrine of Hdji Harmdyan, its south-west point the temple of Ajoy 
Pal, and its south-east point the large bastion called Kshem Kali Burj. 
Each of the faces is about 4,000 feet in length, that to the north-west 
being protected by the bed of the nameless dry Nala ; that to the 
north-east by the Chota Ganga ; while that to the south must have 
been covered by a ditch, which is now one of the main roads of the 
city, running along the foot of the mound from the bridge below Ajoy 
Pal's temple to the Kshem Kali bastion. On the north-east face the 
mound rises to 60 and 70 feet in height above the low ground on the 
bank of the river ; and towards the Nala on the north-west, it still main- 
tains a height of from 40 to 50 feet. On the southern side, however, 
it is not more than 30 feet immediately below the temple of Ajoy Pal, 
but it increases to 40 feet below the tomb of Buld Pir. The situation 
is a commanding one ; and before the use of cannon the height alone 
must have made Kanoj a strong and important position. The people 
point out the sites of two gates ; the first to the north, near the shrine 
of Hdji Harmdyan, and the second to the south-east, close to the 
Kshem Kali Burj. But as both of these gates lead to the river it is 
certain that there must have been a third gate on the land side towards 
the south-west, and the most probable position seems to be immediate- 
ly under the walls of the Bang Mahal, and close to the temple of Ajoy 

258. According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84 wards, 
or Mahalas, of which 25 are still existing within the limits of the 
present town. If we take the area of these 25 wards at three-quarters 
of a square mile, the 84 wards of the ancient city would have covered 
just 2J square miles. Now, this is the very size that is assigned to 
the old city by Hwen Thsang, who makes its length 20 li, or 3 J miles, 
and its breadth 4 or 5 li, or just three-quarters of a mile, which rnul- 

1865-3 Report of the Archaeological Survey. 209 

tiplied together give just 2§ square miles. Almost the same limits 
may be determined from the sites or the existing ruins, which are also 
the chief find-spots of the old coins with which Kanoj abounds. Accord- 
ing to the dealers, the old coins are found at Bdla Pir and Rang 
Mahal, inside the Fort ; at Mahhdvm Jahdniya, to the south-east of 
the Fort ; at Malcarandnagar on the high road ; and intermediately 
at the small villages of Singh Blum-did and Kutlwpur. The only other 
productive site is said to be Rdjgir, an ancient mound covered with 
brick ruins on the bank of Chota donga, three miles to the south-east 
of Kanoj. Taking all these evidences into consideration, it appears feo 
me almost certain that the ancient city of Hwcn Thsang's time must 
have extended from Hdji Hurmdyan and the Kshcm Kali Burj, on 
the bank of the Granges (now the Chota Ganga), in a south-west direc- 
tion, to Makarandnagar, on the Grand Trunk Road, a length of just 
three miles, with a general breadth of about one mile or somewhat 
less. Within these limits are found all the ruins that still exist to 
point out the position of the once famous city of Kanoj. 

259. The only remains of any interest are, 1st, the ruins of the 
old palace, now called the Rang Mahal ; 2nd, the Hindu pillars of the 
Jama Masjid ; 3rd, the Hindu pillars of the Masjid of Makhd'am 
Jdhaniya ; and 4th, the Hindu statues in the village of Singh Jilm- 
wdni. The other remains are simple mounds of all sizes, covered with 
broken bricks, traces of brick walls, and broken figures. These are 
found in several places inside the citadel, but more particularly at the 
temple of Ajoy Pal, a modern building on an ancient site. Outside 
the citadel they are found chiefly about the shrine of Makhdwm 
Jahdniya on the south-east, and about Makrandnagar on the south- 

260. The ruins of the Rang Mahal, which are situated in the south- 
west angle of the citadel, consist of a strong brick wall faced with 
blocks of kanlcar, 240 feet in length, and 25 feet in height above the 
sloping ruins, but more than 40 feet above the level of the bazar. 
It is strengthened in front by four towers or buttresses, 14 feet broad 
and 61 feet apart. The wall itself is 7 feet thick at top, and behind it, 
at 10 feet distance, there is a second wall 5 feet thick, and at 9J feet 
farther back a third wall 3^ feet thick, and a fourth wall at 21 feet. 
The distances between the walls most probably represent the width of 

210 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

some of the rooms of the old Hindu palace, which would thus have a 
breadth of 56 feet. But the block kankar walls can be traced for a 
distance of 180 feet back from the south-east buttress to a wicket or 
small door which would appear to have formed a side entrance to the 
courtyard of the palace. As far as it can be now traced, the palace 
covered an area of 240 feet in length by 180 feet in breadth. It is 
said to have been built by Ajoy Pal, to whom also is attributed a tem- 
ple which once stood close by. Ajoy Pal, and Mahi Pal are said to 
have reigned a short time before Jay Chand ; but the names of the 
intervening Princes are not known. I think it highly probable that 
Ajoy Pal is the Tomar Prince Joy Pal, who was conquered by 
Mahmud of Ghaznie, and afterwards defeated and lulled, in A. D. 
1021, by a confederate army under the leadership of the Chandal Raja 
of Kajanjar. Just outside the south-east buttress of the palace, the 
people point out a spot where they affirm that 29 golden ingots were 
discovered in 1834, of which 9 were made over to Mr. Wemyss, the 
Collector of Cawnpoor, and the remainder were secreted by the finders. 
Accounts differ as to the weight of the ingots, but the general belief 
is that they weighed about- 1 ser or 2 lbs each. The coin dealers, 
however, affirm that the 9 ingots which were taken to the Cawnpoor 
Treasury weighed Rs. 13,500, that is Rs 1,500, or 18f sers, each. 

261. The Juma, or Dina, 3£asjid of Kanoj is cited by Mr. 
Fergusson as a specimen of Hindu cloisters, which has been re-arranged 
to suit the purposes of Muhammadan worship ; and in this opinion I 
most fully concur. The inscription over the entrance doorway is now 
much decayed, and several portions are quite obliterated, but a copy 
has been fortunately preserved by Rajab Ali, a teacher of children, in the 
court of the Masjid. According to this copy, the Masjid was built in the 
Hijira year 809, or A. D. 1406, in the reign of Ibrahim Shah (of Jon- 
pur). It is situated on a lofty mound in the very middle of the old 
fort,, and this commanding jDosition alone would be sufficient to show 
that it must originally have been the site of some Hindu building of 
considerable importance. This conclusion is partly confirmed by the 
traditions of the people, who, however, most absurdly call the place 
Sitaka Rasii, or " Sita's kitchen." We know also that it was the usual 
practice of the Muhammadan Kings of Jonpur to raise their Masjids on 
the sites, and with the materials, of the Hindu temples which they 


1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 211 

demolished. On comparing therefore this cloistered Masjid with 
those of Jonpur, which are acknowledged re- arrangements of Hindu 
materials, we see at once that the pillars are all Hindu, and that the 
domes formed of courses of overlapping stones, and decorated with 
Hindu symbols, are certainly not Muhammadan. When I first visited 
Kanoj in January, 1838, the arrangement of the pillars was somewhat 
different from what I found it in November, 1862. The cloisters which 
originally extended all round the square, are now confined to the 
Masjid itself, that is, to the west side only. This change is said to 
have been made by a Muhammadan Tahsildar shortly before 1857. 
The same individual is also accused of having destroyed all the remains 
of figures that had been built into the walls of the Jama and Mahh- 
dum Jahdniya Masjids. It is certain that there are none visible now, 
although in January 1838, as recorded in my Journal, I saw " several 
Hindu figures placed sideways and upside down" in the walls of the 
Jama Masjid and three broken figures lying outside* the doorway of 
the Masjid of Makhdum Jahdniya. The inscription over the doorway 
of the last, which I saw in its place in 1838, is said to have been 
removed at the same time for the purpose of cutting off a Hindu figure 
on the back of it. I recoverd this inscription by sending to the present 
Tahsildar for it. 

262. The Jama Masjid, as it stands now, is a pillared room, 108 
feet in length by 26 feet in width, supported on four rows of columns. 
The roof is flat, excepting the centre and ends, which are covered with 
domes formed by circles of stones gradually lessening until they meet. 
In front of the Masjid there is a courtyard 95 feet in width, the whole 
being surrounded by a stone wall 6 feet in thickness. The exterior 
dimensions are 133 feet from west to east, by 120J feet. In 1838 there 
were still standing on the three sides of the courtyard portions of the 
original cloisters formed of two rows of pillars. The Masjid itself was 
then confined to the five openings in the middle of the west side, the 
seven openings on each flank of it being formed of only two rows of 
pillars the same as on the other three sides. The Masjid now consists 
of a single room supported on 60 pillars without any cloisters ; but 
originally the Masjid itself was supported on 20 pillars with cloisters 
on each flank, and also on the other three sides of the courtyard. The 
whole number of pillars was then 128. To make up this number we 


212 Bejiorl of the Arcluevluyical Survey. [No. 4, 

have the 60 pillars of the present Masjid, and no less than 58 spare 
capitals still lying in the courtyard, which together make up 118, or 
within 10 of the actual number required to complete the original design. 

263. The pillars of the Jama Masjid may, I think, be seen in 
their original Hindu form at the sides of the small doorways in the 
north and south walls of the court. Each pillar is formed of five 
pieces, viz., a base and capital, with a middle piece which divides the 
shaft into two equal portions, and may be called the upper and lower 
shafts. The shafts are 10 inches square and 3 feet 9 inches in height. 
The base is 1 foot high, and the middle piece and the capital are each 
3 inches, thus making the whole height 9 feet 10 inches. But the 
pillars, as re-arranged by the Muhammadans, are 14 feet 2 inches high, 
the extra height having been gained by adding a piece to each portion 
of the shaft. These shorter pieces, which are 2 feet 1 inch in height, 
are always placed above the original shafts of 3 feet 8 inches. As there 
could have been no difficulty in purchasing a single shaft of the required 
length of 5 feet 10 inches, it seems certain that the whole of these 
made-up pillars must have been obtained after the usual cheap Muham- 
madan manner — by the demolition of some Hindu buildings, either 
Buddhist or Brahmanical. 

264. The Masjid and tomb of Mahhdum Jafidniya are situated on 
a lofty mound in the Sikhdna Mai) alia to the south-east of the citadel, 
overlooking the CJwta Ganya. The mound is 40 feet in height above 
the fields, and is partly occupied by weavers' houses. The tomb of the 
Makhdum is a common-looking building, 35 feet square. Beside it, 
there are two other plain square tombs holding the remains of his 
descendants, both male and female. The tomb itself, as recorded in 
the mutilated inscription which formerly existed over the doorway, 
was" erected over Sayid Jalal MaJchdwm Jahdniya by his son Rdja in 
the Hijira year 881, or A. D. 1476. The Masjid was built in the 
same year, in the reign of Husen Shah of Jonpur, to whom Kanoj still 
belonged, although some writers place his final defeat by Bahlol Lodi 
of Itelhi in this very year, A. H. 881, and others in A. H. 883. The 
central dome of the Masjid has long ago fallen in, and all the pointed 
arches are seriously cracked and propped up by unsightly masses of 
masonry. There is nothing peculiar about the building, save the 
decoration of the panels of the back wall, which have the name of 

1865] Report of the Arehcdological Survey. 213 

Allah inscribed on a tablet suspended by a rope. The appearance of 
the tablet and rope is so like that of the Hindu bell and chain that one 
is almost tempted to believe that the Muhammadam architect must have 
simply chiselled away the bolder points of the Hindu ornament to suit 
his own design. But whether this may ha\e been the case or not, it is 
impossible to miss seeing that the Hindu bell and chain must have 
been directly suggestive of the Muhammadan tablet and cord. The 
Masjid and tombs are surrounded by a wall with four small towers at 
the corners, and an entrance gate on the south side. In the steps 
leading up to this entrance I found in 1838 a broken figure of &hast i\ 
the goddess of fecundity, and a pedestal with a short inscription, dated 
in Samvat 1193, or A. D. 1136. The people also affirm that a large 
statue formerly stood under a tree close by. All of these are now gone, 
but the fact that two of them were built into the entrance steps is 
sufficient to show that the mound on which the Masjid stands must 
once have been the site of some important Hindu building. 

265. The two statues in the village of Singh Bhawdni were dis- 
covered about 100 years ago in a field close by the brick hovel in 
which they are now placed. The people call them Ram and Lakshman, 
and the attendant Brahman does so too, although the figures have 
eight arms each, and although the Fish, Tortoise, Boar and Lion 
incarnations of Vishnu arc represented round the head of one of them. 
Each of the figures is 3 feet in height, but the whole sculpture is 
6 feet. Vishnu is also known by the discus (chakra), and club (gadd), 
from which he derives his well known titles of chakradhar and gadddhar. 
Along with these sculptures there are some other figures, of which the 
most important is a statue of the Tantrika Buddhist goddess, Vajrd 
Vdrdhi. The figure is 2| feet in height and has three heads, of 
which one is porcine, and the usual number of seven hogs is represented 
on the pedestal. Outside the building there are figures of Durga slay- 
ing the Maheshasur, or buffalo demon, and of Siva and Parbati sitting 
on the bull Nandi. In the neighbouring village of Kutlupur I found 
the lintel of a temple doorway with a figure of Vishnu in the middle 
showing that the temple had been dedicated to that god. He is represent- 
ed sitting on the Garuda, or eagle, and holding the club and discus. 

266. The remaining place of any note is the Suraj-kund or 
" Tank of the Sun," to the south-cast of Makarandnagar. It is now 

214 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

nearly dried up, and at the time of my visit its bed was planted with 
potatoes. But it is one of the oldest places of worship in Kanoj, and an 
annual fair is still held on its hank in the month of Bhadur, (August- 
September). Close beside it there is a modem temple of Mahadeva, 
which is said to have replaced a ruined one of some antiquity. To the 
south-west of Makarandnagar there are three mounds covered with 
broken bricks and potteiy ; and under a tree, on the south mound, are 
collected a number of fragments of sculpture at a spot dedicated to 
Maordri Devi. 

267. Most of the ancient monuments of Kanoj tbat are noticed by 
the Chinese pilgrims are of course Buddhist ; but numerous as they 
were, I am unable to do more than offer conjectures more or less pro- 
bable regarding their sites, as Muhammadan spoliation has not left a 
single place standing to give even a faint clue towards identification. 
The position of one of the most remarkable of the monuments is 
rendered more than usually doubtful by the conflicting evidence of the 
two pilgrims. According to Fa Hian, the great Stupa of Asolca, 200 feet 
in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha had preached on 
the instability of human existence, was situated at 6 or 7 li to the 
west of the town, and on the north bank of the Ganges. But accord- 
ing to Hwen Thsang, this great Stupa was situated at 6 or 7 li to the 
south-east of the capital, and on the south bank of the Ganges. Now, as 
the ground to the north of the Ganges, as it existed during the first 
centuries of the Christian era, was very low and therefore liable to 
inundation, it seems highly improbable that any monument would 
have been erected in such all insecure position. I conclude therefore 
that Hwen Thsang's account is most likely right, but I failed in my 
search for any remains of this vast monument in the position indicated, 
that is, at rather more than one mile to the south-east of the capital, 
and on the south bank of the Ghota Oanga. 

268. To the north-west of the town Hwen Thsang places another 
Stupa of Asoka, but as he gives no distance, the mere bearing is too 
vague to enable us to fix upon the site with any probability. Perhaps 
the small village of Kapatya, or Kapteswari, nearly opposite the burnt 
dak bungalow, is the most probable site ; but although there are 
the remains of brick buildings in its vicinity, there is nothing to 
indicate the previous existence of any large Stupa, A smaller Stupq 

1865.] Report of the A rclueohgical Survey. 215 

containing the hair and nails of Buddha has also disappeared, as well 
as the memorial monument to the four Buddhas. 

269. To the south of the town, and close to the Ganges, there 
were three monasteries, with similar looking walls, but differing gate- 
ways. In one of these monasteries there was a Vihdra, or chapel, 
which possessed a tooth of Buddha preserved in a casket adorned with 
precious stones raised on a high pedestal. This tooth was shown 
daily to crowds of people, although the tax charged for its exhibition 
was " a large piece of gold." Perfumes were burned before it by 
thousands of votaries, and flowers which were strewn in profusion over 
it were devoutly believed never to conceal the casket. Right and left in 
front of the monasteries there were two Vihdras, each about 100 feet 
in height. Their foundations were of stone, but their walls of brick. 
In front of each Vihdra there was a small monastery. The most pro- 
bable site of the three monasteries and the Vihdra with the tooth of 
Buddha, seems to me to be the large mound immediately to the south 
of the Ksliem Kali Burj, to the south-east of the town, and on the 
immediate bank of the river. This is now called the Mahalla of Ldla 
Misr Tola. The mound is covered with broken bricks, but no remains 
of any extensive buildings are now visible. 

270. At a short distance to the south-east of the three monasteries 
there was a lofty Vihdra, 200 feet in height, which enshrined a statue 
of Buddha 30 feet high. The foundations of the building were of 
stone, but the walls of brick. On the surrounding walls of the Vihdra, 
which were of stone, were sculptured all the acts of Buddha's life until 
he became a Bodhisatwa. The position of this lofty Vihdra was most pro- 
bably on the large mound in the midst of the present Bhatpuri Mahalla, 
which stands about 800 feet to the south-east of the mound in theMahalla 
of Ldla Misr Tola. There are no remains now to be seen on this mound, 
but it is probable that excavations would be attended with success, as 
there can be little doubt that this was once the site of some important 
buildings. At a little distance from the Vihdra towards the south 
there was a temple ; and a little farther to the south there was a second 
temple dedicated to Siva. Both of these temples were of the same 
form and size as the Vihdras of Buddha. They were built of a blue stone 
which was highly polished, and adorned with admirable sculptures. 
The probable position of these Brahmanieal temples was on the high 

216 Report of the Archaeological Sum- y. [No. 4, 

mound of Makhdum Jahdniya, in the Sikhdna Mahalla, which is about 
700 feet to the south of the last mentioned mound in the Bhatpuri 
Mahalla. That this mound was the site of one or more Brahmanical 
temples seems almost certain from my discovery of a figure of SJiasti, 
the goddess of fecundity, and of a pedestal bearing the date of Samvat 
1193, or A. D. 1136, which is posterior to the extinction of Buddhism 
in Kanoj. I think it probable that excavations in this mound would be 
attended with success, as the two temples are said to have been built of 
stone, which no doubt furnished the whole of the materials for the 
Masjid and tomb of Makhdum Jahdniya. 


271. From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed different 
routes, Fa Hian having proceeded direct to Sha-chi (the modem 
Ajudhya, near Fyzabad on the GhaghraJ, while Hwen Thsang follow- 
ed the course of the Ganges to Prayag, or Allahabad. The first stage 
of both pilgrims would, however, appear to be the same. Fa Hian 
states that he crossed the Ganges and proceeded 3 yojans, or 21 miles, 
to the forest of Soli, where there were several Stupas erected on spots 
where Buddda had " passed, or walked, or sat." Hwen Thsang re- 
cords that he marched 100 U, nearly 17 miles, to the town of Nava- 
deva-kula, which was on the eastern bank of the Ganges, and that at 
5 li, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east of the town there was a Stupa 
of Asoka, which was still 100 feet in height, besides some other 
monuments dedicated to the four previous Buddhas. I think it pro- 
bable that the two places are the same, and that the site wss some- 
where near Nobatganj, just above the junction of the Isan River and 
opposite Nanamoiv Ghat. But as there are no existing remains any- 
where in that neighbourhood, the place has been most likely swept 
away by the river. This is rendered almost certain by an examination 
of the Ganges below the junction of the Isan. Formerly the river 
continued its course almost due south from Nanamow for many miles, 
but some centuries ago it changed its course first to the south-east for 
4 or 5 miles, and then to the south-west for about the same distance, 
where it rejoined its old bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles in length 
by 4 in breadth, between the two channels. As Hwen Thsang's ac- 
count places Nava-deva-lmla on the very site of this island, I conclude 

K65.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 217 

that the town as well as the Buddhist monuments must all have been 
swept away by the change in the river's course. 

272. On leaving Nava-deva-lcula , Hwen Thsang proceeded 600 
It, or 100 miles, to the south-east, and recrossing the Ganges he reach- 
ed the capital city of A-yu-to, which was 20 li, or upwards of 3 
miles, in circuit Both M. Julien and M. St. Martin have identi- 
fied this place with Ayodhya, the once celebrated capital of Rama. 
But though I agree with them as to the probable identification of the 
name as that of the country, I differ with them altogether in looking 
for the capital along the line of the Ohdghra River, which is due east. 
from Kanoj, whereas Hwen Thsang states that his route was to the 
south-east. It is of course quite possible that the pilgrim may occa- 
sionally use the generic name of Ganges as the appellation of any large 
river, such for instance as the Ghdffhra, hut in the present case, where 
the recorded bearing of south-east agrees with the course of the Ganges, 
I think it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was the river intend- 
ed by the pilgrim. But by adopting the line of the Ganges we 
encounter a difficulty of a different kind in the great excess of the 
distance between two such well-known places as Kanoj and Prayag. 
According to Hwen Thsang's route, he first made 100 li to Nava- 
deva-kul 'a, then 600 li to Ayutho, then 300 li by water to Hay amulli a, 
and lastly 700 li to Praydya. All these distances added together 
make a total of 1,700 li, or 283 miles, which is just 100 miles, or 
600 li, in excess of the true distance. But as a part of the jonmey, 
viz., 300 li, or 50 miles, was performed by water, the actual excess 
may perhaps not be more than 85 or 90 miles ; although it is doubt- 
ful whether the distance of 300 li may not have been the road mea- 
surement and not the river distance. It is sufficient for our purpose 
to know that Hwen Thsang's recorded measurement is somewhere about 
100 miles in excess of the truth. The only explanation of this error 
that suggests itself to me is, that there may have been an accidental 
alteration of one set of figures, such as 60 li for 600 li, or 700 li for 
70 li. Supposing that the former was the case, the distance would 
be shoi-tened by 540 li, or 90 miles, and if the latter, by 630 li, or 
105 miles. This mode of correction brings the pilgrim's account into 
fair accordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between Kanoj 
and Prayag. 

218 Report of the Arch ceohgical Survey. [No. 4, 

273. By adopting the first supposition, Hwen Thsang's distance 
from Nava-deva-kula to the Capital of Ayutho will be only 60 li, or 
10 miles, to the south-east, which would bring him to the site of an 
ancient city named Kakupur, just 1 mile to the north of Seorajpoor, 
and 20 miles to the north-west of Gawnpoor. If we adopt the latter 
correction, the pilgrim's distance to Ayutho of 600 U, or 100 miles, 
will remain unchanged, and this would bring him via Mdnikpur, 
which is also an ancient place. By the first supposition the sub- 
sequent route would have been from Kakupur to Daundiakhera by 
boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 300 li, and from thence to 
Praydg, a distance of more than 100 miles, which agrees with the 
700 li, or 116 miles, of the jDilgrim. By the second supposition the 
subsequent route would have been from Khara to Papamow by water, 
about 50 miles, aud thence to Prayag, about 8 miles of laud, which 
agrees with the 70 li of the proposed correction. In favour of this 
last supposition is the fact that the bearing from Khara to Papamow 
of east by south is more in accordance with Hwen Thsang's recorded 
east direction than the south-east bearing of Daundiakhera from 
Kakupur. I confess, however, that I am more inclined to adopt the 
former correction, which places the chief city of Ayutho at Kakupur, 
and the town of Hayamukha at Daundiakhera, as we know that the 
last was the capital of the Bais Rajputs for a considerable period. I 
am partly inclined to this opinion by a suspicion that the name of 
Kakupur may be connected with that of Bagud, or Vagud, of the Ti- 
betan books. According to this authority a Sdkya, named Shdmpaka, 
on being banished from Kapila retired to Bagud, carrying with him 
some of Buddha's hairs and nail -parings, over which he built a chaitya. 
He was made King of Bagud, and the monument was named after 
himself (? Shdmjmka Stupa). No clue is given as to the position of 
Bagud, but as I know of no other name that resembles it, I am induc- 
ed to think that it is probably the same place as the Ayutho of Hwen 
Thsang, which was also possessed of a Stupa containing some hairs 
and nail-parings of Buddha. Kdhupur is well known to the people 
of Kanoj, who affirm that it was once a large city with a Raja of its 
own. The existing remains of Kakupur consist of numerous founda- 
tions formed of large bricks, and more particularly of a connected set 
of walls of some large building which the people call " the palace." 

1865.] Report of the Archaological Survey, ■ 219 

I have not yet visited this place, which lay out of my line of route, 
but I hope to have an opportunity of examining it hereafter. 


274. From Ayutho the Chinese pilgrim proceeded a distance of 
300 li, or 50 miles, down the Ganges by boat to O-ye-mu-khi, which 
was situated on the north bank of the river, M. Julien reads this 
name as Hayamukha, equivalent to " Horse face," or " Iron face," 
which was the name of one of the Ddnavas or Titans. Neither of 
these names, however, gives any clue to the site of the old city ; but 
if I am right in my identification of Ayutho with Kdkiijmr, it is almost 
certain that Ayomukha must be the same as Daundiakhera. Hwen 
Thsang makes the circuit of the town 20 li, or upwards of 3 miles, 
but Daundiakhera presents no appearance of having ever been so 
large. There still exist the ruins of an old fort or citadel, 385 feet 
square, with the walls of two buildings which are called the Raja's 
and Rani's palaces. The foundation of this citadel is attributed to 
Raja Raghunath Singh, but he was apparently some comparatively 
modern Thdkur, or petty Chief, as Daundiakhera is universally allow- 
ed to have been the capital of the Bais Rajputs, who claim descent 
from the famous Salivahan. As there are no remains of any buildings 
which can be identified with the monuments described by Hwen 
Thsang, the actual site of Ayomukha must still remain doubtful. 


275. From Ayomukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 li, or 116 miles, 
to the south-east, to Praydga, the well-known place of pilgrimage at 
the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, where Akbar some centuries 
later built his fort of Ildhabds, or Allahabad, as it was afterwards call- 
ed by Shahjahan. The distance and bearing given by Hwen Thsanc 
agree almost exactly with those of Prayaga from Daundiakhera. The 
distance is 101 miles by the nearest road to the south of the Ganges ; 
but as the pilgrim followed the north road, the distance must have 
been increased to about 115 or 120 miles. According to him the city 
was situated at the confluence of the two rivers, but to the west of a 
large sandy plain. In the midst of the city there was a Brahmanieal 
temple, to which the presentation of a single piece of money procured 
as much merit as that of one thousand pieces elsewhere. Before the 


220 Beport of the Arch&ological Survey. [No. 4, 

principal room of the temple there was a large tree with wide-spread- 
ing branches, which was said to be the dwelling of an anthropopha- 
gous demon. The tree was surrounded with human bones, the remains 
of j)ilgrims who had sacrificed their lives before the temple, — a custom 
wdiich had been observed from time immemorial. 

276. I think there can be little doubt that the famous tree here 
described by the Chinese pilgrim is the well-known Akshoy Bat, or 
" shadowless Banian tree," which is still an object of worship at 
Allahabad. This tree is now situated underground at one side of a 
pillared court, which would appear to have been open formerly, and 
which is, I believe, the remains of the temple described by Hwen 
Thsang. The temple is situated inside the fort of Allahabad, to the 
east of the Ellenborough Barracks, and due north from the stone pillar 
of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Originally both tree and temple must 
have been on the natural ground level, but from the constant accu- 
mulation of rubbish they have bean gradually earthed up, until the 
whole of the lower portion of the temple has disappeared underground. 
The upper portion has long ago been removed, and the only access to 
the Akshay Bat now available is by a flight of steps which leads down 
to a square pillared court-yard. This court has apparently once been 
open to the sky, but it is now closed in, to secure darkness and mystery 
for the holy Fig tree. 

277. The Akahay Bat is next mentioned by Rashid-ud-din in the 
Jdmiut-taivdrikh, in which he states that the " tree of Pray" is situat- 
ed at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. As most of his 
information was derived from Abu Bihdn, the date of this notice may 
with great probability be referred to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. 
In the 7th century a great sandy plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between 
the city and the confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the 
midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile from the con- 
fluence. But nine centuries later, in the beginning of Akbar's reign, 
Abdul Kadir speaks of the " tree from which people cast themselves 
into the rivers." From this statement, I infer that, during the long 
period that intervened between the time of Hwen Thsang and that 
of Akbar, the two rivers had gradually carried away the whole of the 
great sandy plain, and had so far encroached upon the city as to place 
the holy tree on the very brink of the water. Long before this time 
the old city had no doubt been deserted, for we know that the fort of 

1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 221 

Ildhdhds was founded on its site in the 21st year of Akbar's reign 
that is in A. H. 982, or A. D. 1572. Indeed the way in which Abu 
llihan speaks of the " tree" instead of the city of Prag, leads me to 
believe that the city itself had already been deserted before his time. 
As far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any Muhammadan 
history, until it was refounded by Akbar. 

278. As the old city of Praywj has totally disappeared, we can scarcely 
expect to find any traces of the various Buddhist monuments which were 
seen and described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. Indeed 
from their position to the south-west of the city, it seems very probable 
that they may have been washed away by the Jumna even before the final 
abandonment of the city, as the course of that river for 8 miles above the 
confluence has been due west ami east for many centuries past, At any rate, 
it is quite certain that no remains of these buildings are now to be seen ; 
the only existing Hindu monument being the well known stone pillar 
which bears the inscriptions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta ami Jahangir. 
As Hwen Tbsang makes no mention of this pillar, it is probable that 
it was not standing in his day. Even its original position is not ex- 
actly known, but it was probably not far from its present site. It was 
first erected by King Asoka about B. C. 240 for the purpose of inscrib- 
ing his edicts regarding the propagation of Buddhism. It was next . 
made use of by Samudra Gupta, about the second century of the Chris- 
tian era, for the record of his extensive sovereignty over the various 
nations of India from Nepal to the Dakhan, and from Gujarat to 
Assam. Lastly, it was re-erected by the Mogal Emperor Jahangir to 
commemorate his accession to the throne in the year 1605 A. D. 
These are the three principal inscriptions on the Allahabad Pillar, but 
there are also a number of minor records of the names of travellers and 
pilgrims of various dates, from about the beginning of the Christian 
era down to the present century. Regarding these minor inscriptions, 
James Prinsep remarks that " it is a singular fact that the periods 
at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with 
nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs 
of its being re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording 
the latter event. Thus, that it was overthrown some time after its 
first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century 
before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of 
several names in a character intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in 

222 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

which the m, b, &c, retain the old form." Of one of these names 
he remarks " Now it would have been exceedingly difficult, if not 
impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up and down at right angles 
to the other writing, ivhile the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the 
place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, 
which would hardly be the case, since the object of an ambitious visitor 
would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unread- 
able position." The pillar " was erected as Samudra Gupta's arm, 
and there it probably remained until overthrown again by the idol- 
breaking zeal of the Musalmans ; for we find no writings on it of the 
Pdla, or Sarnath type (*. e., of the tenth century), but a quantity 
appears with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D. 
1363, down to 1060 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy 
one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar 
was in a prostrate position. A few detached and ill executed Nagari 
names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd, show that even since it was 
laid on the ground again by General Garstin, the passion for recording 
visits of piety or curiosity has been at work." In this last passage 
James Prinsep has made a mistake in the name of the Vandal Engineer 
who overthrew the stone pillar, because it stood in the way of his new 
line of rampart near the gateway. It was General Kyd, and not 
General Garstin, who was employed to strengthen the Fort of Allaha- 
bad, and his name is still preserved in the suburb of Kydganj, on the 
Jumna, immediately below the city. 

279. The pillar was again set up in 1838 by Captain Edward 
Smith, of the Engineers, to whom the design of the present capital is 
entirely due. At first it was intended to have placed a fancy flower as 
an appropriate finish to the pillar, but as the people had a tradition 
that the column was originally surmounted by the figure of a lion, it 
was suggested by a Committee of the Asiatic Society that the design 
of the new capital should be made as nearly as possible the same as the 
original, of which the Bakra and Navandgarh or (Mathiya) pillars, 
were cited as examples. The lion statues which crown the bell capitals 
of these two pillars I have seen and admired, and I can affirm that 
they are the figures of veritable lions. Both of them are represented 
half couchant, with the head raised and the mouth open. The bell 
capital swells out boldly towards the top to receive a massive abacus, 
which forms the plinth of the statue. In these examples the broad 


1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey . 223 

swelling capital is in harmony with the stout and massive column. 
But the new capital designed by Captain Smith, is, in my opinion, a 
signal failure. The capital lessens towards the top, and is surmounted 
by an abacus of less diameter than that of the pillar itself. The animal 
on the top is small and recumbent, and altogether the design is insig- 
nificant. Indeed it looks to me not unlike a stuffed poodle stuck on 
the top of an inverted flower pot. 

280. According to the common tradition of the people, the name of 
Prayaga was derived from a Brahman, who lived during the reign of 
Akbar. The story is that when the Emperor was building the fort, 
the walls on the river face repeatedly fell down in spite of all the pre- 
cautions taken by the architect. On consulting some wise men, Akbar 
was informed that the foundations could only be secured by being laid 
in human blood. A proclamation was then made, when a Brahman, 
called Prayaga, voluntarily offered his life, on the condition that the 
fort should bear his name. This idle story, which is diligently related 
to the pilgrims who visit the Ah shay Bat, may at least serve one useful 
purpose, in warning us not to place too much faith in these local tra- 
ditions. The name of Prayaga is recorded by Hwen Thsang in the 
7th century, and is in all probability as old as the reign of Asoka, who 
set up the stone pillar about B. C. 240, while the fort was not built 
until the end of the 16th century. 


281. The city of Kosdmbi was one of the most celebrated places in 
ancient India, and its name was famous amongst Brahmans as well as 
Buddhists. The city is said to have been founded by Kusamba, the tenth 
in descent from Pururavas ; but its fame begins only with the reign of 
Cliakra, the eighth in descent from Arjun Pandu, who made Kosambi 
his capital after Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges. If 
the date of the great war (Mahdbhdrata) be fixed at 1426 B. O, which, 
as I have already shown in my account of Dilli, is the most probable 
period, then the date of Chakra will be about 1200 or 1150 B. C. 
Twenty-two of his descendants are said to have reigned in the Kosambi 
down to Kshemaka, the last of the dynasty, but it seems almost certain 
that some names must have been omitted, as the very longest period 
of 30 years which can be assigned to a generation of eastern Kings 
will place the close of the dynasty about B. C. 500,_and make the 

224 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

period of Udayana about 630 to 600 B. C. If we take all the recorded 
names of the different authorities, then the number of generations will 
be 24, which will place the close of tbe dynasty in B. C. 440, and 
fix tbe reign of Udayana in 570 to 540 B. C. As Udayana is repre- 
sented by the Buddhists to have been a contemporary of Buddha, this 
date may be accepted as wonderfully accurate for so remote a period 
of Indian History. 

282. Kosambi is mentioned in the Ramayana, tbe earliest of the 
Hindu Poems, wbicb is generally allowed to have been composed 
before tbe Christian era. Tbe story of Udayana, King of Kosambi, is 
referred to by the poet Kali Dasa in his Megha-duta, or " Cloud messen- 
ger," when he says that Avanti (or UjainJ is great with the number of 
those versed in the tale of Udayana," Now Kali Dasa flourished shortly 
after A. D. 500. In the Vrihat Katba, of Somadeva, the story of Udayana 
is given at full length, but the autbor has made a mistake in tbe 
genealogy between tbe two Satdnikas. Lastly, tbe kingdom of Kosambi, 
or Kosdmha Mandala, is mentioned in an inscription taken from tbe 
gateway of the fort of Khara wbich is dated in Samvat 1092, or A. D. 
1035, at wbicb period it would appear to have been independent of 
Kanoj. Kosambi, tbe capital of Vatsa Rajah, is tbe scene of the pleas- 
ing drama of Ratndvali, or the " Necklace," wbicb was composed in 
tbe reign of King Harsba Deva, who is most probably the same as 
Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst 
tbe assembled audience " princes from various realms recumbent at his 
feet." This we know from Hwen Thsang to have been true of the 
Kanoj Prince, but which even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted 
of Harsha Deva of Kashmir. Tbe date of this notice will therefore lie 
between 607 and 650 A. D. 

283. But the name of Udayana, King of Kosambi, was perhaps 
even more famous amongst tbe Buddhists. In the Mahawanso, 
which was composed in the 5th century A. D., the venerable Yasa is 
said to have fled from " Vaisdli to Kosambi just before the assembly 
of the second Buddhist Synod. In tbe Lalita Vistara, which was 
translated into Chinese between 70 and 76 A. D., and which must 
therefore have been composed not later than the beginning of the Chris- 
tian era, Udayana Vatsa, son of Satanika, King of Kosambi, is said 
to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other Ceylonese 
books, Kosambi is named as one of tbe 19 capital cities of ancient 

1865.] Report of (he Archaeological Survey, 225 

India. TJdayana Vatsa, the son of Satanika, is also known to the 
Tibetans as the King of Kosambi. In the Ratnavali he is called Vatsa 
llaja, or King of tlie Vatsas, and his capital Vatsa pattana, which is 
therefore only another name for Kosambi. In this celebrated city, 
Buddha is said to have spent the 6th and 9th years of his Buddha- 
hood. Lastly, Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha 
in red sandal wood, which was made by King TJdayana during the 
life time of the Teacher, still existed under a stone dome iu the ancient 
palace of King Udayana. 

284. The site of this great city, tlie capital of the later Pandu 
Princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha, 
has long been sought in vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that 
it stood either on the Ganges, or close to it, and the discovery of tlie 
name of Kosdmbi mandala, or " Kingdom of Kosambi," in an inscrip- 
tion over tlie gateway of the fort of Khar a, seems to confirm the general 
belief, although the south-west bearing from Prayaga, or Allahabad, 
as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points unmistakably to the line of the 
Jumna. In January 1861, Mr. Baylcy informed nic that he believed 
the ancient Kosambi would be found in the old village of Kosam, on 
the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the following month 
I met Babu Siva Prasad, of the Educational Department, who takes a 
deep and intelligent interest in all archaeological subjects, and from 
him I learned that Kosam is still known as Kosdmbi-nagar, that it is 
even now a great resort of the Jains, and that only one century ago 
it was a large and flourishing town. This information was quite suffi- 
cient to satisfy me that Kosam was the actual site of the once famous 
Kosambi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to show that 
the city was situated on the Jumna ; but this missing link in the chain 
of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the curious legend of Bak- 
kula, which is related at length in Hardy's Manual of Buddhism. 
The infant Bakkula was born at Kosambi, and while his mother was 
bathing in the Jumna, he accidentally fell into the river, and being 
swallowed by a fish was carried to Benares. There the fish was caught 
and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who on opening it found the young 
child still alive inside, and at once adopted it as her own. The true 
mother hearing of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to 
Benares, and demanded the return of the child, which was of course 
refused. The matter was then referred to the King, who decided that 

226 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

both of the claimants were mothers of the child — the one by maternity, 
the other by purchase. The child was accordingly named Bakula ; 
that is, of "two kulas, or races." He reached the age of 90 years 
without once having been ill, when he was converted by the preaching 
of Buddha, who declared him to be " the chief of that class of his 
disciples who were free from disease." After this he is said to have 
lived 90 years more, when he became an arhat, or Buddhist saint. 

285. But the negative kind of merit which Bakkula acquired, by 
his freedom from disease, was not appreciated by Asoka, as we learn 
from a very curious legend which is preserved in the Divya Avadana. 
In the first ardour of his conversion to Buddhism the zealous Asoka 
wished to do honour to all the places which the life and teaching of Bud- 
dha had rendered famous, by the erection of stupas, and the holy Upagup- 
ta volunteered to point out the sacred spots. Accordingly the goddess of 
the Sal tree, who witnessed Buddha's birth, appeared to Asoka and vouch- 
ed for the authenticity of the venerated tree, which had given support 
to Maya-Devi, at the birth of the infant Sakya. Other holy sites are 
also indicated, such as the Bodhi-drum, or sacred Pipal tree at Buddha 
G-aya, under which Buddha sat for four years in meditation ; and the 
Sal trees at Kusinagara, beneath which he obtained Nirvana, — besides 
various spots rendered famous by the acts of his principal disciples, 
Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, Kasyapa, Ananda. To all these holy 
places the pious King allotted large sums of money for the erection of 
Stupas. Upagupta then pointed out the holy place of Bakkula at 
Kosambi. "And what was the merit of this sage?" asked Asoka. 
" He lived," answered Upagupta, "to a great age without once 
having known disease." " On him," said the King, " I bestow one 
farthing (KdJcani)."* In Burnouf's version of this story, Bakula is 
said to be the disciple who had encountered the fewest obstacles, from 
which Asoka rightly argued that the fewer the obstacles the less the 
merit. The same idea is even more tersely expressed by the old 
author of the "Land of Cockaigne" in describing the sinlessness of 
its inhabitants : — 

" Very virtuous may they be 
" Who temptation never see." 

* The Kalcani was the fourth part of the copper pana, and was therefore 
worth only 20 cowrees. Its weight was 20 rakiikas, or ratis of copper, or 
l - 8229 x 20 = 37 J grains nearly. 

ixiiii.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 227 

286. As tins legend of Bakula is sufficient to prove that the fa- 
mous city of Kausambi was situated on the Jumna, it now only re- 
mains to show that the distance of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds 
with that between Prayag and Kosambi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang. 
Unfortunately this distance is differently stated in the life and in the 
travels of the Chinese pilgrim. In the former, the distance is given 
as 50 li, and in' the latter as 500 li, whilst in the return journey to 
China, the pilgrim states that between Prayag and Kosambi he travel- 
led for seven days through a vast forest and over bare plains. Now, as 
the village of Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the 
last statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its identifica- 
tion with the ancient Kosambi. But strange to say, it affords the 
most satisfactory proof of their identity ; for the subsequent route of the 
pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one month, and as the 
whole distance from Prayag to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average 
length of the pilgrim's daily march was not more than 5| miles. This 
slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by the fact that the 
march from Prayag to Sankissa was a religious procession, headed by 
the great King Ilarsha Vardhana of Kanoj, with a train of no less 
than 18 tributary Kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist monks, 
and all the crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning, 
the distance from Prayag to Kosambi would be 38 miles, which cor- 
responds very closely with the actual road distance as I found it. By 
one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 miles, and by 
the return route 35 miles. The only probable explanation of Hwen 
Thsang's varying distances of 50 li and 500 li that occurs to me is, 
that as he converted the Indian Yojanas into Chinese li at the rate of 
40 li per Yojana, or of 10 li per kos, he must have written 150 li, 
the equivalent to 15 Icos, which is the actual distance across the fields 
for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort of Allahabad, according to 
the reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether this expla- 
nation be correct or not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam 
stands on the actual site of the ancient Kosambi ; for not only do the 
people themselves put forward this claim, but it is also distinctly 
stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which is recorded on the 
great stone pillar, still standing in the midst of the ruins, that this is 
Kausdmbi pura. 

287. The present ruins of Kosambi consist of an immense fortress 


228 Report of tlie A rchceohgical Surrey. [No. 4, 

formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, with a circuit of 23,100 feet, 
or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs. The ramparts have a general 
height of from 30 to 35 feet above the fields, but the bastions are con- 
siderably higher ; those on the north face rising to upwards of 50 feet, 
while those at the south-west and south-east aDgles are more than 60 
feet. Originally there were ditches all round the fortress, but at 
present there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot "of the rampart. 
The parapets were of brick and stone, but although the remains of 
these defences can be traced nearly all round, I could not find any 
portion of the old wall with a facing sufficiently perfect to enable me 
to determine its thickness. The large size of the bricks, which are 
19 inches long by 12J by 2|, shows that these are the ruins of very 
old walls. In shape the fortress may be described as an irregular rect- 
angle, with its longer sides running almost due north and south. The 
length of the different faces is as follows : — 

North front 4,500 feet 

South 6,000 „ 

East 7,500 „ 

West 5,100 „ 

Total 23,100 feet 

The difference in length between the north and south fronts is due 
to the original extension of the fortress on the river face ; but the 
difference between the east and west fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not 
wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle of the ramparts by the 
gradual encroachments of the Jumna. There are no traces now left of the 
western half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the houses of the 
village of Garhaivd are standing on the very edge of the cliff overhang- 
ing the river. The reach of the river also from the Pakka Burj at 
the south-west angle of the fortress up to the hill of Prabhdsa, a 
clear straight run of 4 miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east, 
whereas in the time of Hwen Thsang there were two stupas and a 
cave at a distance of If- miles to the south-west of Kosdmbi. Prom 
all these concurring circumstances, I conclude that the west front of 
the fortress was originally as nearly as possible of the same length as 
the east front. This would add 2,400 feet, or nearly half a mile to 
the length of the west front, and would increase the whole circuit 

1865.] Report of the Archceoloyical Survey. 229 

of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which is within one furlong 
of the measurement of 5 miles, or 30 li recorded hy Hwen Thsang. In 
the three main points therefore of name, size, and position, the present 
Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient Kosamhi as it is 
described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. 

288. Viewed from the outside, the ruins of Kosambi present a 
most striking appearance. My previous enquiries had led me to ex- 
pect only a ruined mound some 20 or 30 feet in height covered with 
broken bricks. What was my surprise therefore, when still at some 
distance from the place on the north-east side, to behold extending for 
about 2 miles a long line of lofty earthen mounds as high as most of 
the trees. I felt at once that this was the celebrated Kosambi, the 
capital of the far-famed Raja Udiiyana. On reaching the place, I 
mounted one of the huge earthen bastions, from whence I had a clear 
view of the interior. This was very uneven, but free from jungle, the 
whole surface being thickly covered with broken bricks. In many 
places the bricks were partially cleared away to form fields, but in others 
the broken bricks were so thickly strewn that the earth beneath was 
scarcely discernable. But I was disappointed to find that there were 
no prominent masses of ruin ; the only object that caught the eye 
being a modern Jain temple. I recognized the positions of six gates 
by the deep depressions in the lines of rampart. There are two of 
these openings on each of the three land faces of the fortress. 

289. The present village of Kosam consists of two distinct portions, 
named Kosam Indm and Kosam Khirdj, or " Rent-free" and " Rent- 
paying" Kosam, the former being on the west, and the latter on the east 
side of the old fortress. Inside the ramparts, and on the bank of the Jumna, 
there are two small villages called Garhawd Bard and Garhawd Chota, 
their names being no doubt derived from their position within the 
fort or garh. Beyond Kosam Inam is the large village of Pali, contain- 
ing 100 houses, and beyond Kosam Khiraj on the bank of the Jumna 
stands the hamlet of Gop-Sahasa. To the north there is another 
hamlet called Ambd-Kua, because it possesses a large old well sur- 
rounded by a grove of Mango trees. All these villages together do not 
contain more than 350 or 400 houses, with about 2,000 inhabitants. 

290. The great object of veneration at Kosambi was the celebrated 
statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was devoutly believed to 
have been made during the lifetime of Buddha by a sculptor whom 

230 Report of the Archceohgical Survey. [No. 4, 

King Udayana was permitted to send up to the Trayastrinsa heaven, 
while the great Teacher was explaining his law to his mother Maya. The 
statue was placed under a stone dome, within the precincts of the palace 
of Udayana, which is described by Hwen Thsang as being situated in 
the very middle of Kosambi. This description shows that the place 
must have occupied the position of the great central mass of ruin, 
which is now covered by a small Jain temple. The temple is said to 
have been built in 1834, and is dedicated to Pdrasndth. By the 
people, however, it is generally called Deora, or the Temple, which 
was the old name of the niound, and which, therefore, points unmis- 
takably to the position of the ancient temple that once held the famous 
statue of Buddha. The foundations of a large building ai - e still 
traceable both to the east and west of the temple ; but there are no 
remains either of sculpture or of architectural ornament. But in the 
village of Bara Garhawa, distant 1,500 feet to the south-west, I found 
two sculptured pillai'3 of a Buddhist railing, and the pedestal of a 
statue inscribed with the well-known Buddhist profession of faith, 
beginning with Ye dharmma lietu prabhavd, &c, in characters of the 
8th or 9th centuiy. In the village of Chota Garhawa, distant half a 
mile to the south-east, I found a small square pillar sculptured on three 
faces with representations of stupas. The discovery of these undoubted 
Buddhist remains is alone sufficient to prove that some large Buddhist 
establishment must once have existed inside the walls of Kosambi. 
I would therefore assign the two pillars of the Buddhist railing and 
the inscribed statue to the great Vihar in the palace, which contained 
the famous sandal wood statue of Buddha. The third pillar I would 
assign to the stupa which contained the hair and nails of Buddha, 
as it was situated inside the south-east corner of the city, on the very 
site of Chota Garhawa, where the pillar itself was found. The two 
railing pillars found at Bara Garhawa are sculptured with figures of a 
male and female, and as both of these figures exhibit the very same 
scanty clothing as is seen in those of the bas-reliefs of the Sanchi 
Tope, near Bhilsa, I would refer the Kosambi pillars to the same age, 
or somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era. 

291. The only other existing relic of Buddhism inside the fort is a 
large stone monolith similar to those of Allahabad and Delhi, excepting 
only that it bears no ancient inscription. This column is now stand- 
ing at an angle of 52°, about one-half of the shaft being buried in a 

1865.] Report <>/ tlie Arcluzological Survey. 231 

mound of brick ruins. The portion of the shaft above ground is 14 
feet in length, and close by there are two broken pieces, measuring 
respectively 4 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 3 inches. I made an excavation 
completely round the pillar, to a depth of 7 feet 4 inches, without 
reaching the end of the polished portion of the shaft. All these figures 
added together give a total length of 28 feet ; but the pillar was no 
doubt several feet longer, as the shafts of all the five known monoliths 
exceed 30 feet. The smallest diameter is 29J inches, or nearly the 
same as that of the Lauriya-Ara-Ruj pillar, and as the diameter 
increases in nearly the same proportion, I presume that the Kosambi 
pillar most probably had about the same height of 36 feet. According 
to the villagers, this pillar was in one piece as late as 50 years ago ; but 
it was leaning against a large Nimb tree. The tree was old and 
hollow, and some cowherds having accidentally set fire to it, the top of 
the pillar was broken by the heat. Several different persons affirmed 
that the shaft was originally nearly double its present height. This 
would make the height above ground somewhat less than twice 14 
feet, or say about 27 feet ; which added to the ascertained smooth 
portion of 7 feet 4 inches under ground, would make the original 
height of the smooth shaft upwards of 34 feet. I found numerous 
roots of the old tree in my excavation round the pillar. The state- 
ment of the people that the Kosambi pillar has been leaning in its 
present position as long as they can remember, is curiously corroborated 
by the fact that an inscription dated in the reign of Akbar is cut across 
the face of the shaft at an angle of about 50° but parallel to the hori- 
zon. It seems certain therefore that the pillar was in its present 
leaning position as early as the reign of Akbar ; and further, as this 
inscription is within reach of the hand, and as there are also others 
engraved beneath the present surface of the soil, I conclude that the 
pillar must have been buried as we now see it for a long time previous 
to the reign of Akbar. 

292. The inscriptions recorded on the Kosambi pillar range from 
the age of the Guptas down to the present day. The only record of the 
earliest period is the name of a pilgrim in six letters which I have not 
succeeded in reading. At the top of the broken shaft there is an 
incomplete record of three letters ending in prahhdra, which I would 
ascribe to the 4th or 5th century. The letters, which are three inches 
in length, are boldly cut, but the line which they form is not parallel 

232 Report of the A rch ecological Survey. [No. 4, 

to the sides of the pillar. The next inscription in point of time con- 
sists of six lines in characters of the 6th or 7th century. As this record 
is placed on the lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the 
present ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides of 
the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed, the pillar was 
still standing upright in its original position, and that the surrounding 
buildings were still in perfect order. This inference is fully borne out 
by Hwen Thsang's account of the ancient palace of Udayana with its 
great Vihara, 60 feet in height, and its stone dome forming a canopy 
over the statue of Buddha, all of which would seem to have been in 
good order at the date of his visit, as he carefully mentions that the 
two different bath-houses of Buddha, as well as the dwelling house of 
Asanga Bodhisatwa were in rains. Just above this inscription there 
are several records in the peculiar shell-shaped letters which James 
Prinsep noticed on the Allahabad pillar, and which I have found on 
most of the other pillars throughout northern India. The remaining 
inscriptions, which are comparatively modern, are all recorded on the 
upper part of the shaft. That of Akbar's time, which has already 
been referred to, is in Nagari as follows : — 

Mogal Pdtisdh Alcbar Patisdh Gaji; or 
Mogal Padshah Akbar Padshah Ghazi. 
This is followed by a short record of a soni, or goldsmith, in three 
lines, below which is a long inscription dated in Samvat 1621, or 
A. D. 1564, in the early part of Akbar's reigD, detailing the genealogy 
of a whole family of goldsmiths. It is in this inscription that the name 
of Kosdmbipura occurs, the founder of the family named Anand Ram 
Das, having died at Kosam. The monolith is called Bdm-Jca-charri, 
" Rani's walking stick," by some, and by others Bhim-sen-ha-Gada or 
" Bhim-sen's club." Inside the fort also, about midway between 
the two villages of Garhawa, I found a large Ungam, bearing^ four 
heads, with three eyes each, and with the hair massed on the top of 
each head. The discovery of this costly symbol of Mahadeva shows 
that the worship of Siva must have been firmly established at Kosambi 
at some former period ; and as Hwen Thsang mentions the existence 
of no less than 50 heretical (that is Brahmanical) temples at the time of 
his visit, I think it probable that the large Ungam may have belonged 
to one of those early temples. 

294. To the south- west of Kosambi, distant 8 or 9 li, or 1|- miles, 


1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 233 

Hwen Tlisang describes a lofty stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, 
and a stone cavern of a venomous dragon, in which it was devoutly- 
believed that Buddha had left his shadow. But the truthful pilgrim 
candidly says that this shadow was not to be seen in his time. If 
Hwen Thsang's south-west bearing is correct, the holy cave must have 
been carried away long ago by the encroachment of the Jumna, as the 
clear reach of the river above Kosambi, as far as the hill of Prabhasa, 
a distance of 4 miles, now bears 282° from the south-west of the old 
city, or 12° to the north of west. The hill of Prabhasa, which is on 
the left bank of the Jumna, is the only rock in the Antarved or Doab 
of the Ganges and Jumna. In a hollow between its two peaks stands a 
modern Jain temple, but there is no cavern, and no trace of any 
ancient buildings. 

295. At a short distance to the south-east of Kosambi, there was 
an ancient monastery containing a stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, 
which was built on the spot where Buddha had explained the law for 
many years. Beside the monastery, a householder named Kiu-shi-lo, 
formerly had a garden. Fa Hian calls it the garden of Kiu-sse-lo ; but 
by the Buddhists of Ceylon it is called the Ghosika garden. M. Julien 
renders the name doubtfully by Goshira, but it appears to me that the 
true name was most probably the Sanskrit Gosirsha, and the Pali 
Gosisa, which I believe to be still preserved in Gopsahsa, the name of a 
small village close to Chota Garhawd. This name is now written 3tnf9- 
^^fT Gop-sahasa, but as the well known name of Janamejaya is written 
SIJlij^T Jag-medau, and also sj^f^^x: Jalmedar, by the half educated 
people of Kosam, I do not think that the slight difference of spelling 
between the ancient Gosisa and the present Gopsahasa, forms any veiy 
strong objection to their identification, more especially as the position 
of the Gosisa garden must have been as nearly as possible on the site of 
the Gopsahasa village. There are no ancient remains about this village ; 
nor indeed could we expect to find many traces of the garden. But in 
the neighbouring village of Kosam Khirdj, or His&mdbdd, the vestiges 
of ancient occupation are found everywhere, and this village I believe 
to have been the site of the monastery with its lofty stupa of 200 feet, 
built by Asoka, and its smaller stupa containing the hair and nails of 
Buddha. The position of this village, within one quarter of a mile of 
the south-east corner of the ancient fort, agrees precisely with the site 
of the monastery as described by Hwen Thsang, " a une petite distance 

234 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

au sud-est de la ville." In tins village squared stones of all sizes 
may be seen in the walls of most of the houses, and after a little search 
I succeeded in finding four plain pillars of two different sizes which 
had once belonged to two different Buddhist railings. Two of these 
pillars are 4 feet 9 inches in height, with a section of 12J by 7 inches, 
Avhich are also the exact dimensions of the largest railing pillars that 
have been found at Mathura. The other two pillars are 2 feet 9 
inches in height, with a section of 7 by 3J inches, which are the exact 
dimensions of the smallest sized railing pillars that have been found at 
Mathura. The larger pillars I would assign to the Buddhist railing, 
which in all probability once surrounded the lofty stupa of Asoka, and 
the smaller pillars I would assign to the smaller stupa, which contained 
the hair and nails of Buddha. 

296. I found also the fragment of a corner pillar with the mortice 
holes for the reception of the rails on two adjacent sides at right angles 
to each other. I conclude, therefore, that this pillar must have belong- 
ed to the entrance doorway of one of the railings, although its face of 
9 inches does not agree with the dimensions of either of the other 


297. From Kosambi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the north 
east, through a vast forest as far as the Granges, after crossing which 
his route lay to the north for a distance of 700 li, or 117 miles, to 
the town of Kia-she-pu-lo, which M. Julien correctly renders by Kasa- 
pura. In searching for the site of this place, the subsequent route of 
the pilgrim to Visdkhd, a distance of 170 to 180 li, or from 28 to 30 
miles, to the north is of equal importance with the bearing and dis- 
tance from Kosambi. For as the Visakha, of Hwen Thsang, as I will 
presently show, is the same place as the Sha-chi of Fa Hian, and the 
Sdketa or Ayodhya of the Hindus, we thus obtain two such well fixed 
points as Kosambi and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A single 
glance at the map will be sufficient to show that the old town of 
Sultdnpur on the Oomati (or Griimti) River is as nearly as possible 
in the position indicated. Now the Hindu name of this town was 
Kusahhavanapura, or simply Kusapura, which is almost the same name 
as that of Hwen Thsang. Remembering Mr. Bayley's note of informa- 
tion derived from Raja Man Sinh that there was " a tope near Sultan- 
pur," I pitched my tent on one side of the now utterly desolate city, 

1865.] Beport of the Archceoloyical Survey. 235 

and searched the whole place through most carefully, but all in vain : 
I could neither find the trace of any tope, nor could I even hear of 
ancient remains of any kind. On the following day, however, after 
I had left Sultanpur, I heard that the village of Mahmudpur, about 5 
miles to the north-west, was situated on an ancient mound of somewhat 
larger size than that of Sultanpur, and on my arrival at Faizabad, I 
learned from Lieutenant Swetenham, of the Royal Engineers, that 
there is an old tope to the north-west of Sultanpur, not far from this 
village. I conclude, therefore, that Sultanpur, the ancient Kusapura, 
is the same place as the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang ; and this identifi- 
cation will be made even more certain on examination of the recorded 

298. On leaving Kosambi, the pilgrim proceeded first in a north- 
east direction to the Granges, after crossing which he turned to the 
north to Kasapura, the whole distance being 117 miles. Now, the two 
great ghats on the Ganges to the north-east of Kosam are at Mau- 
Saraya and Pdpa-mau, the former being 40 miles, and the latter 43 
miles distant. But as these two ghats are close together, and almost 
immediately to the north of Allahabad, the total distance to Kasapura 
will be the same, whichever place of crossing be taken. From 
Papamau to Sultanpur the direction is due north, and the distance 66 
miles; the whole line from Kosam to Sultanpur being 109 miles, 
which is within 8 miles of the round number of 700 li, or 116f miles, 
as given by Hwen Thsang ; while both of the bearings are in exact 
accordance with his statements. From Kasapura to Visdkha the direction 
followed by the pilgrim was to the north, and the distance was from 
170 to 180 li, or from 28 to 38 miles. Now the present city of Ajudhya, 
the ancient Ayodhya or Saketa, is almost due north from Sultanpur, 
the distance being 30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in 
excess of the distance given by Hwen Thsang. As the former of these 
distances is in default, while the latter is in excess, I would suggest, 
as a possible alternative, that our measurements should be taken from 
the village of Mahmudpur, which would make the route from Kosam 
to the Buddhist establishment near Kasapura up to 114 miles, or within 
three miles of the number stated by Hwen Thsang, and lessen the sub- 
sequent route to Ayodhya from 36 to 31 miles, which is within one 
mile of the number given by the Chinese pilgrim. As all the bear- 


236 Report of lie Archaeological Survey, [No. 4, 

ings are in perfect accordance, and as the names of the two places 
agree almost exactly, I think that there can be little hesitation in 
accepting the identification of Sultanpur or Kusapura, with the Kasa- 
pura of Hwen Thsang. 

299. Kusapura or Kusa-bhavana-pura, is said to have been named 
after Rama's son, Knsa. Shortly after the Muhammadan invasion it 
belonged to a Bhar Raja Nand Kunwar, who was expelled by Sultan 
Alauddin Ghori (read Khilji). The defences of the town were strength- 
ened by the conqueror, who built a mosque and changed the name of 
the place to Sultanpur. The site of Kusapura was, no doubt, selected 
by its founder as a good military position, on account of its being sur- 
rounded on three sides by the River Gomati or Gumti. The place is 
now utterly desolate ; the whole population having been removed to 
the new civil station on the opposite or south bank of the river. The 
ruined fort of Sultanpur now forms a large mound, 750 feet square, 
with brick towers at the four corners. On all sides it is surrounded by 
the huts of the ruined town, the whole together covering a space of 
about half a mile square, or about two miles in circuit. This estimate 
of the size of Sultanpur agrees vey closely with that of Kusapura given 
by Hwen Thsang, who describes the place as being 10 li, or If miles, 
in circuit. 


300. Before accompanying the pilgrim to the ancient city of Sdketa 
or Ayodhya, I will take the opportunity of describing the famous place 
of Hindu pilgrimage called Dhopdpapura, which is situated on the 
right or west bank of the Gomati River, 18 miles to the south-east of 
Sultanpur, and immediately under the walls of the fort of Garhd, or 
Shirka-Garhi. The legend of the place is as follows : — After Rama 
Chandra had killed the giant Ravana, he wandered about trying to 
obtain purification for his guilt in having thus extinguished a portion of 
the spirit of Brahma (Brahma-Jca-ans) ; but all his efforts were ineffec- 
tual, until he met with a white crow, when he was informed by the 
Muni Vasishtha that the crow had become white from having bathed in 
the Gomati River at a particular spot. Rama proceeded to bathe at the 
same spot, and was immediately purified or " cleansed" from his sin. 
The place was accordingly named Dho-pdpa, or " cleanser of sins," and 
the town which soon sprang up beside it was called Dhopdpapura. In 
Sanskrit the form is Dlmtapdpa, which is given in the list of the Vishnu 


1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 237 

Purana as the name of a river distinct from the Gomati ; hut as the 
name immediately follows that of the Goniati, I think it prohahle that 
the term may have heen intended only as in epithet of the Gomati, as 
the Dhutapdpa, or " Sin-cleanser" in allusion to the legend of Rama's 
purification. An annual fair is held here on the 10th day on the wax- 
ing moon of Jyesth, at which time it is said that ahout fifty thousand 
people assemble to bathe in the far-renowned pool of DhopSpa. 

301. The site of Dhopdp is evidently one of very considerable anti- 
quity, as the whole country for more than half a mile around it is 
covered with broken bricks and pottery. The place is said to have be- 
longed to the Bhar Rajas of Kusabhavanapvra or Sultanpur, but the 
only name that I could hear of as specially connected with Dhopdp, 
was that of Raja Hel or Hela. The village of Dhopdp-pur is now a 
very small one, containing less than 200 houses, but they are all built 
of burnt brick, and numerous foundations are visible on all sides near 
the G-omati River. Several carved stones have been collected by the 
people from the ruined walls of the fort of Garhd. Amongst them I 
observed the following : — 1st, a broken pilaster with two human figures ; 
2nd, a stone bracket ; 3rd, a square capital of pillar ; ith, a four-bracket 
capital of a pillar ; 5th, two stones with socket holes for iron cramps. 
All of these stones point unmistakably to the existence, at some 
former period, of a large temple at Dhopap, which was probably situa- 
ted immediately above the bathing ghat. It seems almost certain, 
however, that there must once have been a considerable number of 
temples at this place, for the whole of the eastern wall or river front of 
the foil of Garhd has been built or faced with square stones, which, 
by their carvings and cramp-holes, show that they belonged to Hindu 

302. The fort of Garhd is situated to the north of the village, on a 
lofty natural mound overhanging the river Gromati on the east. To 
the north and south the place is defended by two deep ravines supplied 
with running water, and to the west by a deep dry ravine. The posi- 
tion is, therefore, a strong one ; for, although the neighbouring mounds 
to the north and west rise to nearly the same height, yet they once 
formed part of the city, which can only be approached over much low 
and broken ground. The strength of the position would seem to 
have early attracted the notice of the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi. 

238 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

as the fort is stated to have heen repaired by Salirn Shah, whilst a very- 
old ruinous masjid stands on the west mound. The fort itself is a 
small place, its northern face being only 550 feet long, its eastern and 
western faces 550 feet each, whilst its south face is but 250 feet. The 
greater part of the stone work of the south-east tower has fallen into 
the river, where many of the stones are now lying, and much of the 
eastern wall has also disappeared, the stones being very valuable, in a 
stoneless country, for the sharpening of tools of all kinds. The en- 
trance gate was on the south side, near the river bastion just mention- 
ed. I obtained coins of many of the early Muhammadan Kings, from 
Nasir-uddin Mahmud Grhori down to Akbar, but not a single specimen 
of any Hindu coinage, although I was informed that coins bearing 
figures are found every year during the rainy season. 

303. I may here mention that I heard of another place of Hindu 
pilgrimage on the north bank of the G-omati River, at a spot called 
Set-Bardh that is Siueta-Vardha, or " the white Boar," 15 kos, or 30 
miles, from Sultanpur towards Lucknow. Two annual fairs are held 
there — the first on the 9th day of the waxing moon of Chaitra, and 
the second on the 15th day of the waxing moon of Kartik, when it is 
said that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe. The former 
period is connected with the history of Rama Chandra, as it is com- 
monly known as the Rdm-navami Tirath or " Rama's ninth (day) 
place of pilgrimage." I could not learn anything regarding the origin 
of the name of Set Bardh. 


304. Much difficulty has been felt regarding the position of Fa 
Hian's " great kingdom of Sha-chi, and of Hwen Thsang's Visdkhd, 
with its enormous number of heretics," or Brahmanists ; but I hope 
to show in the most satisfactory manner that these two places are 
identical, and that they are also the same as the Sdketa and Ajudhya 
of the Hindus. The difficulty has arisen chiefly from an erroneous 
bearing recorded by Fa Hian, who places Shewei, or Srdvasti, to the 
south of Sha-cM, while Hwen Thsang locates it to the north-east, and 
partly from his erroneous distance of 7 -\- 3 -\- 10 = 20 Yojans, instead 
of 30, from the well-known city of Sankisa. The bearing is shown 
to be erroneous by the route of a Hindu pilgrim from the banks of 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Swvey. 239 

the G-odavery to Sewet, or Srdvasti, as recorded in the Ceylonese Bud- 
dhist works. This pilgrim, after passing through Mahissati and Ujani, 
or Maheshmati and Ujain, reaches Kosambi, and from thence passes 
through Sdlceta to Sewet ; that is, along the very route followed by 
Hwen Thsang. We have, therefore, two authorities in favour of Sewet 
being to the north of Saket. With regard to the distance, I refer 
again to the Buddhist books of Ceylon, in which it is recorded that 
from Sakespura (or Sangkasyapura, now Sankisa) to Sewet was a jour- 
ney of 30 Yojans. Now, Pa Hian makes the distance from Sankisa 
to Kanoj 7 Yojans, thence to the forest of Holi, on the Ganges, 3 
Yojans, and thence to Shachi 10 Yojans, or altogether only 20 Yojans, 
or 10 less than the Ceylonese books. That Fa Hian's statement is 
erroneous, is quite clear from the fact that his distance would place 
Shachi in the neighbourhood of Luckuow ; whereas the other distance 
would place it close to Ajudhya, or Faizabad, or in the very position 
indicated by Hwen Thsang's itinerary. Here, again, we have two 
authorities in favour of the longer distance. I have no hesitation, 
therefore, in declaring that Fa Hian's recorded bearing of She-wei from 
Sha-chi is wrong, and that " north" should be read instead of " south." 
305. I have now to show that Fa Hian's Sha-chi is the same as 
Hwen Thsang's Visdkha, and that both are identical with Sdlceta or 
Ajudhya. With respect to Sha-chi, Fa Hian relates that " on leaving 
the town by the southern gate you find to the east of the road the 
place where Buddha bit a branch of the nettle tree and planted it in 
the ground, where it grew to the height of seven feet, and never in- 
creased or diminished in size." Now, this is precisely the same legend 
that is related of Visdkha by Hwen Thsang, who says that " to the 
south of the capital, and to the left of the road (that is to the east as 
stated by Fa Hian), there was, amongst other holy objects, an extra- 
ordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high, which always remained the same, neither 
growing nor decreasing. This is the celebrated tooth-brush tree of Bud- 
dha, to which I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I need 
only notice the very precise agreement in the two descriptions of this 
famous tree, as to its origin, its height, and its position. The perfect 
correspondence of these details appears to me to leave no doubt 
of the identity of Fa Hian's Sha-chi with the Visakha of Hwen 

240 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

306. With respect to the identification of Visakha with the Saketa 
of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on the following points : 1st, 
that Visakha, the most celebrated of all females in Buddhist history, 
was a resident of Saketa before her marriage with Puruna Varddhana, 
son of Mrigara, the rich merchant of Srdvasti ; — and 2nd, that Buddba 
is recorded by Hwen Thsang to have spent 6 years at Visakha, while 
by the Pali annals of Tumour he is stated to have lived 16 years at 

307. The story of the noble maiden Visakha is related at great 
length in the Ceylonese books. According to Hardy, she erected a 
Purvvdrdma at Srdvasti, which is also mentioned by Hwen Thsang. 
Now, there was also a Purvvdrdma at Saketa, and it can hardly be 
doubted that this monastery was likewise built by her. She was the 
daughter of Dhananja, a rich merchant, who had emigrated from 
Bajagriha to Saketa. Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins 
which have been discovered only at Ajudhya, we find some bearing 
the names of Dhana Deva and Visakha- Datta. I mention this because 
it seems to me to show the probability that the family of Dhananja 
and Visakha was of great eminence in Saketa or Ayodhya ; and I 
infer from the recurrence of their names, as well as from the great 
celebrity of the lady, that the city may possibly have been called 
Visakha after her name. 

308. The other proof which I derive from the years of Buddha's 
residence is direct and convincing. According to the Ceylonese annals, 
Buddha was 35 years of age when he attained Buddhahood ; he then 
led a houseless life for 20 years, preaching in various places in Northern 
India, all of which are detailed ; and of the remaining 25 years of his 
life he spent 9 in the Jetavana monastery at Sravasti, and 16 in the 
Pubhdrdmo monastery at Saketapura. Now, in the Burmese annals 
these numbers are given as 19 years and 6 years, and in the last figure 
we have the exact number recorded by Hwen Thsang. Nothing can 
be more complete than this proof. There were only two places at 
which Buddha resided for any length of time, namely, Srdvasti, at 
which he lived either 9 or 19 years, and Saketa, at which he lived 
either 6 or 16 years ; and as according to Hwen Thsang he lived for 6 
years at Visakha, which is described as being at some distance to the 
south of Sravasti, it follows of necessity that Visakha and Saketa were 
one and the same place. 

1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 241 

309. The identity of Sdketa and Ayodhya has, I believe, always 
been admitted ; but I am not aware that any proof has yet been offered 
to establish the fact. Csoma-de-Koros in speaking of the place merely 
says "Saketana or Ayodhya," and H. H. Wilson, in his Sanskrit Diction- 
ary, calls Sdketa " the city Ayodhya." But the question would appear 
to be set at rest by several passages of the Ramayana and Raghuvansa, 
in which Sdketnayara is distinctly called the Capital of Raja Dasaratha 
and his sons. Bat the following verse of the Ramayana, which was 
pointed out to me by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufficient to 
establish the identity. Asivajita, father of Kaikeyi, offers to give his 
daughter to Dasaratha, Rajah of Sdketanagara : — 

Saketam Nagaram Kaja Namna Dasaratho bali. 
Tasmai deya Kaya Manya Kaikeyi Namato jana. 

310. The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in the 
Ramayana as situated on the bank of the Sarayu or Sarju River. It 
is said to have been 12 Yojans, or nearly 100 miles in circumference, 
for which we should probably read 12 kos, or 24 miles — an extent 
which the old city, with all its gai'dens, might once possibly have 
covered. The distance from the Ouptdr Ghat on the west, to the Ram 
Ghat on the east, is just 6 miles in a direct line, and if we suppose 
that the city with its suburbs and gardens formerly occupied the whole 
intervening space to a depth of two miles, its circuit would have agreed 
exactly with the smaller measurement of 12 kos. At the present 
day the people point to Ram Ghat and Guptar Ghat as the eastern 
and western boundaries of the old city, and the southern boundary 
they extend to Bharat-Kund, near Bhadarsd, a distance of 6 kos. But 
as these limits include all the places of pilgrimage, it would seem that 
the people consider them to have been formerly inside the city, which 
was certainly not the case. In the Ayin Akbari, the old city is said 
to have measured 148 kos in length by 36 kos in breadth, or in other 
words it covered the whole of the Province of Oudh to the south of the 
Ghaghra River. The origin of the larger number is obvious. The 12 
Yojans of the Ramayana, which are equal to 48 kos, being considered 
too small for the great city of Rama, the Brahmans simply added 100 
kos to make the size tally with their own extravagant notions. The 
present city of Ajudhya, which is confined to the north-east corner of 
the old site, is just two miles in length by about three-quarters of a 

242 Beport of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4> 

mile in breadth ; but not one-half of this extent is occupied by build- 
ings, and the whole place wears a look of decay. There are no high 
mounds of ruins, covered with broken statues and sculptured pillars, 
such as mark the sites of other ancient cities, but only a low irregular 
mass of rubbish heaps, from which all the bricks have been excavated 
for the houses of the neighbouring city of Faizabad. This Muhamma- 
dan city, which is two miles and a half in length, by one mile in 
breadth, is built chiefly of materials extracted from the ruins of Ajudhya. 
The two cities together occupy an area of nearly six square miles, or 
just about one-half of the probable size of the ancient Capital of Rama. 
In Faizabad the only building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick 
tomb of the old Bhao Begam, whose story was dragged before the 
public during the famous trial of Warren Hastings. Faizabad was the 
capital of the first Nawabs of Oudh, but it was deserted by Asaf-ud- 
daolah in A. D. 1775. 

311. According to the Ramayana, the city of Ayodhya was found- 
ed by Manu, the progenitor of all mankind. In the time of Dasara- 
tha, the father of Rama, it was fortified with towers and gates, and sur- 
rounded by a deep ditch. No traces of these works now remain, nor is it 
likely indeed that any portion of the old city should still exist, as the 
Ayodhya of Rama is said to have been destroyed after the death of 
Vrihadbala in the great war about B. C. 1426, after which it lay 
deserted until the time of Vikramaditya, According to popular tra- 
dition this Vikramaditya was the famous Sakari Prince of Ujain, but 
as the Hindus of the present day attribute the acts of all Vikramas to 
this one only, their opinion on the subject is utterly worthless. We 
learn, however, from Hwen Thsang that a powerful Prince of tbis 
name was reigning in the neighbouring city of Sravasti, just one hun- 
dred years after Kanishka, or close to 79 A. D., which was the initial 
year of the Sdlca era of Sdlivdhana. As this Vikramaditya is repi'esented 
as hostile to the Buddhists, he must have been a zealous Brabmanist, 
and to him therefore I would ascribe the rebuilding of Ayodhya and 
the restoration of all the holy places referring to the history of Rama. 
Tradition says that when Vikramaditya came to Ayodhya, he found 
it utterly desolate and overgrown with jungle, but he was able to 
discover all the famous spots of Rama's history by measurements made 
from Lakshman Ghat on the Sarju, according to the statements of 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 243 

ancient records. He is said to have erected 360 temples, on as many 
different spots, sacred to Rdrna and Sitd his wife, to his brothers 
Lakshmana, Bharata, and Satirughna, and to the monkey god Hanu- 
mdn. The number of 360 is also connected with Sdlivdhana, as his 
clansmen the Bais Rajputs assert that he had 360 wives. 

312. There are several very holy Brahmanical temples about 
Ajudhya, hut they are all of modern date, and without any architec- 
tural pretensions whatever. But there can be no doubt that most of 
them occupy the sites of more ancient temples that were destroyed by 
the Musalmans. Thus Rdmkot, or Hanumdn Garhi, on the east side 
of the city, is a small walled fort, surrounding a modern temple on the 
top of an ancient mound. The name of Ramkot is certainly old, as 
it is connected with the traditions of the Mnni Parbat, which will be 
hereafter mentioned ; but the temple of Hanuman is not older than 
the time of Aurangzib. Ram Ghat, at the north-east corner of the 
city, is said to be the spot where Rama bathed ; and Sargdwdri, or 
Sivargadivdri, the " gate of Paradise," on the north-west, is believed 
to be the place where his body was burned. Within a few years ago 
there was still standing here a very holy Banyan tree called Asok Bat, 
or the " griefless Banyan," a name which was probably connected 
with that of Stuargadwdri, in the belief that people who died or w r ere 
burned at this spot were at once relieved from the necessity of future 
births. Close by is the Lakshman Ghat, where his brother Lakshman 
bathed, and about one-quarter of a mile distant, in the very heart of 
the city, stands the Janam AslJidn, or " Birth-place temple" of Rama. 
Almost due west, and upwards of five miles distant is the Guptar Ghat, 
with its group of modern white-washed temples. This is the place where 
Lakshman is said to have disappeared, and hence its name of Guptdr 
from Gupta, wdiich means " hidden or concealed." Some say that it 
was Rama who disappeared at this place, but this is at variance with 
the story of his cremation at Swargadwdri. 

313. The only remains at Ajudhya that appear to be of any anti- 
quity, are three earthen mounds to the south of the city, and about a 
quarter of a mile distant. These ai - e called Ma ni- Parbat, Kuber-Parbat 
and Sugrib-Parbat. The first, which is nearest to the city, is an artificial 
mound, 65 feet in height, covered with broken bricks and blocks of 
iankar. The old bricks are eleven inches square and three inches thick. 



244 Report of tlie Arch ecological Survey. [No. 4, 

At 46 feet above the ground on the west side, there are the remains of 
a curved wall faced with kankar blocks. The mass at this point is 
about 40 feet thick, and this was probably somewhat less than the size 
of the building which once crowned this lofty mound. According to 
the Brahmans the Mani-Parbat is one of the hills which the monkeys 
made use of when assisting Kama. It was dropped here by Sugriva, 
the monkey-king of Kishhindhya. But the common people, who 
know nothing of this stoiy, say that the mound was formed by the 
labourers shaking their baskets on this spot every evening, on their 
return home from the building of Ramkot. It is therefore best known 
by the name of Jhowa-Jhdr or Ora Jhdr, both, of which mean " basket- 
shakings." A similar story is told of the large mounds near Benares, 
Nimsar, and other places. 

314. Five hundred feet due south from the large mound stands the 
second mound called Kuher-Parbat, which is only 28 feet in height- 
The surface is an irregular heap of brick rubbish, with numerous holes 
made by the people in digging for bricks, which are of large size, 11 
inches by 7 J by 2. It is crowned by two old tamarind trees, and is 
covered with jungle. Close by on the south-west there is a small 
tank, called Ganes-Kund by the Hindus, and Husen Kund, or Imihn 
Talao, by the Musalmans, because their Tazias are annually deposited 
in it. Still nearer on the south-east there is a large oblong mound 
called Suyrib-Parbat, which is not more than 8 or 10 feet above the 
ground level. It is divided into two distinct portions ; that to the north 
being upwards of 300 feet square at top, and the other to the south 
upwards of 200 feet. In the centre of the larger enclosure there is a 
ruined mound containing- bricks 8J inches square, and in the centre of 
the smaller mound there is a well. 

315. Between the Mani and Kuber mounds there is a small 
Muhammadan enclosure, 64 feet long from east to west and 47 feet 
broad, containing two brick tombs, which are attributed to Sis Pai- 
ghambar and Ayub Paigliambar, or the "prophets Seth and Job." 
The first is 17 feet long, and the other 12 feet. These tombs are 
mentioned by Abxil Fazl, who says, " Near this city are two sepulchral 
monuments, one 7 and the other 6 cubits in length. The vulgar 
pretend that they are the tombs of Seth and Job, and they relate 
wonderful stories of them," This account shows that since the time 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 245 

of Akbar, the tomb of Seth must have increased in length from 7 
cubits, or 10| feet, to 17 feet through the frequent repairs of pious 

316. The mounds are surrounded by Musalman tombs, and as it is 
the Muhammadan practice to bury the dead along the sides of the 
high roads close to their cities, I infer that the road which now runs 
close to the westward of the mounds, is one of the ancient highways 
of the district. This is confirmed by the existence of an old masonry 
bridge of three arches over the Tiluhi nala } to the north-west of the 
Mani-Parbat, as well as by the direction of the road itself, which leads 
from the south-end of the city straight to the Bharat-kund, and on- 
wards to Sultanpur or Kusajmra, and Allahabad or Prayaga. I notice 
this road thus minutely, because the identifications which I am about 
to propose are based partly on its position and direction, as well as on 
the general agreement of the existing remains with the holy places 
described by the Chinese pilgrims. 

317. According to Fa Hian, the place where Buddha planted the 
holy tree was to the cast of the road, on issuing from the town by the 
southern gate. Hwen Thsang's account agrees with this exactly, in 
placing the " extraordinary tree " to the south of the Capital and to 
the left of the route. This tree was the celebrated " tooth-brush" or 
twig used in cleaning the teeth, which having been cast away by 
Buddha, took root and grew to between 6 and 7 feet in height. Now, 
it will be observed that the ruined mounds that still exist, as well as 
the tombs of Seth and Job, are to the south of the city and to the east 
or left of the road. The position therefore is unmistakably the same 
as that described by the Chinese pilgrims, and as the actual state of 
the ruins agrees well with the details given by Hwen Thsang, I think 
that there can be no reasonable doubt of their identity. 

318. Hwen Thsang describes the city of Visdkha as being 16 U, 
or 2f miles in circuit. In his time therefore the capital of Rama was 
not more than half of its present size, although it probably contained 
a greater population, as not above one-third, or even perhaps less, of 
the present town is inhabited. The old city then possessed no less 
than twenty monasteries, with three thousand monks, and about fifty 
Brahmanical temples, with a very large Brahmanical population. 
From this account we learn that, so early as the 7th century, more than 

246 JReport of the A rchtsolog leal Survey. [No. 4, 

three hundred of the original temples of Vikramaditya had already 
disappeared, and we may therefore reasonably infer that the city had 
been gradually declining for some time previously. The Buddhist 
monuments, however, would appear to have been in good order, and 
the monks were just as numerous as in the eminently Buddhist city 
of Benares. 

319. The first monument described by Hwen Thsang is a great 
monastery without name, but as it was the only notable monastery, it 
was most probably either the K&lak&rama of Saketa, or the Purvvd~ 
rdma, both of which are mentioned in the Ceylonese Mahawanso. 
The monks were of the school of the Sammateyas, and their monastery 
was famous for having produced three of the most eminent Buddhist 
controversialists. This monastery I would identify with the Sugrib 
Parbat, which I have already described as being about 500 feet long by 
300 feet broad. The great size and rectangular form of this ruin are 
sufficient to show that it must have been a monastery,, but this is 
placed beyond all doubt by the existence of an interior well and by the 
remains of cloistered rooms forming the four sides of the enclosure. 
Its position to the south of the city, and to the east or left of the road, 
has already been specially noticed as agreeing with the recorded posi- 
tion of the monastery. 

320. Beside the monastery there was a stupa of Asoka, 200 feet 
in height, built on the spot where Buddha preached the law during 
his six years' residence at Saketa. This monument I would identify 
with the Mani-Parbat, which is still 65 feet in height, and which 
with its masonry facing must once have been at least as high again, 
and with the usual lofty pinnacle of metal may easily have reached a 
height of 200 feet. Hwen Thsang ascribes the erection of this monu- 
ment to Asoka, and I see no reason to question the accuracy of his 
statement, as the mixed structure of half earth and half masonry must 
undoubtedly be very ancient. The earliest stupas, or topes, were 
simple earthen mounds or barrows, similar to those that still exist in 
England. There are many of these barrows still standing at Lauriya- 
Navanclijarh to the north of Bettiya, but this is the only place where 
I have yet seen them. They are undoubtedly the most ancient monu- 
ments of the Indian population, and I firmly believe that even the 
very latest of them cannot be assigned to a lower date than the fifth 

1865.] Beport of the Archceoloyical Survey. 247 

century before Christ. I base this belief on the known fact that all 
the monuments of Asoka's age, whether described by Hwen Thsang, 
or actually opened by myself near Bhilsa, are either of stone or brick. 
The earthen barrows are therefore of an earlier age ; but such as are 
Buddhist cannot possibly be earlier than the beginning of the filth 
century before Christ. In the case of the Mani-Parbat at Ajudhya I 
infer that the earthen barrow, or lower portion, may belong to the 
earlier ages of Buddhism, and that the masonry or upper portion was 
added by Asoka. At the foot of the mound I picked up a broken 
brick with the letter sli, of the oldest form, stamped upon it ; but as 
this is almost certainly of later date than Asoka, it most probably did 
not belong to the Mani-Parbat building. 

321. Hwen Thsang next describes the sites of the tooth-brush tree 
and of the monument where the four previous Buddhas used to sit and 
to take exercise, as being close to the great stivpa. These places I 
would identify with the court-yard containing the tombs of Seth and 
Job, which touches the south side of the JLn/i-Parbat. The two 
tombs I take to be the remains of the seats of the four previous Bud- 
dhas, and the paved court-yard to be the scene of their daily walks, 
although I was unable to trace their foot-marks, which were seen by 
the Chinese pilgrim. 

322. The kist monument described by Hwen Thsang is a stwpa 
containing the hair and nails of Buddha. This was surrounded by a 
number of smaller monuments which seemed to touch one another, 
and by several tanks which reflected the sacred buildings in their 
limpid waters. The stivpa I would identify with the Kuber-Parbat, 
which touches the south side of the enclosure round the tombs of Seth 
and Job, and is close to the west side of the ruined monastery. One 
of the tanks described by the pilgrim may be the Ganes-Kund, which 
has already been noticed ; but all the smaller monuments have dis- 
appeared long ago, as they afforded cheap and ready materials for the 
construction of the numerous Muhammadan tombs, as well as of the 
neighbouring bridge and mosque. If I am right in my identification 
of this mound as the remains of the stv/pa containing the hair and nails 
of Buddha, I think that an excavation in the centre of the mound 
might perhaps verily the accuracy of my conclusions. 

323. The people are unanimous in their assertion that the old city 

248 Report of the Archaohgical Survey, [No. 4, 

to the north of these mounds was called Bareta. Ayodhya, or Ajudhya, 
they say, was the capital of Rauia, hut the later city was called Bareta. 
As this name has no similarity either to Sdketa or Visdlcha, I can only 
set it down as another appellation of the old town, for which we have 
no authority hut tradition. I was disappointed, Avhen at Ajudhya, in 
not hearing even the most distant allusion to the legend of the tooth- 
brush tree of Buddha, but the tradition still exists, as I heard of it 
quite unexpectedly at two different places immediately afterwards, 
first at Hdtila, distant 15 miles, and next at Gonda, 29 miles to the 
north of Ajudhya. 


324. The ancient territory of Ayodhya was divided by the Sarju 
or Ghdghra River into two great provinces ; that to the north being 
called Uttara Kosala, and that to the south Banaodha. Each of 
these was again subdivided into two districts. In Banaodha these 
are called Pachham-rdt and Purab-rdt, or the western and eastern 
districts, with reference to their bearing from Ajudhya ; and in Uttara 
Kosala they are Gauda (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of the Rapti, 
and Kosala to the north of the Rapti, or Rawati, as it is universally 
called in Oudh. Some of these names are found in the Puranas ; thus 
in the Vayu Purana, Lava, the son of Rama, is said to have reigned 
in Uttara Kosala ; but in the Matsya, Singa, and Kurma Purans, 
Srdvasti is stated to be in Gauda. These apparent discrepancies are 
satisfactorily explained when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-divi- 
sion of Uttara Kosala, and that the ruins of Sravasti have actually 
been discovered in the district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of the 
maps. The extent of Gauda is also proved by the old name of Bal- 
rampur on the Rapti, which was formerly Pamyarh Gauda. I pre- 
sume therefore that both the Gauda Brahmans and the Gauda Tagas 
must have belonged to this district originally, and not to the mediaeval 
city of Gauda in Bengal. Brahmans of this name are still numerous 
in Ajudhya and Jahangirabad, on the right bank of the Ghaghra River 
in Gonda, Pakhapur, and Jaisni of the Gonda district, and in many 
parts of the neighbouring province of Gorakhpur. 

325. The small village of Hdtila derives its name from the sister's 
son of Sayid Salar. The old Hindu name was Asokpur, so called 

18G5.] Report of the ArchcBological Survey. 249 

from a large temple of Asohnalli Mahadeo. Hatila was killed in an 
assault on the temple, and his tomb, alow domed bnilding only 20 
feet square, is still much frequented as the shrine of a Ghazi, or martyr 
fur the faith. It is built entirely of large bricks from the ruins of the old 
temple of Asolcndth. The remains consist of a low mound, 700 feet long 
by 500 feet broad, with three prominent nuis^es of ruin on the north side. 
I made an excavation in the north-west ruin near the base of a large 
Mahwa tree, but without any result, as a small Muhainmadan tomb on 
the top prevented me from digging in the centre. But the eoulies 
employed on the work voluntarily informed me that the Mahwa tree 
had been the "tooth-brush" of a Raja who stuck it in the ground and 
it grew to be a tree. From this tradition, which also exists at Gonda, 
I infer that it was usual to make cuttings and to take seeds from the 
famous danta-dhdivan or " tooth-brush tree" of Saketa for distribution 
to religious establishments, just as cuttings from the Bodlii tree at 
Gaya were made for the same purpose. Both Fa Hian and Hwen 
Thsang agree in stating that the Danta-dhdwan of Saketa was only 
seven feet high, and that it never grew any higher, which would seem 
to show that it was only a small tree or shrub ; and this indeed is 
actually the case with the Datton, or "tooth-brush tree " of Gonda, 
which is a Chilbil, or shrub eaten by goats, that never exceeds 8 or 10 
feet. I conclude therefore that the original tooth-brush tree of Hatila 
has disappeared, and that the name has been applied to the Mahwa, 
which is the only tree now remaining on the mound. 

326. The north-east mound is a mere undistinguishable mass of 
broken bricks, but the central mound is still covered with the ruins of 
the temple of Asoknath Mahadeo, containing a large broken lingam. 
Portions of the brick walls, which still remain, show that the temple 
was only 12. feet square ; but the whole has been lifted up by the 
roots of a gigantic Pipal tree, which still hold the bricks together by 
their interlacings. These remains attracted the attention of Buchanan 
Hamilton during his survey of Gorakhpur, who remarks that "a wild 
fig tree having taken root on the linga will soon cover it." This 
actually took place, and the linga was almost completely hidden by 
the matted roots of the Pipal, until the tree was cut down by the 
Tahsildar of the neighbouring village of Vazirganj in A. D. 1862. As 
the cut stem of the Pipal shows 849 annual rings, the tree must have 

250 Report of (he Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

been planted in A. D. 1013, during the reign of Mahmud of Grhazni. 
This indeed is about the date of the temple itself, which is said to 
have been built by Suhri-daJ, Raja of Asokpur, and the antagonist 
of Sayid Salar. The Raja is also called Suhal-dhar, Sohil-dal, and 
Sohil Deo, and is variously said to have been a Thdni, a Bhar, a Kdla- 
hansa, or a Bais Rajput. The majority, however, is in favour of his 
having been a Thdru. The mound with the Mahwa tree is called 
Raja Sohil-dal-ka-Jihalanga or " Sohil-dal's seat." His city of Asok- 
pur is said to have extended to Dumariya-Dih, 2 kos to the north, 
and to Sareya-Dih, half a kos to the south of the temple. At both of 
these places there are old brick-covered mounds, in which several 
hundreds of coins have been lately found. Most of the coins belong 
to the early Musalman Kings of Delhi, the Grhoris and Khiljis ; but 
there were also a few Hindoo coins, in base silver and copper, with 
the Boar incarnation of Vishnu on one side, and the legend oiSri-mad- 
Adi-Vardha on the reverse in mediaeval characters. As these coins 
are referred to by name, in an inscription of A. D. 920, as Sri-mad- 
Adi-Varaha drammas. or " Boar incarnation drachmas," the mounds 
in which they have been discovered must be of still earlier date. 
Tradition gives the genealogy of the Rajas of Gauda as 
follows : — 

A. D. 900 1 Mora-dhaj, or Mayura-dhwaja. 

Hans-dhaj, or Hansa-dhwaja. 

Makar-dhaj, or Makara-dhwaja. 

Sudhanwa-dhaj . 

Suhridal-dhaj, contemporary of Mahmud. 
I give this genealogy with the probable dates, as it may per- 
haps be of use hereafter in fixing the age of other Princes and their 


327. The position of the famous city of Srdvasti, one of the most 
celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, has long puzzled our best 
scholars. This was owing partly to the contradictory statements of 
the Chinese pilgrims themselves, and partly to the want of a good 
map of the Province of Oiuih. In para. 304 of this report I have 
compared the bearings and distances recorded by Fa Hian and Hwen 












1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 251 

Thsang with those preserved in the Buddhist annals of Ceylon, and I 
have shown conclusively that Fa Ilian's distance from Sankisa and 
his bearing from Shachi or Sdket are botli erroneous. We know from 
Hwen Thsang and the Buddhist hooks of Ceylon, that Sravasti was 
to the north of Sahet or Ayodhya, or in other words that it was in the 
district of Cauda, or Uttara Kosala, which is confirmed by the state- 
ments of no less than four of the Brahmanical Puranas. As Fa llian 
also says that Sheivei or Sewvt was in Kosala, there can be no doubt 
whatever that Sravasti must be looked for within a few days' journey 
to the northward of Sdket or Ayodhya. According to Fa Hian the dis- 
tance was 8 Yojunas, or 50 miles, which is increased by Ilwen Thsang 
to 500 li, or 83 miles. But as the latter pilgrim reduced the Indian 
Yojana to Chinese measure at the rate of 40 M per Tojama, we may 
correct his distance by the nearest round number of 350 li or 58 miles, 
to bring it into accordance w T ith the other. Now, as this is the exact 
distance from Ajudhya of the great ruined city on the south bank 
of the Rapti, called Sdhel-lldlwt, in which I discovered a colossal 
statue of Buddha, with an inscription containing the name of Sravasti 
itself, I have no hesitation in correcting Hwen Thsang's distance from 
500 li to 350 li as proposed above. 

328. The ruined city of Sahet- Mahetis situated between Akaona an J 
Balrampur, at 5 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter, and 
at nearly equi-distances from Bahraich and Gonda. In shape it is an 
almost semi-circular crescent, with its diameter of one mile and a third 
in length curved inwards and facing the north-east, along the old bank 
of the Rapti River. The western front, which runs due north and 
south for three-quarters of a mile, is the only straight portion of the 
enclosure. The ramparts vary considerably in height ; those to the 
west being from 35 to 40 feet in height, while those on the south and 
east are not more than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point is the great 
north-west bastion, which is 50 feet above the fields. The north-east 
face, or shorter curve of the crescent was defended by the Rapti, which 
still flows down its old bed during the annual floods. The land ram- 
parts on the longer curve of the crescent must once have been defended 
by a ditch, the remains of which yet exist as a swam]), nearly half a 
mile in length, at the south-west coiner. Everywhere the ramparts 
are covered with fragments of brick, of the large size peculiar to very 


252 Report of the Archceohgical Survey. [No. 4, 

ancient cities ; and though I was unable to trace any remains of walls 
except in one place, yet the very presence of the bricks is quite suffi- 
cient to show that the earthen ramparts must once have been crowned 
by brick parapets and battlements. The portion of the parapet wall, 
which I discovered still standing in the middle of the river face, was 
10 feet thick. The whole circuit of the old earthen ramparts, accord- 
ing to my survey, is 17,300 feet, or upwards of 3J miles. Now this 
is the exact size of 20 li or 3J miles which Hwen Thsang gives to the 
palace alone ; but, as the city was then deserted and in ruins, he must 
have mistaken the city itself for the palace. It is certain at least 
that the suburbs outside the walls must have been very limited indeed, 
as the place is almost entirely surrounded with the remains of large 
religious buildings, which would have left but little room for any 
private dwellings. I am therefore quite satisfied that the city has 
been mistaken for the palace ; and this mistake is sufficient to show 
how utterly ruined this once famous city must have been at so distant 
a period as the 7th century, when the place was visited by Hwen 
Thsang. As Fa Hian describes the population as already very incon- 
siderable in A. D. 400, while the Ceylonese annals speak of Khira- 
dhara, King of Sawatthipura between A. D. 275 and 302, the great 
decline of Sravasti must have taken place during the 4th century, and 
we may perhaps not be far wrong in connecting it with the fall of the 
Grupta Dynasty in A. D. 319. 

329. Sravasti is said to have been built by Raja Sravasta, the son 
of Yuvandswa of the Solar race, and the tenth in descent from Surya 
himself. Its foundation therefore reaches to the fabulous ages of 
Indian history, long anterior to Rama. During this early period it 
most probably formed part of the kingdom of Ayodhya, as the Vayu 
Purana assigns it to Lava, the son of Rama. When Sravasti next 
appears in history, in the time of Buddha, it was the Capital of 
King Prasenajit, the son of Maha Kosala. The King became a con- 
vert to the new faith, and during the rest of his life he was the firm 
friend and protector of Buddha. But his son Virudhaka hated the 
race of the Sakyas, and his invasion of their country and subsequent 
massacre of 500 Sakya maidens, who had been selected for his harem, 
brought forth the famous prediction of Buddha, that within seven days 
the King would be consumed by fire. As the story has been preserved 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 253 

by Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and upwards of 11 
centuries afterwards, the tank in which the King had sought to avoid 
the flames was pointed out to the credulous Hwen Thsang. 

330. We hear nothing more of Sravasti until one century after 
Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, when, according to Hwen 
Thsang, Vikramaditya, King of Sravasti, became a persecutor of Bud- 
dhists, and the famous Manorhita, author of the Vibhdsha Sdstra, being 
worsted in argument by the Brahmans, put himself to death. During 
the reign of his successor, whose name is not given, the Brahmans 
were overcome by Vasulxmdhu, the eminent disciple of DIanorliita. 
The probable date of these two Kings may be set down as ranging 

■ from A. D. 79 to 120. For the next two centuries Sravasti would 
seem to have been under the rule of its own Kings, as we find Khira- 
dhdra and his nephew mentioned as Rajas between A. D. 275 and 319. 
But there can be little doubt that during the whole of this time Sra- 
vasti was only a dependency of the powerful Gupta Dynasty of Ma- 
gadha, as the neighbouring city of Saketa is specially said to have 
belonged to them. "Princes of the Gupta race," says the Vayu 
Parana, " will possess all those countries ; the banks of the Ganges to 
Prayaga, and Saketa, and Magadha." From this time Sravasti 
gradually declined. In A. D. 400 it contained only 200 families ; in 
A. D. 632 it was completely deserted : and at the present day the 
whole area of the city, excepting only a few clearances near the gate- 
ways, is a mass of almost impenetrable jungle. 

331. Before attempting to identify the existing remains of Sdhct- 
Mdhet with the famous monuments of Sravasti, it will be as well to 
compare and reconcile the few discrepant statements of the Chinese 
pilgrims, so that the description of the holy places may not be inter- 
rupted by discussion. Of these discrepancies perhaps the most notable 
is the difference in the name of the city itself, which Fa Hian gives as 
She-wfti, while Hwen Thsang writes it, as correctly as it is possible to 
do in Chinese syllables, She-lo-fa-siti, or Sravasti. But this difference 
is more apparent than real, as there can be little doubt that She-wei 
is only a slight alteration of the abbreviated Pali form of Sewet for 
Sdwatthi, which is found in most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly 
the modern name of Sdhet is evidently only a variation of the Pali Sdwet. 
The other name of Mdhet I am unable to explain, but it is perhaps 

254 Report of the Archaological Survey. [No. 4 

only the usual rhyming addition of which the Hindus are so fond, as 
in ulta pulta, or "topsy-turvy," which many of the people say is the 
true meaning of Sdhet-Mdhet, in allusion to the utter rain of the whole 
place. But some say that the name was originally Set-met, and as 
this form seems to be only a corruption of Sewet, it is probable that 
Sahet-mahet or Sdhet-mdhet, is simply a lengthened pronunciation c-f 
Set-met. One man alone, and he, strange to say, was the Musalman 
in charge of the tomb of Pir-Barana close to the ruined city, affirmed 
that the true name was Sdvitri, which is so close to the correct Pali 
form of Sawatthi as to leave but little doubt that it preserves the 
original name of the place. 

332. The next point of difference is the distance of the celebrated 
monastery of Jetavana from the south gate of the city. According to 
Fa Hian this was 1,200 paces, or about half a mile, which is increased 
by Hwen Thsang to 5 or 6 U, or nearly one mile. But as the only 
mass of ruins which can possibly be identified with the Jetavana is 
exactly half a mile from the nearest opening in the south rampart of 
the old city, there is clearly some mistake in the distance given by 
Hwen Thsang, unless we may suppose him to have approached the 
monastery by a somewhat longer route through the multitude of holy 
places, of which the remains still exist to the east of the Jetavana 
ruins. By this route the distance would be increased to three-quarters 
of a mile, or 4^ li, which is sufficiently close to the number given by 
Hwen Thsang. 

333. A third discrepancy is contained in the statement of Fa Hian 
that "the town has two gates, one facing the east and the other the 
north," when we know that it had a south gate by which both himself 
and Hwen Thsang had issued from the city, when on their way to the 
Jetavana monastery. Perhaps Fa Hian intended to say that " besides 
the south gate, the city had two other gates, one to the east and one 
to the south." But as it is scarcely credible that a city which was 3^ 
miles in circuit should have possessed only three gates, I think that 
we may understand that the statements refer only to the principal 
entrances, and that there were at least as many more smaller gates, or 
wickets, corresponding Avith the present openings in the ramparts. 

334. Both pilgrims begin their account of Srdvasti at the old 
palace of King Prasenajita , and as both, after describing the surround- 

lsG5.] Report of the Archeeological Swrvey. 255 

ing buildings, leave the city by the south gate, it is certain that the 
palace was inside the city. Its exact position I was unable to deter- 
mine, as the greater part of the interior is covered with dense jungle : 
but as the east half is comparatively clear, and the jungle low, I was 
able to satisfy myself that no large building had ever existed in this 
part, and consecpiently that the palace must have been in the west half 
of the city. This conclusion is confirmed by the position of the two 
Stupas of Sudatta and the Anguli-mftlyas, which Hwen Thsang places 
to the east of the palace, for as the only existing mounds that can be 
indentified with these Stupas are near tin; middle of the river face of 
the city, the palace must have been to the west of them, and therefore 
in the west half of the city. 

335. The two principal places inside the city which are mentioned 
by both pilgrims as being to the east of the palace, were the dwelling- 
house and Stupa of Sudatta, the builder of the Jetavana, and the great 
Stupa of the A nguli-mdlyas. These Sinjtus I have already identified with 
the two existing mounds near the middle of the river face of the ram- 
parts. The smaller one, which is about 25 feet in height, corresponds 
with the Stupa of Sudatta, and the larger one, which is 35 feet in 
height, with the other Stupa, which is particularly stated to have been 
a large one. The Anguli-mdlyas were the followers of a particular 
sect which was established by a converted brigand who had received 
the name of Anguli-mdla or " finger garland," from his practice of 
cutting off the fingers of his victims to form a garland which he wore 
round his neck. 

336. On leaving the city by the south gate, both pilgrims went at 
once to the great monastery of Jetavana, which was one of the eight 
most celebrated Buddhist buildings in India. It was erectedjluring the 
lifetime of Buddha by Sudatta, the minister of King Prasenajita, and 
it received its name of Jetavana, or " Jcta's garden," because the garden 
in which it was built had been purchased from Prince Jeta. The story 
of the building is given by Hardy from the Ceylonese annals. Accord- 
ing to these, the prince, who was unwilling to part with his garden, 
demanded as its price as many gold masurans as would cover it, which 
Sudatta at once promised. When the garden was cleared, and all the trees, 
except Sandal and Mango, were cut down, the money was brought and 
spread out over the ground until the whole was covered, when the sum 

256 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

was found to be 18 Kotis, or 180 millions of masurans. The garden 
is said to have been 1,000 cubits in length and the same in breadth, 
or 4,000 cubits in circuit. Extravagant as the sum may seem, it is 
still too small to have covered the garden, if we are to take Mr. Hardy's 
cubits at 18 inches, as each masuran would be one inch and eight- 
tenths in length and breadth, which is about three times the size of 
the old Indian silver coins. Unfortunately the dimensions of the 
Jetavana are not stated either by Fa Hian or Hwen Thsang ; but the 
ruined mound of the monastery still exists, and its dimensions do not 
exceed 1,000 feet in length by 700 feet in breadth. Now, it is curious 
that these numbers give an area which is only one-third of the size of 
that recorded in the Ceylonese annals, and which therefore would be 
exactly covered by 180 millions of old Indian silver coins, allowing 
rather more than half an inch for the length and breadth of each coin. 
The amount said to have been paid for the garden is of course only 
the usual extravagant style of Indian exaggeration, for the sum of 18 
kotis, even if taken at the lowest value of gold as ten times tha* 
of silver, would be equal to 45 krors of Rupees or 45 millions 

337. The Jetavana is described in the Ceylonese annals as consist- 
ing of a central vihdr, or temple, with surrounding houses for priests, 
rooms for day and night, an ambulatory, tanks, and gardens of fruit 
and flower trees, and around the whole a wall 18 cubits in height. 
According to this description the Jetavana must have included not 
only the great ruined mound now called Jogini-baria, but all the ruins 
to the east and north of it, unless it extended to the westward, where 
there are no remains at present existing. But as I can show that most 
of the ruins to the east correspond with the descriptions which Fa 
Hian and Hwen Thsang have given of many of the holy places out- 
side the Jetavana, it is certain that the original monastery must have 
been confined to the Jogini-Baria only, and that the other buildings, 
with the tanks and gardens, were outside the walls of the Jetavana 
itself, although it is most probable that many of thorn were connected 
together by different enclosing walls. When the Jetavana was com- 
pleted by Sudatta, the Prince Jeta expended the whole of his purchase 
money in adding a palace, seven stories in height, to each of the four 
sides of the garden. It is probably to these palaces that Fa Hian 

1865.] Report of the Arclueohgical Survey. 257 

refers when lie states that " the temple of Shi-hwan (read Shi-to Jnvan," 
or Jetavana) " had originally seven stories. Canopies and streamers 
were hung up, flowers were scattered, perfumes burned, lanterns sup- 
plied the place of day, and even in day time were never extinguished. 
A rat having taken into its mouth the wick of one of these lanterns, 
set fire to the flags and to the drapery of the pavilions, and the seven 
stories of the temple were utterly consumed." This occurred some 
time before A. D. 400, as Fa Ilian adds that " they reconstructed the 
temple, and when they had completed the second story, they installed 
the statue in its former place." From this account I infer, th 
somewhat doubtfully, that the new temple was not more than two 
stories in height. I conclude also that the place was already on the 
decline, as a little more than two centuries later, when visited by llweii 
Tlisang, it was found utterly ruined ami deserted. 

338. The great mound of ruins, which I propose to identify with 
the Jetavana, is situated just half a mile distant from the south-west 
corner of the old city. It is rectangular in form, being 1,000 feet 
long from north-east to south-west, and 700 feet broad. It is worth 
noting, as it is most probably not accidental, that, the central line of the 
rectangle falls upon a lofty mound, inside the south-west angle of the 
city, called Sohhndth, which, according to some, is a name of Mahadeva. 
The shape of the monastery is defined by a gentle rise all round the 
edge of the mound, which I take to represent the ruins of the monks' 
cells that once formed the surrounding walls of the enclosure. The 
highest part, which is the south side, is not more than 12 feet above 
the neighbouring ground, while the other sides are not more than eight 
or ten feet. But the whole area was so thickly covered with jungle, 
that I found it difficult to take even a few measurements. During 
my stay at Sahet I cut pathways to all the ruined eminences within 
the enclosure, and after clearing the jungle around them, I began an 
excavation in each to ascertain the nature of the original building. 
With the largest mound, which was near the south end of the central 
line of the enclosure, I was unsuccessful. It was 15 feet in height, 
and looked the most promising of all, but I found nothing but earth 
and broken bricks, although I was assured by the people that numbers 
of large bricks had been carried away from it at different times. Both 
from its size and position, I am inclined to look upon this mound as 



Report of the Archaeological Survey. 

[No. 4, 

the remains of the original temple of the Jetavana. In a lower mound, 
close by to the west, my excavations disclosed the walls of a small 
temple, not quite 6|- feet square inside, with a doorway to the north 
and the remains of a semi-circular brick pedestal against the south 
wall. The walls were upwards of three feet thick, but the whole 
building was only a little more than 13 feet square, from whicb, taking 
the altitude at three and a half times the side, I conclude that the 
temple could not have exceeded 46 feet in height. 

339. Near this temple there are three brick wells : the largest to 
the north is octagonal above, with a side of 4J feet, and circular below 
at a depth of 12 feet. The second, to the south, which is circular, is 
only 3J feet in diameter ; and the third, still farther to the south, is 
also circular, with a diameter of 6f feet. It is curious that all these 
wells, which are the only ones known to the people, are in the south- 
west comer of the enclosure. 

340. A third mound, near the north end of the central line of the 
enclosure, gave promise of a better result than the others, as a previous 
excavation had disclosed the head and shoulders of a colossal figure, 
which from its curly hair and long split ears I knew to be that of 
Buddha. I was assured, however, that the Jains, who come annually 
to Sahet in great nnmbers during the months of Magh and Baisakh 
look upon the statue as belonging to themselves. But my experience 
having taught me that Jains are no more particular than Brahnians as 
to the figures that they worship, I began to dig in the certain expecta- 
tion of finding a very old Buddhist statue, and with a strong hope of 
discovering some inscription on its pedestal that might perhaps be of 
value in determining the name and probable date of these long deserted 
ruins. After a few hours' work the four walls of the temple were 
brought to light, and the figure was seen to be leaning against the 
back wall. The interior was only 7f feet square, but the walls were 
upwards of 4 feet thick, with a projection of 6 inches in the middle of 
each face. The front wall to the east was thicker than the rest by one 
foot, which was the breadth of the jamb of the doorway. The extreme 
outside dimensions were 19 feet by 18 feet, which would give a pro- 
bable height of between 60 and 70 feet. As the excavation proceeded, 
it was seen that the statue was a standing figure which had been bro- 
ken off a few inches above the ancles by the fall of the temple. After 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 259 

the figure was removed with much difficulty, on account of its great 
weight, and the floor of the temple had been cleared, it was seen that 
the pedestal of the statue was still standing erect in its original posi- 
tion. The floor was paved with large stones, and immediately in front 
of the pedestal there was a long flat slab 3| feet by 1J foot, with a 
pair of hollow foot-marks in the centre and two sunken panels on each 
side. At the back of the incised feet towards the pedestal there was a 
rough hollow, 3J feet long by 4 inches broad, which, judging from 
what I have seen in Banna, must once have held a long stone or metal 
frame for the reception of lights in front of the statue. But all tliis 
arrangement was certainly of later date than the statue itself, for on 
opening up the floor it was found that the Buddha-pad slab concealed 
the lower two lines of an inscription, which fortunately had been thus 
preserved from injury, while the third or uppermost line had been al- 
most entirely destroyed. 

341. The statue is a colossal standing figure of Buddha the 
Teacher, 7 feet 4 inches in height. His left hand rests on his hip, and 
his right hand is raised in the act of teaching. The right shoulder is 
bare as in all Buddhist figures, and there is the usual aureole or nimbus 
round the head ; close to the neck there are two small holes cut through 
the nimbus which, being larger in front than behind, were evidently 
intended for metal cramps to fix the statue to the wall. Unfortu- 
nately the head is broken, as well as both arras, but the body of the 
figure is uninjured. The attitude is stiff and restrained, the two feet 
being exactly in the same position and somewhat too far apart. The 
statue is of spotted red sandstone, such as is found in the quarries near 
Mathura and Fatehpur Sikri ; and as we know from recent discoveries 
that the sculptor's art was in a very flourishing state at Mathura dur- 
ing the first centuries of the Christian era, I feel satisfied that the 
Srdvasti colossus must have been brought from that city. The inscrip- 
tion is imperfect at the beginning, just where it must have contained 
the date. It now opens with the figure 10 and some unit of the 
Gupta numerals, which must be the day of the month, and then fol- 
low the words etaye purvvaye, which, as Professor Dowson has shown, 
must mean " on this happy occasion," or some equivalent expression. 
Then come the names of the donors of the statue, three mendicant 
monks named Pushpa, Siddhya-Mihira, and Bala-Trepitaka. Next 


260 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

follow the title of Bodhisattva, the name of the place, Sdvasti, and the 
name of Buddha as Bhagavata. The inscription closes with the state- 
ment that the statue is the " accepted gift of the Sarvastidina teachers 
of the Kosamba hall." Judging from the old shapes of some of the 
letters in this record, the age of the statue may he fixed with some 
certainty as not later than the first century of the Christian era. The 
characters are exactly the same as those of the Mathura inscriptions, 
which, without doubt, belong to the very beginning of the Christian era ; 
and as the Sravasti statue was in all probability executed at Mathura, 
the coiTespondence of the lapidary characters shows that the inscriptions 
must belong to the same period. As there is no mention of tins 
statue in Fa Hian's naiTative, I conclude that the temple in which it 
stood must have fallen down in the great conflagration which destroyed 
the seven-storied pavilions. But the account of Fa Hian is not very 
intelligible. He states that the original image of Buddha was " the 
head of an ox carved in sandal-wood;" that on Buddha's approach 
the statue " rose and went to meet him" and that when Buddha said, 
" Return and be seated," the statue "returned and sat down." The 
origin of this rather puzzling account must, I believe, be traced to a 
mistake, either of Fa Hian himself, or of his translator. In Sanskrit, 
Oosirsha or "Bull's head," is the name of the most fragrant kind of 
sandal-wood, and as we know that the famous early statue of Buddha 
at Kosambi was made of this very wood, it is natural to conclude that 
the earliest statue at Sravasti may have been made of the same mate- 
rial. As this is the only figure of Buddha noticed by Fa Hian, I infer 
that the colossal stone figure which I discovered must have been buried 
beneath the ruins of its own temple some time before A. D. 400, and 
most probably therefore during the great fire which destroyed the 
whole monastery. It was concealed also at the time of Hwen Thsang's 
visit, in A. D. 632, as he specially mentions that the only temple then 
standing amidst the ruins of the monastery was a small brick house 
containing a statue of Buddha in sandal-wood. The statue now dis- 
covered was therefore not visible in his time. 

342. Both pilgrims agree in stating that the gate of the monastery 
was on the east side, and although I was unable to find any certain 
trace of an opening, I am quite satisfied that the gate must have been 
on the east, as all the existing ruins are on that side. On issuing 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Swrvey. 261 

from the gate the first monuments noticed by both pilgrims are two lofty 
stone pillars, one on each side of the road. Hwen Thsang says that 
they had been erected by Asoka, that they were 70 feet high, and that 
the left column was crowned by a cupola or dome, and the other by an 
elephant. But Fa Hian, on the contrary, describes these figures as a 
wheel and an ox. I feel satisfied that Fa Hian is right as to the first, 
as the wheel is frequently represented in the Sanchi sculptures as 
crowning the capitals of columns, and we know that it was also used 
as a type of Buddha himself as the Ghakravartti Raja, or King who 
" turned the wheel" of the law, or in other words who made religion 
advance. With regard to the animal that crowned the other pillar I 
am unable to offer any remark, except the obvious explanation that 
the trunk of the elephant must have been broken off before the time 
of Fa Hian, otherwise it is impossible to conceive how he could have 
mistaken the figure for that of an ox. But this discrepancy in the 
accounts of the two pilgrims is the best argument that I can offer for 
the mistake which I believe them both to have made regarding the 
animal that crowned the Sankisa pillar, as noticed in para. 247 of this 
Report. There are no remains of these pillars, but there are two 
slight eminences only 300 feet distant from the monastery which 
may have been the basements on which the pillars stood, as the 
pathway leading to the ruined mound on the east side runs between 

343. To the north-east of the monastery of Jctavana, and there- 
fore to the north of the pillars, there was a Stupa, built, on the spot 
where Buddha had washed the hands and feet of a sick monk and 
had cured his sickness. The remains of this Stvpa still exist in a 
mass of solid brick-work, to the north of the presumed pillar base- 
ments, and at a distance of 550 feet from the Jetavana monastery. 
This ruined mass, which is 24 J feet in height, is built entirely of 
large bricks, 24 by 10 by 3J inches, which is a sufficient proof of its 
antiquity. I made an excavation from the top, to a depth of 20 feet, 
without any result save the verification of the fact that the ruin was a 
mass of solid brick-work. 

344. To the east of the monastery, at a distance of 100 paces, or 
250 feet, there was a large deep trench, which was said to be the spot 
where the earth had opened and engulfed Devadatta, the cousin and 

262 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

implacable enemy of Buddha. Fa Hian calls the distance only 70 
paces, or less than 200 feet, in a northerly direction from the east gate 
of the monastery. But as the two pillars and the Stupa, which have 
just been described, stood in the very position here indicated by Fa 
Hian, it is certain that we must read " southerly." The accuracy of 
this correction is confirmed by the existence of a large deep tank with- 
in 200 feet of the south-east corner of the ruined monastery, called 
Bliuldnan. This tank is 600 feet long and 250 feet broad, and is now 
filled with water. Close by, on the south side, there was another 
great hollow, in which it was said that the mendicant monk Kukdli, 
a disciple of Devadatta, had been swallowed up alive for calumniating 
Buddha. This is represented by the Lambaha Tdl, a long narrow 
tank, only 200 feet to the south of the Devadatta gulf. The third great 
fissure or hollow is described by Hwen Thsang as being at 800 paces, 
or 2,000 feet, to the south of the second. According to the legend 
this was the spot in which a Brahmani girl, named Clianchd, had been 
engulfed alive for falsely accusing Buddha of incontinence. This 
Chanchd gulf is represented by a nameless deep tank, 600 feet long by 
400 feet broad, which lies 2,200 feet to the south of the Kukali gulf. 
The exact correspondence of position of these three tanks with the 
three great fissures or gulfs of the Buddhist legends offers a very 
strong confirmation of the correctness of identification of the Jogini- 
baria mound with the great Jetavana monastery. 

345. The pilgrims next describe a pair of temples of the same 
dimensions, of which one was situated to the east and the other to the 
west of the road, which should therefore be the main road that led 
from the city towards the south. Hwen Thsang says that the first 
temple was only 70 paces to the east of the monastery, while Fa Hian 
places it at the same distance from the eastern gate, but towards the 
north. The position of these temples is doubtful, as I was unable to 
discover any remains in the immediate vicinity of the monastery that 
corresponded with the description. There are, however, in another 
position the remains of two temples, which answer the description so 
accurately as to leave but little doubt that they must be the buildings 
in question. The first, or west temple is described by both pilgrims 
as containing a seated figure of Buddha, while the second or east 
temple belonged to the Brahmans. Both were 60 feet in height, and 


18G5.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 263 

the Brahmanical temple was called the " shadow-covered," because, as 
the credulous Buddhists asserted, it was covered by the shadow of 
the Buddhist temple when the sun was in the west, while its own 
shadow, when the sun was in the east, never covered the Buddhist 
temple, but was always " deflected to the north." Now, the two ruins 
which I would identify with these temples are situated to the east 
and west of the road leading from the city, and due east and west 
from each other. They correspond therefore exactly as to relative 
position with each other ; but instead of being only 70 paces, or 175 
feet, from the monastery, the nearest is nearly 700 feet from the great 
mound of ruins. It is highly probable, however, that the surrounding 
walls of the monastery may have extended as far as the two stone 
pillars on the east, in which case the nearest temple mound would be 
within 250 feet of the walls, and the whole enclosure would then cor- 
respond in size with the dimensions recorded in the Ceylonese annals. 
As this increased size would also bring two tanks within the limits 
of the monastery, which according to the Cingalese were actually 
included within the walls, I feel inclined to adopt the larger measure- 
ment of 1,000 cubits side, or 4,000 cubits circuit, as the true size of 
the Great Jetavana Monastery. 

346. To the north-west of the monastery Hwen Thsang placed a 
well and a small Stupa, which marked the spot where Maudgala-putra 
tried in vain to unloose the girdle of Sdriitutra. As the distance is 
not mentioned, it may be inferred that the Stupa was close by, and 
therefore I would identify the site with that of the shrine of Pir- 
Bardna in the small village of Husen Jot, which is within 700 feet 
of the north-west corner of the monastery. Near the same place there 
was also a Stupa of Asoka, and a stone pillar, which the King had 
raised to note the spot where Buddha and his right-hand disciple 
Sariputra had taken exercise and explained the law. I could find no 
trace of any of these monuments, and I conclude that the Stupas, 
as usual, must have furnished materials for the erection of Pir-Bar- 
dna's shrine. 

347. The situation of the next holy place, which Fa Hian calls 
the "Wood of the Recovered Eyes," is fixed by both pilgrims at 4 U, 
or two-thirds of a mile, to the north-west of the monastery. This 
position is now represented exactly by the village olRajgarh Gulariga, 

264 Beport <>/ the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

which is situated in the midst of a very large grove of trees. The 
present grove is said to have heen planted only two generations back, 
but the trees about the village itself are of great age, and the name of 
Gulariya points to some remarkable Oular tree as more ancient than 
the village itself. The legend attached to this spot is sufficiently 
marvellous. Five hundred brigands, having been blinded by order of 
King Prasenajita, attracted the commiseration of Buddha, who re- 
stored their sight. The five hundred men who had thus recovered 
their eyesight, threw away their staves, or according to Fa Hian, 
planted them in the ground, when they immediately took root, and 
grew to be a large grove, which was called the " Wood of the Recover- 
ed Eyes." The monks of Jetavana were in the habit of repairing to 
this grove for exercise and meditation, and all the spots which holy 
Buddhists had made famous by their meditations were marked by 
inscriptions or by Siupas. There is one small brick mound to the east 
of the grove, but I could find no trace of any inscriptions, although 
rewards were offered for even a single letter. 

348. We now come to the second great monument of Srdvasti, the 
celebrated Purvvdrdma, or " Eastern Monastery," which was built by 
the lady Visdkhd, who has already been mentioned in my account of 
Sahet. Fa Hian places this monument at 6 or 7 li, or rather more 
than a mile, to the north-east of the Jetavana. But this bearing is cer- 
tainly wrong, as it would carry us right into the middle of the old city. 
I would therefore read " south-east," which is the direction of a very 
large mound, called Ora-jhdr, or " Basket-shakings," that is upwards 
of a mile from the Jetavana. Hwen Thsang places the Vihdra and 
Stupa of Visakha at more than 4 li, or upwards of 3,500 feet, to the 
east of the " shadow-covered temple " of the Brahmans. Now, the 
Ora-jhdr mound is just 4,000 feet to the south-east of the ruined 
mound, which I have already identified with the Brahmanical temple. 
I am therefore quite satisfied that it is the remains of the great Vihdra 
of the Purvvdrdma, or Eastern Monastery. Hwen Thsang's account 
of this famous monastery is meagre ; his whole description being 
limited to the fact that " in this place Buddha overcame the Brahmans, 
and received an invitation from a lady named Visakha." Fa Hian's 
notice is equally brief. We must therefore turn to the Ceylonese 
annals for an account of the lady and her works. According to them 

1865.] Report of the Archaeological Survey. 205 

Visakha was the daughter of Dhananja, a wealthy merchant of Sdket. 
At 15 years of age she was married to Purnna-Vardhana, the son of 
Migdra, a rich merchant of Srdvasti, and from that time her whole 
life was spent in the ohservance of the religious rites of Buddhism. 
She was the means of converting her father-in-law Migara, and "she 
was called in consequence" Migdra-Mdtdvri, and became the mother 
or chief of the Updsekawas, or female lay-disciples of Buddha. To- 
wards the end of her career she determined to sell her wedding 
ornaments to obtain funds for the erection of a Vihdra, " but there 
was no one in Seivet who had wealth enough to purchase them. She 
therefore bought a garden at the east side of the city, and expend- 
ed immense treasures in the erection of a Vihdra, which was called 
Purwdr&ma, or the Eastern Monastery, from the place in which it 

849. The great mound, now called Ora-jhdr, is a solid mass of 
earth 70 feet in height, which was formerly crowned by a brick temple. 
Within the last century a Musalman Fakir, who had lived under the 
trees at the foot of the mound, was buried in a tomb on the very top 
of it, which was built with the bricks of the ruin. Some years later 
his successor was buried beside him, and their two tombs at present 
preclude all hope of making any excavation from the top of the mound. 
I cleared the north face completely, and the other three faces partially, 
until I reached the paved brick flooring which surrounded the original 
Buddhist temple, at a height of 55 feet above the ground. The wall 
of the temple on the north face is only 20 feet long, and although I 
failed to reach the other two corners of the building, I was satisfied 
that it must have been square. Its height, at 3J times its side, would 
not therefore have been more than 70 feet, but as its floor is 55 feet 
above the ground, the total height of the temple would have been 125 
feet. The wall of the north face is divided into four panels by pilasters 
six inches thick. The bases of these pilasters, which are still very 
perfect, are of the same style as those at Graya and Baragaon in Bihar, 
and of Manikyala and Shah Dheri in the Punjab. The style would 
therefore seem to be one that was peculiar to early Buddhism. The 
other faces of the temple I was unable to examine, as the foundations 
of the Muhammadan tomb, which are only 2\ feet above the broken 
walls of the temple, project 16 feet beyond its east and west faces. 

266 Beport of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

Unfortunately the doorway of the temple must have been towards the 
east, as there are traces of steps at several places down the slope of 
that side There is an old well also amongst the trees on the east side 
of the mound, hut I could find no traces of cloisters for the resident 
monks who ministered at the temple. The mound, however, is still 
surrounded by fine trees, and there are two small tanks at the very 
foot of it which would of course have been included within the limits 
of the monastery. 

350. The Stupa mentioned by Hwen Thsang as belonging to the 
Purvvarama may perhaps be represented by a small ruined mound 
close to the north-east corner of the Ora-jhdr. The mound is only 8 
feet high, but an excavation which I made to the depth of 11 feet, 
showed it to be made of solid bricks of large size, 12 by 9 by 3 inches. 
It is 40 feet in diameter, and when complete, with its pinnacle, it must 
have been about 50 or 60 feet in height. From its vicinity to the 
Purvvarama I have little doubt that this is the Stupa which Visdkhd 
built on the spot where Buddha had overcome the Brahmans in 

351. The last place mentioned by the pilgrims is the spot where 
King Virudhaka halted with his army to converse with Buddha, and 
out of respect for the teacher gave up his expedition against the Sakyas, 
and returned to his Capital. Hwen Thsang states that this famous 
spot was close to the monastery of Visakha on the south side, while 
Fa Hian says that it was 4 U, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south- 
west of the city. The former is the more probable position, as it is 
to the south-east and on the high road to Kapilanagara, the capital 
of the Sakyas. Close by there was a Stupa to 'mark the spot where 
500 Sakya maidens were afterwards massacred by Virudhaka for refus- 
ing to enter his harem. Near the Stupa there was a dry tank, or 
gulf, in which Virudhaka had been swallowed up. According to the 
legend, Buddha had predicted that Virudhaka would be destroyed 
by fire within seven days after the massacre. When the seventh day 
arrived, the King, accompanied by his women, proceeded gaily to a 
large tank, where he entered a boat, and was rowed to the middle" of 
the water. But flames burst forth from the waters and consumed the 
boat, and the earth opened beneath the tank, and Virudhaka " fell 
alive into hell." The only large piece of water that I could find is a 

18G5.] Beport of the Archaeological Survey. 207 

nameless tank close to the south side of Visakha's temple, and there- 
fore in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang ; but there are 
no existing remains near it that could be identified with the Sbupa of 
the 500 Sakya maidens. 

352. The monuments of Srdvasti hitherto described by the pilgrims 
are directly connected with the personal history of Buddha. The 
places where he sat and walked, where he taught his law, and where 
he worsted the Brahmans in argument, were all specially holy in the 
eyes of devout Buddhists. But these sacred monuments formed only 
a small portion of the Buddhist buildings of the great city of Sravasti, 
where, according to Hwen Thsang, the monuments were counted by 
hundreds. Fa Hian, however, quotes a tradition which limited their 
number to ninety-eight, at a period not remote from his own time, and 
as he visited the place nearly two centuries and a half earlier than Hwen 
Thsang, when most of the monasteries were in ruins, we may be satis- 
fied that their number never reached one hundred even at the most 
flourishing period of Buddhism. I traced the ruins of nine monasteries 
in the immediate neighbourhood of the old city, and there are pro- 
bably as many more within a range of two miles. I found also the 
foundations of at least ten temples of various sizes, but they were all 
in too ruinous a state to be of any interest. But when I remember 
that the Jetavana itself, as well as nearly the whole of the ninety-eight 
monasteries of Sravasti were in complete ruin upwards of twelve 
centuries ago, I think it is more wonderful that so much should still 
be left for the use of the archaeologist, than that so little should remain 
of all the magnificent buildings of this once famous city. 


353. From Srdvasti both pilgrims proceeded to visit the birth-place 
of Kasyapa Buddha, at Tu-wei, which Fa Hian places at 50 li, or 8§ 
miles to the west. Hwen Thsang does not name the town, but he states 
that it was about 60 li, or 10 miles, to the north-west of Sravasti. The 
bearing and distance point to the village of Tadwa, which is just 9 
miles to the west of Sahet-mahet. Some people refer this name to 
Tanda, because for the last hundred years the Banjaras have been in the 
habit of halting, or of making their tanda, at this place. But the 
people themselves spell the name of their village Tadiva, and not Tanda, 


268 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4 

which properly means the whole venture of goods belonging to a party 
of Banjaras, but which is also applied to the places at which they halt. 
I think therefore that the name of Tadiua may possibly refer to the old 
name of Tu-wci as it is written by Fa Hian. There can, however, be no 
doubt as to the identity of the two places, as Tadwa is a very old site, 
which is still covered with brick ruins. According to tradition, the town 
belonged to Kaja Suhir dal, after whose death it was destroyed by the 
Muhammadans, and remained uninhabited until about one hundred 
years ago, when a Bairagi, named Ajudhya Das, established himself 
under the banyan tree, and discovered the female figure which is now 
worshipped as Sita Mai. The present village is situated amongst brick 
ruins one quarter of a mile to the north of the road leading from 
Akaona to Bahraich. All the fields around are strewn with broken bricks 
and within 1,000 feet of the village to the north-west there is a mound 
of brick ruins 800 feet long from east to west, and 300 feet broad. 
Beyond the mound, and to the north of the village, there is a large 
irregular shaped sheet of water, nearly half a mile in length, called 
Sita-Deva Tal. But this name cannot be older than the discovery of 
the statue which is attributed to Sita. 

354. The west end of the mass of ruins is very low, but it is 
covered with broken walls and fine trees, and was therefore most pro- 
bably the site of the monastic establishment. The general height of the 
east end is 16 feet above the fields, but rises to 20 feet at the south- 
west corner. At this point the mound is formed of solid brick-work, 
which after close examination I discovered to be the remains of a large 
Stupa. As two different measurements gave a diameter of not less 
than 70 feet, this Stupa must have been one of* the largest and most 
important in the famous province of Uttara Kosala. Hwen Thsang 
mentions only two Stupas at this place, one to the south of the town, 
being built on the spot where Kasyapa Buddha had performed his 
meditations under a banyan tree, and the other to the north of the 
town, containing the complete body of Kasyapa. This is also con- 
firmed by its size, as Fa Hian calls this Stupa a great one. The Stupa 
on the mound must certainly represent the latter monument, because 
the tank precludes the possibility of any other having existed to the 
northward of it. I wished very much to have made an excavation in 
this mound, but the presence of a lingam of Mahadeo on the top of it, 

1865.] Report of the Archccologkal Survey. 269 

which with Sita-31ai shares the devotions of the villagers, was an 
effectual check against any excavations. This is the more to be re- 
gretted, as the Stupa is said to have been built by Asoka, an at- 
tribution which might have been verified by an exploration of its 

355. The figure which the ignorant villagers worship as Sita is 
in reality a statue of Maya Devi, the mother of Sakya Buddha. She 
is represented standing under the Sal tree, with her right hand raised 
and holding one of the branches, which is the well known position in 
which she is said to have given birth to Sakya. Her left hand is 
placed on her hip, and there is a parrot perched on her shoulder. The 
statue is 3 feet 4 inches in height. 


356. Nimsar is a famous place of pilgrimage on the left bank of 
the Gumli (or Gomati) River, 45 miles to the north-west of Lucknuw. 
The Brahmans derive the name from Nimisha, a "twinkling of the 
eye ;" hence Naimisha-saras, or Nimsar, means the pool where in the 
twinkling of an eye the sage Gatira-Mukha destroyed the Asuras. 
The place is also called Nimkhdr, which is formed from Naimisha, 
pronounced Naimikha, and aranya a forest, which becomes Naimikhd- 
ran, and Nimkhar. The Vishnu Parana declares that " he who bathes 
in the Gomati at Naimisha expiates all his sins." Its popularity is 
therefore very great. It is noticed in the Ay in Akbari as " a famous 
large fort, with a great number of idolatrous temples, and a reservoir." 
This reservoir is called the Chakra-tirtha, and is said to be the place 
where the Cholera, or*" discus," of Vishnu fell during the contest with 
the Asuras. The shape of the pool is nearly hexagonal with a 
diameter of 120 feet. The water springs up from below and flows out 
by the south side into a swampy rill about 20 feet broad called the 
Godaveri Nala. The pool is surrounded with a number of shabby 
brick temples an 1 Dharmsdlas, and though the water is clear, yet the 
place looks dirty and uninviting. 

357. The fort of Nimsar is situated on a precipitous mound to the 
north of the holy pool, about 1,100 feet long, from east to Avest, 
between 300 and 400 feet broad, and 50 feet high. The west end is 
a high cliff called the Shah Bihj, or King's Tower, which overhangs 

270 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

the Gumti. The gate of the fort, which is at the east end, is arched 
and therefore of Muhammadan construction. But it is huilt of Hindu 
materials, partly brick and partly kankar blocks, which betray their 
origin by their carvings and by the presence of the Swastika symbol, or 
mystic cross. The walls were originally of brick, but they have long 
ago disappeared, and the only parts of the old fort now standing are 
the gateway and the Shah Burj. The foundation of the latter is, 
however, of Hindu construction, and as there are many carved bricks 
lying about, I presume that it was a temple. The fort is provided with 
a well 8J broad and 51J feet deep to the water level. 

358. The tradition of the place is that the building of the fort was 
finished on Friday, the 9th of the waxing moon of Chaitra, in the 
Samvat year 1362, or A. D. 1305, by Hdhdjdl, a renegade Hindu, 
who is said to have been the Vazir of Ala-ud-din Ghori. For Ghori 
we must read Khilji to bring the King's name into agreement with the 
date, and as the people are in the habit of styling all the Pathans as 
Ghoris, the alteration is perfectly allowable. But who was Hdhdjdl ? 
As a renegade Hindu and the Vazir of Ala-ud-din, he might perhaps 
be the same person as Kafur, who in A. D. 1305 was appointed as 
Malik Naib to the command of the army for the conquest of the 
Dakhan. I procured several of Ala-ud-din's coins at Nimsar, and in 
his reign I conclude that the fort passed from the hands of the Hindus 
into those of the Musalmans. The original fort is said to have been 
as old as the Pandus ; and if the derivation of the name of the place 
has been truly handed down, it must have been occupied even earlier 
than the time of the Pandus. 


359. Barikhar is the name of a village on the top of an extensive 
old mound called Vairdtkhera which is situated on the high road 
between Nimsar and Pilibhit, at 42 miles from the former, and 68 miles 
from the latter place. Barikhar is said to be a corruption of Baruja- 
khera or Vairdt-kJiera, and its foundation is attributed to Vairdt Raja 
in the time of the Pandus. The ruined mound is 1,000 feet in length 
at top from east to west, by 600 feet in breadth, and from 16 to 20 
feet in height. But the dimensions at the base are much more, as the 
slope is very gentle, being 200 feet in length on the north side, where 

1865.] Report of tlie Archceohgical Survey. 271 

I measured it. This would make the base of the mound about 1,400 
feet, which agrees with the size of 50 bigahs, or 1,400,000 square feet, 
which is popularly attributed to it by the villagers themselves. But 
the fields are strewn with broken bricks for upwards of 1,000 feet to 
the northward, and for 500 or 600 feet to the eastward, where there 
are the remains of several temples. The area actually covered by 
ruins is not less than 2,000 feet square, or upwards of 1J mile in 
circuit, which shows that Barikhar must once have been a good sized 
town, but I strongly doubt the story of the Brahmans which attributes 
its foundation to Vairut Raja. The name is written by the people 
themselves Badishar ^^T , although it is pronounced Barikhar, and 
I believe that similarity of sound alone has led to the identification of 
Barikhar with Bariyakhera and Vairat Raja. 


360. I couple these two places together, because they actually 
form parts of the old nameless capital of the Buchhal Rajas, who ruled 
over Eastern Rohilkhand and Western Oudh before the time of the 
Katehriyas, Dewal itself is a small village, which has received its 
name from a temple in which is deposited a very perfect inscription 
dated in Samvat 1049, or A. D. 992. The opposite village is called 
Ildhdbds by the Muhammadans, but this name is scarcely known to 
the people, who usually call it Garh-Gdjana. The inscription is chiefly 
remarkable for the clean and beautiful manner in which the letters 
have been engraved ; and its perfect state makes it the more valuable 
as it furnishes us with a complete specimen of the alphabet of the 
Kutila character, in which it is said to be engraved. James Prinsep 
gave a specimen of the characters, along with a translation of the 
inscription, in the Asiatie Society's Journal for 1837, page 777. But 
the copy from which he framed his alphabet was made by hand, and 
although it is wonderfully accurate as a mere transcript of the words, 
yet it is veiy faulty as a copy of the individual letters. This is the 
more to be regretted, as the alphabet thus framed from an inaccurate 
copy has become the standard specimen of the Kutila characters' 
Now, the term Kutila means " bent," and as all the letters of the 
inscription have a bottom stroke or tail, which is turned, or " bent,'' 
to the right, I infer that the alphabet was named Kutila from this 

272 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

peculiarity in the formation of its letters. But this peculiarity was 
unnoticed by the original transcriber, and consequently the print types 
of the Kutila characters, which have been prepared both in Germany 
and in England, are entirely wanting in this special characteristic 
which gives its name to the alphabet. The letter I and the attached 
vowels are perhaps the most faulty. 

361. The village of Dewal is situated 16 miles to the S. S. E. of 
Pilibhit, on the west bank of the Kau, or Katni Nala. There are two 
or three plain brick rooms which are called temples, and in one of 
these the inscription is deposited ; but it is said to have been found 
amongst the ruins of Garh-Gdjana, or Ilahabas, on the opposite bank 
of the stream. Garh-Gajana is a large ruined mound, about 800 feet 
square, which includes two small tanks on the east side ; but although 
it is called a Garh, or fort, it was most probably only the country 
residence of Raja Lalla, who founded it. The small modern village of 
Ilahabas is situated close to the south-east corner of Garh-Gfijana, and 
near it on the south side are the ruins of a very large temple, amongst 
which the inscription is said to have been discovered. The figure of 
the Varaha Avatar of Vishnu, which is now in the Dewal temple, was 
found in the same place. The mound of rains is 200 feet square at 
base, but the walls of the temple are no longer traceable, as the bricks 
and kankar blocks have been carried away by the villagers. I traced 
the remains of at least six other temples around the principal mass °f 
ruin, but there was nothing about them worth noting. To th e 
south there are two larger mounds, which appear to be the remains of 
an old village. 

362. The Kau or Katni Nala continues its course to the south for 
three miles, until opposite the large village of Deoriya, when it turns 
sharply to the east for two miles, to the south end of a large rained 
fort which is now called Garha-Khera, or the " fort mound." The 
Katni Nala here turns to the north, and, after running round the three 
other sides of the rained fort, returns to within a few hundred yards 
of the point from whence it took its northerly course. It thus forms 
a natural ditch to the old stronghold of the Bachhal Rajas, which is 
only approachable on the southern side. The fort has been deserted 
for many centuries, and is covered with dense jungle, in which several 
tigers have been killed within the last few years. A single cart track 

1865.] Report of ilie Archaeological Survey. 273 

leads to the nearest portions of the ruins, which have afforded materials 
for all the buildings in the large village of Deoriya. The exact extent 
of the fort is not known, but the position enclosed by the Katni Nala 
is about 6,000 feet in length from N. W. S., and 4,000 feet in breadth, 
and the fort is said to be somewhat less than half a kos, or just 
about half a mile in length. The bricks are of large size, 13 by 9 by 
2 inches, which shows considerable antiquity, but the statues of kan- 
kar are all Brahnianical, such as the goddess Devi, Siva and his wile, 
as Gauri-SanJcar, and two arghas of liwjams. These figures are said 
to be discovered only in the foundations of the buildings, which, if true 
would seem to show that the existing remains are the ruins of Muham- 
madan works constructed of Hindu materials. 

363. The Katni Nala is an artificial canal drawn from the Mala 
river near Solids, 10 miles to the south-cast of Pilibhit, and 6 males 
to the north of Dewal. Its general course is from north to south, 
excepting where it winds round the old fort of Garha-Khera, after 
which it resumes its southerly course and falls into the Kanhaul Nala, 
about 3 miles to the south of the ruins. Its whole course is just 20 
miles in length. All the maps are wrong in giving the name of Katni 
Nala to the Mala river, instead of to the artificial canal which joins 
the Mala and Kanhaut rivers. The canal varies in width from 30 and 
40 feet to 100 feet, and even more, at the places where it is usually 
forded. Its very name of Katni Nala, or the " cut stream," is suffi- 
cient to prove that it is artificial. But this fact is distinctly stated in 
the inscription, which records that Raja Lalla " made the beautiful 
and holy Katha-Nadi." That this was the Katni Nala, which is 
drawn from the Mala river, is proved by the previous verse, which 
records that the Raja presented to the Brahmans certain villages 
" shaded by pleasant trees, and watered by the Nirmala Nadi." This 
name is correctly translated by James Prinsep as " pellucid stream," 
which though perfectly applicable to the limpid waters of the Mala 
river, is evidently the name of the stream itself, and not a mere epithet 
descriptive of the clearness of its waters. And as the canal was drawn 
from the Nirmala River, so that villages on its banks are correctly 
described as being watered by it. 

364. The inscription goes on to say that Raja Lalla ami his wife 
Lakshmi 1: made many groves, gardens, lakes, and temples." Prinsep 


274 Report of the Archceological Survey. [No. 4, 

has given the last as " many other extensive works," but the term in 
the original is devalayataneshu cha, " and temples," clevalaya being 
one of the commonest names for a temple of any kind. In the 27th 
verse the great temple to which the inscription was attached is said to 
have been dedicated to Siva by the Kaja, while the Queen built an- 
other fane to Parvati. In the next verse they are described as " two 
divine temples" (sura-griha) ; and in the 32nd verse it is stated that 
the god and goddess were worshipped together under the title of 
Devapalli. This then must be the origin of the name of Dewal, and 
the great temple mound to the south of Oarh-Gdjana must be the re- 
mains of the two temples dedicated to Devapalli. 

365. In the inscription Raja Lalla calls himself the nephew of 
Muns Chandra Pratdpa, and the grandson of Vira Varmma, who is 
said to be of the race of Chhindu and descended from the great Rishi 
Chyavana. This holy sage is mentioned in the Vishnu Purana as 
having married Sukanya, the daughter of Saryati, the son of Manu. 
He is also noticed in the Bhagavata and Padma Puranas, as appro- 
priating a share of the marriage offerings to the Aswini Kumaras, 
which entailed the quarrel with Indra, that is alluded to in verse 4 of 
the inscription. The family therefore was reputed to be of ancient 
descent ; but if Vira Varmma, the grandfather of Lalla, was the first 
Raja, the establishment of the dynasty cannot be dated earlier than 
A. D. 900. Now the Bdchhal Rajputs claim descent from Raja Vena, 
whose son was Virdt, the reputed founder of Barikhar or Virat Khera, 
and whom I believe to be the same as Vira Varmma of the inscription. 
To Raja Vena, or Ben, is attributed the erection of the great forts of 
Garha-khera, and Sdhgarh ; and to his queen, Ketalci Rani, is assigned 
the excavation of the Rani Tdl at the old town of Kdbar. Garh 
Gdjana and the temples of Dewal were built by Raja Lalla. The 
town and fort of Maraori are attributed to Moradhwaj, and Barkhera 
to Harmal Raja ; but neither of these names appears in the very 
imperfect and scanty list of their family which the Bdchhals now 

366. It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas succeeded 
the Bdchhals, but the Katehriyas themselves state that they did not 
settle in Katehar until Samvat 1231, or A. D. 1174. Up to this date 
therefore the Bdchhal Rajas may be supposed to have possessed the 

1865.] Report of the Archceological Survey. 275 

dominant power in eastern Rohilkhancl beyond the Ramgangii, while 
western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Gwdld, and other tribes, 
from whom the Katchriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the 
Bdchhals must have retired before the Katchriyas, until they had lost 
all their territory to the west of the Dcoha or Pilibhit river. Here 
they made a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried 
by the Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory 
between the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhit. When 
hard pressed, they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their an- 
cient possessions of Garh Gdjana and Garha Khera. But their resis- 
tance was not always successful, as their descendants confess that about 
300 or 400 years ago, when their capital Nigohi was taken by the King 
of Delhi, the twelve sons of Raja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to 
death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohi. 
Shortly after this catastrophe Chhavi Bana, the grandson of one of the 
murdered Princes, fled to the Ldkhi jungle, where he supported himself 
by plundering ; but when orders were given to exterminate his band, 
he presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district 
of Nigohi as a jdghir. This place his descendant Tarsam Sing still 
holds, but the jdghir is reduced to the town of Nigohi with a few of 
the surrounding villages. 

367. The Gotrdchdrya of the Bachhal Rajputs declares them to be 
Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by their 
daughters being taken in marriage by Chohans, Rahtors, and Kach- 
wahas. According to Sir H. Elliot, Bachhal Zemindars are found in the 
districts of Aligurh and Mathura, as well as in Budaon and Shahjahan- 
pur of Rohilkhand. But the race is even more widely spread than the 
G-angetic Bachhals are aware of, as Abul Fazl records that " the port of 
Aramray (in the Peninsula of Gujarat) is a very strong place inhabited 
by the tribe of Bachhal." Of the origin of the name nothing is known, 
but it is probably connected with bdchhnd, to select or choose. The 
title of Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly 
unknown to the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name 
of one of the early ancestors of the race. 

, 368. Baliya, or Balai Khera, is a large ruined mound about 1,200 
feet square, or nearly one mile in circuit, and not less than 20 feet in 


276 Report of the Archaeological Survey. [No. 4, 

height at the southern end. The mound is situated close to the 
Muhammadan town of Jahdndbdd, which is just 6 miles to the west- 
ward of Pilibhit. It is covered with broken bricks of large size, and 
from its square form I infer that it must once have been fortified, or 
at least walled round. Near the south-east comer there is a very old 
banyan tree, and the ruins of a brick temple. To the west there are 
two tanks and six ruined heaps which are said to be the remains of 
temples. There is nothing now standing that can give any clue to the 
probable age of the town, as the bricks are removed to Jahdndhdd as 
soon as they are discovered. But the large size of the bricks is a proof 
of antiquity, which is supported by the traditions of the people, who 
ascribe the foundation of Balpur or Baliya to the well known Daitya, 
or demon, named Bali. 


369. Four miles to the westward of Balai-Khera there is a long 
lofty mound lying east and west called Parasua-hot, which is said to 
be the ruins of a temple and other edifices that Bali Raja built for his 
Ahir servant, named Parasua. The mound is about 1,400 feet long, 
and 300 feet broad at base, with a height of 35 feet at its loftiest point 
near the eastern end. On this point there arc the bi*ick foundations 
of a large temple, 42 feet square, with the remains of steps on the east 
face, and a stone lintel or door step, on the west face. I conclude 
therefore that the temple had two doors, one to the east and the other 
to the west, and as this is the common arrangement of lincjam temples, 
it is almost certain that the building must have been dedicated to Siva. 
Towards the west, the mound gradually declines in height, until it is 
lost in the fields. Forty feet to the west of the temple there are some 
remains of a thick wall which would seem to have formed part of the 
enclosure of the temple, which must have been not less than 130 feet 
square. Five hundred feet further west there are the remains of 
another enclosure, 100 feet square, which most probably once surrounded 
a second temple, but the height of the ruins at this point is more than 
16 feet above the ground. Although the Parasua mound is well known 
to the people for many miles around, yet there are no traditions 
attached to the place save the story of Parasaa, the Ahir, which has 
already been noticed. When we consider that a temple 42 feet square 

1865.] Report of the Archsohgical Survey, 277 

could not have been less than 3^ times its base, or 147 feet in height, 
and that its floor being 35 feet above the ground the whole height of 
the building would have been 182 feet, it is strange that no more 
detailed traditions should exist regarding the builders of so magnificent 
an edifice. I am of opinion that the temple must have been the work 
of one of the earlier B.aehkal Rajas, but unfortunately the records of this 
race are too imperfect to afford any clue to the ancient history of the 

370. The old town of Kdbar is situated on a lofty mound, 20 miles 
to the north of Bareli, and 26 miles to the west of Pilibhit. The ruins 
consist of a circular mound, 900 feet in diameter and 25 feet in height, 
which is still surrounded by a deep ditcli from 50 to 100 feet in width. 
This was the old fort of Kdbar in the time of the Hindus, and there are 
still some remains of the walls of a large oblong building on the top of 
the mound, which the people say was a temple. The old city, which 
surrounded the fort on all sides, is now divided into four separate 
villages, called Kdbar, Isldmpur, Donyarpur, and Shinjarh. All these 
are situated on old mounds which are nearly as lofty as the fort mound 
itself. The place is usually called Kdbar by the Hindus, and Shirgarh 
by the Musalmans. It is said to have been taken from the Hindu 
Rajas 550 years ago, or in A. D. 1313, during the reign of Ala-ud-din 
Khilji. Falling again into the hands of the Hindus after the death 
of Firuz Tughlak, it was again captured by Shir Shah, who built the 
fort of Shinjarh to the south of the old fort, for the purpose of keeping 
the townspeople in check. To the south of Shirgarh there is a fine 
tank, called Khaivds-Tdl ', which no doubt belongs to the same period, 
as Khawas Khan was the name of Shir Shah's most trusted General. 
That portion of the town, called Islampur, is said to have been built by 
Islam Shah, the son of Shir Shah, but it was more probably only 
re-named by Khawas Khan in honour of his master's son, during the 
lifetime of Shir Shah himself. On the north side there is a shallow 
sheet of water called the Ram Sagar, and on the north-west there is 
an old tank called Rani Tal, which is attributed to Ketaki Rani, the 
queen of Raja Ben, the founder of the dynasty of Bdchhal Rajputs. 
The extreme length of the whole mass of ruins from east to west is 
3,500 feet, and the breadth 2,500 feet, the complete circuit being 9,800 

278 Report of the Archceolorjical Survey. [No. 4, 

feet, or nearly 2 miles. The long continued Muhammadan occupation 
of five centuries has most effectually swept away all traces of Hinduism ; 
but old coins are occasionally found, of which a few belong to the later 
Hindu dynasties of the ninth and tenth centuries. From the great 
size of the place, as well as from its evident antiquity, I should have ex- 
pected that very old Hindu coins would occasionally be found ; but all 
my enquiries were fruitless, and the only actual traces of Hindu occupa- 
tion that I could hear of were two small stone figures, of which one 
was a representation of Durgit slaying the Mahisasur, or " Buffalo- 
demon," and the other a broken statue of some god which was too 
much injured to be recognized. 

Notes on Boodh Gya. — By C. Horne, Esq., C.S. 
[Received 24th April, 1865. Eead 7th June, 1865.] 

During the holidays, October and November, 1864, I had an opportu- 
nity of carefully studying the great Tope at Boodh G-ya, relative to which 
interesting remains of the past there would seem to have been consi- 
derable discussion between modern archasologists. 

The subject of the said discussions, whilst referring to the age of 
the tope itself, relates more particularly to that of the arches, both 
pointed and semicircular, found in and near the said tope. 

These arches are some of them built of stone, but the greater part 
are of brick ; and they are all constructed on the radiating principle 
with external faces of truncated wedges or " voussoirs" — the bricks 
used in their construction being set on edge and of the description 
commonly termed Buddhist, their dimensions being either 13 J" X 9" 
X 21" or 15J" X 10|" X 3. 

There are in all no less than nine (9) of these arches, of which 3 are 
semicircular and 6 pointed. 

But before proceeding farther with my account of them, it will be 
well to describe as briefly as possible the interior construction of the 
tope, offering at the same time a few remarks as to its antiquity, as 
thereby we may be able to infer whether the art of arch-building 
(radiating, not horizontal) was known to those who built the structure 

1865.] Noles on Boodh Gija. 279 

in which the said arches occur, or whether they may not have heen 
subsequently inserted. 

Grenl. Cunningham, in his excellent Archaeological Report for 1861- 
62, assigns A. D. 500 as the date of the building of the present tope 
or temple, and names Amara Sinha as the builder. 

He also works out the same date from a certain inscription once 
said to have been therein found, and which he holds to be authentic. 

His arguments from the latter source appear to me to have been 
fully met and set aside by Baboo Rajendralala Mitra in his 
paper on Boodh Gya in 1864, which was read before a meeting 
of the Bengal Asiatic Society, and in which he shews that Sir 
Charles Wilkin's* inscription, in which the virtues of a shraddh 
performed here are much extolled — cannot be historically true, and 
also that the partial silence of Fa Hian, the great Chinese traveller 
in A. D. 400, does not prove the non-existence of the said tope at that 
time — the more so as Fa Hian speaks in Chap. XXXI of a great 
tower having been erected at the place where Foe (Buddha) obtained 
the law, i. e. under the Bo tree at Boodh Gya. 

Fergusson (p. 109, Vol. I) states the earliest authentic Hindu 
building to date A. D. 657, and in allusion to the great tope of Boodh 
Gya, which it is doubtful whether he ever visited, says to the effect 
that " the temple of Boodh Gya is certainly Buddhist — was built in 
the 14th century A. D. — is a square Hindu Vimana and a true 
' stupa' as it never possessed any relic." 

Montgomery Martin, in his account of Eastern India, alludes to 
Asoka as being the reputed founder of the temple, and doubts the 
authenticity of Amara's inscription, as does also Buchanan Hamilton. 

It will thus be seen that the age of the building and of the arches 
are both open questions. 

And now, a few words as to the age of Hindu or Boodhist build- 
ings :— 

Fergusson says — pages 4-5, Introduction. — "It is of more impor- 
tance to our present purpose that with this king (Asoka) B. C. 250, 
the architectural history of India commences; not one building, nor 
one sculptured stone having yet been found in the length and 

* That above alluded to. 

280 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4, 

breadth of the land, which can prove to date before his accession. 
From his time, however, the series of monuments, some monolithic, 
some rock cut, and others built, are tolerably complete during the 10 
or 12 centuries in which Boodhisrn continued to be a prevalent 
religion in the country of its birth." 

Again p. 129, he says, " Indian architecture began about 250 B. C, 
with a strong admixture of Grecian, or at least of Western art, as if 
the Indian was then first learning from foreigners an art they had 
not previously practised ; but this extraneous element soon died out, 
and is not again to be traced, except perhaps in Cashmere where it 
seems to have long remained in force." 

The inscriptions in the sculptured pillars or rather the carving on 
the Boodbist railing posts, which these pillars really are, remind one 
of Bhilsa. They are in fact, identical. 

Genl. Cunningham, in describing them, says — "A few of them 
have an inscription in the ancient Pali character of Asoka's pillars 
H JC JL»~h \ ' A Jb F_L'; ' Ayaya Kudrangiye danam' i.e. Gift of the 
venerable Kudrangi." This is 5 or 6 times repeated. 

Now these pillars are of granite and placed in the quadrangle of the 
Mohunt's residence, whilst those at the tope itself, discovered by Capt. 
Mead subsequently to Genl. Cunningham's report, are all of the same 
character, so that his remark to the effect that the first named " can- 
not be of much later date than Asoka's" will apply equally to those 
last spoken of. They, moreover, appear " in situ" and if so, argue the 
existence of the tope and of a Bo tree when they were placed around 

It should also be borne in mind, that within a few miles we have 
the rock cut temples of the Barabur, Nagai'juni Hills, relative to the 
date of the excavation of which, the inscriptions borne by them leave 
no doubt. 

The dates of some of these vary from 250 to 230 B. C, or the time 
of Asoka. 

We might also argue from the bricks used, did I not hold this to be 
a very uncertain test of age. Their bluish tinge remarked upon by 
II wen Thsang is very remarkable, as such a tinge is not common, and 
the bricks used in the great tope decidedly possess it. 

I in vain sought for any mason marks ; but their non-existence may 


Notes on Boodh Gya. 


be accounted for by the very small quantity of stone used iu or about 
the building. 

From what has been before stated I am led to assign a far greater 
antiquity to the great tope at Boodh Gya than has been hitherto 
generally done. 

I am of opinion that the temple existed from before the Christian 
era, when the railing stood around it — say from 200 B. C. ; but that 
it lias often been repaired, and once thoroughly renewed by Amara 
Sinha, most probably about 500 A. D. 

I, however, hold that the shell of the building has remained as at 
first constructed, with alterations to be hereafter pointed out. If 
this be the case, it would, together with perhaps the remains of some 
Boodhist Monasteries, be one of the oldest buildings we have in India. 

The general external form differs considerably from ordinary Hindu 
Vimanas, being much more perpendicular ; but the system under which 
it was built allows of great variety of outline. 

The tope is exteriorly about 50 feet square at the base, with an 
original interior diameter of 20 ft. The walls are about 8 ft. thick to 
a height of perhaps GO feet, and the rest is made up by a masonry 
terrace rising from 25 to 30 feet. 

The thickness of the upper part, i. c. from the springing of the 
curve to the crown, varies from 7 feet to much less at the top. 

There has been an opening left at the top* apparently about 6 ft. 
square, which is at present covered in witli beams of Saul wood, and 
upon this is built a tope-like pinnacle which in its entirety probably 
reached to 25 feet, including the thickness of the pucka roof over 
the beams. 

The square basement walls have been stated to 
rise about 60 ft., whilst the interior height of the 
curved part may also be from 60 to 70 feet. The 
whole interior I believe to have been originally 
without intermediate ceilings. 

This curved part is built on the system called in 
Bengal " Lehra " i. e. of overlapping bricks. In 
3 this instance I counted 52 of these laps, each pro- 
jecting from 3 to 4 J inches. 
* Query, wbetherthis was so originally ? 


282 Notes on Boodh Oya. [No. 4, 

The lowest 12 laps were made after the placing of 4 bricks perpen- 
dicularly, making a height for each such set of bricks of 9 inches only. 
Then there came 16 laps, over 5 inches similarly laid and measuring 
13 inches in height, whilst again above them came 24 laps over courses 
of 4 bricks as at first. 

I had hoped to be able to calculate the height accurately in this 
manner, having with me no means for measuring so great a height ; 
but I imagine the laps got less at the top and the height assigned has 
therefore only been approximately ascertained. This system of 
" Lehra" still exists in Orissa. Mr. Armstrong, the assistant to 
Mr. Shore, Commissioner, has obligingly sent me a drawing of a long 
draw-bridge of more modern construction at Jajipore near Balasore. 

The openings thus covered are said to be 

— I 1 — r — -j — ] 1 — from 8 to 15 feet. The space at Boodh 

II Gya is about 20 feet. At the temple of 

_J — . — I I — ■ I , Kooch Behar, is an excellent example, and 

it seems to have been universal through- 

-r, . c . • t •• „. out Eastern Bengal. 

Part of an opening in J ajipur ° 

drawbridge. Capt. Austen informs me that in Cash- 

mere this " Lehra" is very neatly tied with a J stone. 



Cashmere Lehra. 

The arrangement above described holds good as regards the north, 
south and west sides of the temple ; but on the east, the front wall is 
pierced with two large openings, the one over the other, and above 
these in the curved part are two "Lehras" or horizontal arches run- 
ning east and west in the thickness of the said wall. 

The upper one, which is closed outwardly, was doubtless made to 
lighten the weight of masonry over the entrance, and both shew plainly 
that when they were constructed, i. e. at the same time as the original 
building, the architects of the same, did not know how to build a true 
arch. The temple at Kooch is similarly constructed. 

The lower one which runs through was probably arranged so as to 
throw the eastern sun-light, at a particular hour, on the figure of 

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 283 

Boodha, which was on the " Singhasun" or throne to the west, and 
thus lighted the huilding dimly from over the entrance door-way, 
as I have observed to he the case in other ancient Buddhist edifices 
and which has also been remarked upon by Fergusson. 

We now approach the arches and arched chambers which have led 
me to put pen to paper. 

In what must have originally been the thickness of the ten-ace, or 

what was a projecting porch ere the terrace was raised, we find a 

ruined pointed arched chamber built with bricks set on edge, the said 

bricks having been carefully dressed. Their size 15}'' X 10.V X 3". 

This must evidently have been built round a 

centering of some kind. The diameter of the 

arch is 13i feet and the marginal sketch shews 

one of the bricks taken from the haunch of the 

broken arch. 

This porch is at present entered by a square 
door-way built of odd stones, with a long stone 
serving as an architrave. 

Immediately on entering, there are to the right 
and left small door-ways covered with semicircular arches in stone, 
under which there is a flight of steps leading to the terrace above. 

These arches are built radiating and of regular " voussoirs" or trun- 
cated wedges, and are manifestly of far more recent date than the rest 
of the building. In fact they would appear to have been built at the 
same time as the structure called by Genl. Cunningham Amara 
Sinha's archway, 

This archway is evidently the entry to the modern courtyard 
before the great tower, and runs east and west. 

It is built of somewhat smaller bricks than are elsewhere used, set 
on edge and without any special facing. Its depth, as far as my 
memory serves, is about 12 feet, and it looks quite modern. 

On the top of the flight of steps to the left (or south) is another 

archway similar to the one below it, and 
dating probably with the terrace to 
which it leads. 

In the base of the tower is an arched 
room, approached from the ruined arched 



Notes on Boodh Gi/a. 

[No. 4, 

portico before described, by an arcbed door-way only 5 feet wide. 
This is faced, as shewn on the preceding page, with Boodhist bricks 
regularly cut, and is probably built internally of bricks on edge, and has 
been constructed on a centering, as has the inner room to which it leads. 
This arched room is 16J feet wide ; the difference between this and 
20 feet, which I have stated to have been the original internal width, 
being occupied with a lining of brick on which the arching rests. 

For 12 feet in height the walls north and south are straight — at 
this point there is a small cornice whence the arch springs, the said 
arch being evidently built brick on edge. 

The whole of the walls to the north and south, as well as the roof of 
the arching, is plastered white with a chess board pattern, in each 
square of which is painted in a reddish colour a sitting Boodh. There 
must thus be many thousands of these figures, now hoAvever, much 
obliterated by the hand of time. 

The total height of this chamber may be 20 feet, and adding 4 or 5 
feet for the thickness of the flooring of the upper room and of the arch, 
the story may be allowed to count as 25 feet. 

Before ascending to the terrace, I would observe that the " Singha- 
sun" or throne where the figure of Boodha was placed, is still left as 
arranged at the last restoration (probably 500 A. D) and there are 

still the holes in the stones, which 
were formerly filled by the rivet 
affixing gilt copper plates. 

Over the doorway and above the 
arch of this basement chamber is 
inserted in the wall a huge beam 
of Saul wood, evidently of great 
antiquity and to which allusion will be made hereafter. 

Ascending to the room above, we find 
a repetition of the lower arched chamber 
without the end of semicircular arched 
recess, and with no less than three arches 
at the entrance within one another, and all of 
the same character. The marginal sketch 
taken from a photograph shews these, and 
it is difficult to understand their object. 



Notes on Boodh Gya. 


This chamber, the floor of which is at about the level of the terrace, 
may probably have had before it an open porch ; but all traces of this 
■would have disappeared with the falling in of the arched roof below. 
I have before alluded to the extraordinary opening— or horizontal 
arch on the overlapping or Lehra principle as existing in the story 
above this. 

By the aid of ladders and bamboos obligingly furnished me by the 
Mohunt, I with considerable difficulty got within this, and found the 
floor to be about 55 feet from the ground, and that within it, on all 
sides, there was a space of about 5 feet of upright wall before the 
springing of the curve, and that this bit of wall was plastered 1 

This room might have been entered from the roof of the porch 
above suggested ; but was evidently not used for 
any purpose. 

The open arch extends just half way in the 
height. Another similar arch, but closed externally, 
stands upon it as shewn marginally, and it is very 
curious that the open arch above mentioned should 
have been left in its singularly unfinished condition. 
The temple at Kooch, however, displays the same 

I have now at some length described the arches 
at Boodh Gya, relative to which Biibu Rajendra- 
lala Mitra notes, (p. 4,) that when he brought the 
fact of their existence to the notice of Capt. Mead. 
Executive Engineer, who was shewing him through 
the ruins — " He readily acknowledged that the 
builders of the temple, whoever they were, 
certainly knew the art of constructing an arch, 
and the one before them was a very good speci- 
men of it.' ; 

The first thing that strikes an observer, when 
looking at the great tower from a little distance, 

Rough plan shewing anc l it is clearly seen in the photographs of Boodh 
general elevation. «,.•,•■ , * , 

Gya kindly prepared tor me by my companion, 

Mr. Peppe of Gya, is, that the whole of the arch arrangements are a 

subsequent insertion and formed no part of the original building. 

286 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4, 

la fact, together with the arched, plastered and painted chamber, 
they may and probably were all erected by Amara Sinha, when he 
thoroughly restored the temple. 

The enormous thickness of the walls and the goodness of the mortar 
would allow of large breaches being made with impunity ; whilst the 
insertion of the great beam over the lowest arch gives colour to this 
theory. The two interior arched chambers, with the semicircular 
recessed end of the lower, appear to me to have been subsequently 
put in. The plaster of the upright wall on the inside above the flooring 
of the upper room shews how the other work would seemingly have 
been built on to it. 

The outer plastering also, when removed from 
the capitals of the little columns in relief, shews 
ornamental work below of a very primitive type : 
whilst the original brick-work is substantial in the 

The entrance to the basement of the tower was 
doubtless a somewhat narrow, but extremely lofty rectangular doorway 
with stone jambs and a stone architrave. If this were the case, the 
insertion of an arch were extremely easy, and this would correspond 
with the — in many points similar — temple of Kooch. 

The only difference is that the last named temple is smaller — hence 
many inferences may be drawn therefrom as it was probably a copy of 
the great tower. 

I would, therefore in conclusion, with great deference suggest that 
the arches are all of them of the date of Amara Sinha, or about 500 
A. D., whilst the original building dates back perhaps to 200 B. C. 

The country around Boodh Gya, as it is well known, is studded 
with Boodhist remains of every age, which would well repay careful 
study, and I shall be very glad if these notes provoke others, as those 
of Babu Rajendralala Mitra did me, to make a pilgrimage to this 
very ancient and interesting district which has never yet been explored, 
except in the most partial manner. 

April 20th, 1865. 

1865.] Notes on Booclh Gya. 287 

[Received 6th May, 1865.] [Read 7th June, 1865.] 
P. S. — The junction of the inserted work with the original is 
clear every where. The floor of the upper chamber comes through 
the wall of the Luilding, i. e. the beaten pucka floor line shows 
a white line, most plain in the photograph. At the sides too the 
insertion is most plain. The use of different sized bricks in the 
different arches, whereas those in the body of the building are all the 
same, would indicate their having been built at a different date, which 
most probably M r as long subsequent. 

Nothing in the foregoing paper refers to other structures (excepting 
to a few temples in Eastern India) — and I am well aware that, as it 
has been clearly shewn that the radiating arch was known to the 
builders of the Pyramids, Nineveh, and other very ancient structures, 
the art of building such arches may have been acquired by travelled 
Indians; still I am decidedly of opinion that the builders of the origin- 
al tower of Boodh Gya were not acquainted with the art of construct- 
ing a radiating arch, however well they may have constructed them 
on the horizontal principle." 





Nos. I. to IV.— 18G5. 



"It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, phQologers, and men 

of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, 
and send them (o the Asiatic Society -at Calcutta. It will languish, if such 
communications shall be long intermitted : and it will die away, if they shall 
entirely cease." 

Bib War. Jones. 





No. I. 

(Published 31st May, 1865.) 


Notes of a tour made in 18G3-64 in the Tributary Mchals 
under the Commissioner of Chota-Nagporc, Bonai, Gang- 
pore, Odeypore and Sirgooja. — By Lt.-Col. T. Dalton, ... 1 

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadidai, Arakan. — 

By Lieut.-Col. S. R. Tickell, Bengal Staff,. 32 

On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not 
allowed for, occasions in the map of a country, and in the 
Mean Figure of the Earth as determined by Geodesy ; a' 
method of obtaining the Mean Figure free from ambiguity 
by a comparison of the Anglo- Gallic, Russian and Indian 
Arcs ; and Speculations on the constitution of the Earth's 
Crust. — By Archdeacon Pratt, 34 

Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa 
Gbur or Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo, 
Punjab : with analyses of the Lignites. — By Albert M. 
Verciiere, Esq. M. D., 42 

Scientific Intelligence, 45 

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa- 
tions taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, for 
the month of January, 1865, i 

No. II. 
(Published 22nd July, 1865.) 
Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. — 
By J. E. T. Aitchison, M. D., F.R.C.S.E., F.L S., Extr. 
Member, Royal Med. Soc, Edin., &c, Asst. Surgeon, 
B en gal A r my , 53 

iv Contents. 

Observations on certain Strictures by Mr. H. F. Blanford, on 
W. Theobald's Jr. Paper on tbe distribution of Indian 
Gasteropoda in J.A.S., No. CCLXXXIX. Page 69.— By 

W. Theobald, Jr., 60 

Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. — By H. B. Medlicott, 63 

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V., Descriptions of 
new land sbells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava ; with notes 
on tbe distribution of described species. — By William T. 

Blanford, A.R.S.M., F.G.S., 66 

Notes on tbe Sandstone formation, &c, near Buxa Fort, 
Bbootan Dooars. — By Captain H. H. Godwin Austen, 
F.R.G.S., Surveyor, Topographical Survey. Plate IV.,... 106 
Note on Lagomys Curzonia?, Hodgson. — By Dr. F. Stoliczka, 108 
Abstract of tbe Results of tbe Hourly Meteorological Observa- 
tions taken at the Surveryor General's Office, Calcutta, for 
the months of February and March, 1865, ix 

No. III. 

(Published 23rd October, 1865.) 

Notes on Central Asia. — By M. Semenof (Communicated by 

Lieut.-Colonel J. T. Walker, R. E., 113 

Notes of a trip up the Salween. — By Rev. C. Parish, 135 

Notes of Observations on the Boksas of the Bij nonr District. — 

By Dr. J. L. Stewart, 147 

Religion, &c, among tbe Karens. — By Rev. F. Mason, D. D., 

Missionary to the Karen people, 173 

Notes and Queries, ■ 189 

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa- 
tions taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, for 
the month of April, 1865, xxv 

No. IV. 

(Pubhshed 6th February, 1866.) 

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens. — By 

Rev. F. Mason, D, D., 195 


Contents. v 


On the Pendulum operations about to be undertaken by the 
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India ; with a sketch of 
the theory of their application to the determination of the 
earth's figure, and an account of some of the principal 
observations hitherto made. — By Capt. J. P. Basevi, 
B. E., 1st Assistant, Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, 251 

Notes on a collection of Land and Freshwater Shells from the 
Shan States.— Collected by P. Fkdden, Esq. 1864-65.— 
By W. Theobald, Jr. Esq., 273 

Scientific Intelligence, 279 

Abstract of the Bcsults of the Hourly Meteorological Observa- 
tions taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, for 
the months of May and June, 1865, xxxiii 

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy, 

Ceylon, for the months of March and April, 1864, xvii 



I. — Asthcnurus Atripinnis, ... ... 

II. — Geological sketch map of the Lowa Ghur or Sheen 

Ghnr in Bunnoo, 
III. — Section across the above, ... 
IV. — Section near Buxa, ... 
V. — Map of the Yoonzalin District, 
VI. — Boulder Temple at Kyik-hteo,... 
VII. — Kyik-hteo- Gal ay boulder pagoda, ... 
VIII. — Kyik-hteo boulder pagoda, 
IX. — Paludinse and Melanin, 







Page . 

Aitchison, Dr. J. E. T., on the vegetation of the Islands of 

Indus, ... .. ... ... ... ... 53 

Analysis of Lowa Ghur Lignites, ... ... 42 

Arakan, description of new shells from, ... ... ... 66 

Asia, notes on Central, ... ... ... 113 

Asthenurus Atripinnis, a new Genus of Gradidss ... ... 32 

Astronomy among the Karens, ... ... ]!••"> 

Attraction, on Local, .. ... ... ... ... 34 

Austen, Capt. H. II. Godwin, on Fort Buxa Sandstone, 106 

Ava, description of new land shells from,... ... ... 66 

Basevi, Capt. J. P. Pendulum operations of Trigonometrical 

Survey, ... ... ... ... 251 

Barnes, R. H. Meteorological observations at Gangaroowa, 

Kandy, ... ... ... ... ... ... i. seep 

Bijnour District, Boksas of, ... ... 147 

Blanford, H. F., W. Theobald's observations on strictures by,... 60 

„ W. T., Contributions to Indian Malacology, 66 

,, ,, Note on Syepoorite, ... ... ... 194 

Blyth, Edward, on Innus Assamensis, ... 192 

,, On Indian Rats and Mice, ... ... 192 

„ Letter from, ... ... 48 


,, ,, ,, ,, ... ... ... ... u i -j 

,, ,, Note on the Peura Partridges, 288 

Boksas of the Bijnour District,... ... ... ... 147 

Buxa, Bhootan, Sandstone of, ... ... 106 

Calcutta, Meteorological observations, ... ... ... i. seep 

Central Asia, notes on, ... ... ... 113 

Contributions to Indian Malacology, ... ... ... 66 

Dalton, Lt.-Col. T., Tour in 1863-64 in Tributary Mehals. ... 1 

,, „ „ On discovery of lead at Tuppeh, Ram- 
kola, ... ... ... ... ... ... 48 

Dorylus, Dr. T. C. Jerdon on, ... ... 189 

Earth's Crust, Speculations on Constitution of, ... ... 34 

Fire-flies, Flashing of, ... ... 190 

Gadida?, Description of new Genus, ... ... ... 32 

Gangaroowa, Kandy, Meteorological Observations at, ... i, seq. 

Geological Map of Lowa Ghur range, notes on, ... ... 42 

Indian Malacology, contributions to, ... 66 



Indus river, vegetation of Islands of the, ... ... ... 53 

Linus Assamensis, ... ... ... , 192 

Jerdon, Dr. J. C, on Dorylus, ... ... ... ... 189 

Lagomys Curzoniee, . . ... ... 1 08 

Lead at Tuppeh Ratnkola, Sirgooja, ... ... ... 48 

Local Attraction and its relation to mean figure of earth, ... 34 

Lowa Ghur, Geology and Analyses of Lignites, ... ... 42 

Malacology, contributions to Indian, ... 66 

Mason, D. D., Rev. F., Religion &c. among the Karens, 173, 195 

Mian Figure of Earth, ... ... ... ... 34 

Medlicott, H. B., Note on Siwalik Fauna, ... 63 

Mehals, Notes of tour in 1865-66 in Tributary, ... ... 1 

Meteorological Observations at Gangaroowa, Kandy, Ceylon, i. seq. 

,j ,, ,, Calcutta, ... ... i. seq. 

Mice, Indian Rats and, ... ... ... 192 

Notes and queries, ... ... ... ... ... 189 

Ostrich, Artificial hatching of eggs of, ... 48 

Parish, Rev. C, Notes of a trip in Yoonzalin District, ... 135 

Partridges, Note on Peura, ... ... 2s 8 

Pendulum operations of Government Trigonometrical Survey, 251 

Pegu, description of new shells from, ... ... ... 66 

Peura Partridges, note on, ... ... 2^8 

Pratt, Archdeacon, on Local Attraction, &c, ... ... 34 

Rats, Indian, ... ... ... ... 192 

Salween river ; Trip down the, .. . ... ... ... 135 

Sandstone, at Buxa fort, Bhootan, ... ... I(j6 

Scientific Intelligence, ... ... ... ... 279 

Semenof, M., Notes in Central Asia, ... 113 

Shan States, Land and Freshwater shells of, ... ... 273 

Siwalik Fauna, Note on, ... ... ... 63 

Stewart, Dr. J. L., on the Boksas of Bijnour, ... ... 147 

Stoliczka, Dr. F., Note on Lagomys Curzoniaj, 108 

Theobald, Jnr., J. W., Land and Freshwater shells of Shan 

States, ... ... ... ... ... ... 273 

,, ,, Observations on certain strictures by 

H. F. Blanford, ... ... ... 60 

Tickell, Lt.-Col. S. R,, A New Genus of Gadkke, ... ... 32 

Trigonometrical Survey, Pendulum Operations of, 251 

Tuppeh Ramkola, Discovery of lead at, ... ... ... 48 

Vegetation of Islands of Indus river, ... 53 

Verchere, Dr. A. M., on Geology, Map of Sheen Ghur range,... 42 

Yoonzalin District, notes of a trip in, ... ... ... 135 




New Genera and species described in this Volume. 

Order, Malacopterygii Subbrachiati. 

Family, Gadidse. 

Asthenurus, Atripinnis, (Tickell,) ... ... ... 32 


Order, Prosobranchiata, 

Section Holostomata. 

Family, Paludinidae. 

Paludina naticoides, W. Theobald, Jnr. ... 274 

Bithinia nassa. „ ,, ,, ... 275 


Family, Cyclophoridae. 

Pterocyclos Feddeni, W. T. Blanford, ... 83 

Insignis, W. Theobald, ... ... ...278 

Al ycams Politus, ... ... ... ..83 

Glaber, ... ... ... 84 

Diplommatina Nana, ... ... ... ... ... 85 

Helicina Arakanensis, W. T. Blanford, ... ... 85 

Order, Pulmonifera. 
Family, Helicidae. 

Nanina Complnvialis, W. T. Blanford, ... ... 66 

Nebvdosa, „ Sect. Macrochlamys, 66 

Hypoleuca, „ „ „ ... 67 

Undosa, „ „ Hemiplecta, 68 

Helicifera, S ... 68 

Mamillaris, > „ „ „ Sesara, 69 

Basseinensis, ) ... 70 

Cofinis, 1 ... 71 

Culmen, > „ ,, Trochomorpha, 72 

Gratnlator, j ... 72 

Coirala, ,, „ „ Kaliella, 73 

Helix Karenorum, ~\ ..73 

Perarcta, > „ „ Plectopylis, 75 

Feddeni, ) ... 75 

Polypleuris, „ ? ... ... 76 

Ansorinus, W. Theobald, ... 276 

iy Index. 

Bulimus Scrobiculatus, 

Plicifer,... ... . 

Spiraxis Pusilla, 
Achatina Peguensis, 

Succinea Plicata, 

Clausilia Fusiforrnis, W. T. Blanford, 
Streptaxis Burnianica, 

. 77 

. 77 

. 78 

. 78 

. 79 

. 80 

. 80 

. 81 


Page 135, seq. for " Notes of a trip up the Salween" read " Notes of 

a trip in the Yoonzalin District." 
„ 273, below M. variabilis for " could" read " would" for " 3-1" 

read " var. 1st." 
,, 274, for " naticordes" read " naticoides" for "notest" in last 

line, read " subest." 
„ 276, for " it is not larger," read " it is- not only larger." 
,, 277, for "armed" read "wound." For " cryptosouea" read 

" cryptosoma." For " in species with new" read "two 

species, both new." 
„ 278, " Diplonmiatina 4" read " Diplommatina 5." 


■— •- 



No. I.— 1865. 

Notes of a tour made in 1863-04 in the Tributary Mehals under the 
Commissioner of Chota-Nag2>ore, Bonai, Gangpore, Odcypore and 
Siryooja. — By Lt.-Col. T. Dalton. 

[Received 2nd September, 1864.] 
Bonai is a small hilly district lying very snugly isolated from all 
civilization, between Sarundah the wildest part of Singbhoom and the 
Tributary Mehals of Keonjhur, Bamra, and Gangpore. It is 58 miles 
in greatest length from east to west and 37 miles in greatest breadth 
from north to south, with an area of 1,297 square miles. It is for 
the most part a mass of uninhabited hills, only -|4th of the whole 
being under cultivation, but about its centre, on both banks of the 
B rah mini river, which bisects it, there is a beautiful valley containing 
the sites of upwards of twenty good, and for the most part cotermin- 
ous villages, the houses well sheltered by very ancient mango and 
tamarind trees, with a due proportion of graceful palms. The tal and 
date appear to grow veiy luxuriantly in the valley, and sugar-cane 
thrives there. Many of the villages lie close to the river and their 
luxuriant groves meet and fomi long undulating lines of high an d 
well- wooded bank. On all sides, at the distance of a few miles, are 
hills, some nearly three thousand feet above the level of the valley, 
and thus a very pleasing and varied landscape is disclosed at every 
turn of the broad and rapid rock-broken stream. 

2 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, [No. 1, 

The Brahmini river in its progress from Gangpore has forced its 
way through the barrier of hills separating the two districts, and 
enters the valley I am describing, after a course of eight miles through 
a beautiful glen, in a succession of rapids and loughs, the latter swarm- 
ing with alligators. The shortest route from G-angpore to Bonai is by 
a rugged path through this pass ; but is only practicable in the dry 

Bonaigurh, where the Rajah resides, is in the valley, occupying a 
bend of the river in latitude 28° 49' N. and longitude 85° B., being 508 
feet above the sea level. It has the river on three sides, and is sur- 
rounded by a mud wall and moat, within which are about 150 houses, 
including those of the chief, his court-house, and jail : the village 
altogether, inside and outside the gurh, contains about 300 houses, 
but nothing that can be called a bazar. The inhabitants are the 
Brahmins and other retainers of the Rajah ; his own family, including 
most of the collateral branches, legitimate and illegitimate ; people 
practising trades — workers in brass and pewter, potters, weavers, 
smiths ; and people of low caste, Gonds, Pahans, Ghassees and Domes. 
Ooriah is the language spoken, and the costume and customs followed 
are those of the Orissa provinces. This includes a lavish use of 
saffron in their ablutions, hair neatly dressed with silver ornaments, 
and a general tidy appearance. They have good features and rather 
fair complexion. The young girls, till they attain the age of puberty, 
are very scantily dressed. The only garment usually worn by them 
is a " kopin" — a scarf, round the loins and between the legs. This is 
national and classical, as we find from the images of the oldest temples, 
that it was the favourite costume of the Hindu goddesses, who thus 
enjoyed the full play of their limbs. The young people of both sexes 
are fond of adorning themselves with wreaths of bright yellow flowers. 

There are 217 inhabited villages in Bonai, and from the number of 
houses returned by the topographical survey recently completed, the 
population may be estimated at fifteen thousand six hundred souls. 
About one half of the agricultural population is of the " Bhooya" 
caste or race. They are doubtless the earliest settlers, and it was from 
their hands that the ancestor of the present Rajpoot Rajah first ob- 
tained his insignia as chief. The Bamra and G-angpore Rajahs are 
reported to have in the same manner derived their chieftainships from 

18f>f).] Tftotes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 3 

the Bhooya aborigines, and when a succession to the Raj takes place 
in any of these districts, the acknowledged head of tho Bhooya clan 
goes through a ceremony of making over to the new chief the country 
and the people. The person who claims this prerogative in Bonai is 
titularly called " Sawunt." He holds, at the very trifling quit-rent of 
Rs. 18 a year, twelve villages with their hamlets, and claims to he tho 
hereditary Dewan of Bonai, but the chief neither employs nor acknow- 
ledges him as such. There are two other similar tenures with the 
titles of ' Dlmnput' and ' Mahapater,' and subordinate to them are 
certain privileged heads of villages called Naiks. Under tho Sawunt, 
Dlmnput, or Mahapater, the subordinate officers of the Bhooya militia, 
— all the able-bodied males of the tribe are bound at the requisition 
of the chief or of the Government, to turn out for service fully 
armed and equipped. There are no military tenures in the hands of 
people of any other caste. The Bhooyas thus have great power in the 
little state. Nor is it only in consequence of their being thus orga- 
nized as a military body ; I find they have also charge of the oldest 
temples and shrines, and discharge the duties of Levites to the exclu- 
sion of Brahmins. Yet the temples are dedicated to Hindu gods. 
Whatever their origin may be, the Bhooyas are now completely Hin- 
duized. They have no peculiar language or customs of their own. 
In Bonai and the southern parts of Gangpore they speak Ooriah. In 
the northern parts of Gangpore and Jushpore, Hindi, They are a 
dark-complexioned race, with rather high cheek-bones, but with 
nothing else in feature or form to distinguish them as of extraneous 
origin. According to their own traditions, they were once a great peo- 
ple in Eastern India and had a king of their own, but were dispersed 
by invasion from the west. They are now found in all the districts 
between Cuttack and Behar, but they are most numerous in this and 
the adjoining estates, and here may be found the most civilized and 
respectable and the most primitive of the family. While in the low- 
lands, they dwell in villages, clothe themselves decently, and otherwise 
follow the customs, adopt the manners, and, I may add, the intriguing 
nature of the more civilized Brahminical races. In the hills of Bonai 
they are found as naked, as simple, as truthful and unsophisticated as 
the wildest of the Cole tribes. There are a great number of Bhooyas 
in the Singbhoom district, and it is said that they were driven out of 
the west portion of it, by the advance and spread of the Lurka Coles. 

4 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehah. [No. 1, 

The Bhooyas call themselves ' children of the wind' ' Pawun buns.' 
this would establish their affinity to the Apes, as Hunooman is called 
" Pawun-ka-poot," the son of the wind.* 

The Bonai hills shelter some thousands of the race commonly called 
Coles, who all represent themselves as having at some period emi- 
grated from Singbhoom or Chota-Nagpore. They have not benefited 
by the change. Their brethren on the Chota-Nagpore plateau and in 
the plains of Singbhoom are better off and better looking. The emi- 
grants must be the most unimprovable of the race, who, finding that 
the old country is becoming too civilized for them, fly from the clear- 
ances they have made, hide themselves in the hill forests, and relapse 
into the condition of savages. 

Amongst the races of Bonai yet to be noticed, are the Kolitas, a 
very enterprising and respectable class of cultivators, that are found in 
these regions, Sumbulpore, and strange to say, Assam. 

A very large proportion of the purely Hindu part of the Assa- 
mese population are Kolitas, and in accounting for the different races 
that are found in that province, the antecedents of the Kolitas have 
always been a difficulty. They have none of the peculiarities of the 
Indo-Chinese stock. They are considered, in Assam, as of very pure 
caste, next in dignity to Kaists, and are on this account much in re- 
quest amongst the higher classes as house servants. Another difficulty 
in Assam was to account for what was called the Bhooya dynasty, of 
which traces are found all through the valley, and it is recorded in 
their history, that the north bank of the Brahmapootra above Bish- 
nath was known as the country of the Barra Bhooya, long subsequent 
to the subjugation of the districts of the southern bank by the Ahoms. 
It appears to me, that there is a strong reason for supposing that the 
purely Hindu portion of the Assamese Sudra population was originally 
from this part of India. There is, in idiom especially, a strong resem- 
blance between the Assamese and Ooriah languages, and though the 
Ooriah written character did not take root in Assam, this may be 
owing to all the priestly families having been introduced from Bengal. f 

* They very probably formed a division in Kama's army, hence their adoption 
of Hunooman's pedigree, and their veneration for " Mahabir." 

f In a paper in the Asiatic Society's Journal for June 1848, the Assam 
Kolitas are described by Col. Hannay as having the high and regular features 
of the Hindu, and many of them with the grey eye that is frequently found 
amongst the Eajputs of Western India. 

18G5.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 5 

The appearance of the Bonai Kolitas reminded me very much of the 
Assam Kolitas, and I may mention that Ham Chunder, the seventh 
Avatar, is the favourite ohject of worship with both. 

Of the mineral and other resources of Bonai, I have not much to 
say. Iron is produced, but the hills are for the most part quite unex- 
plored, and their riches, if they possess any, unknown. The popula- 
tion, with so much room for expansion, does not increase. There are 
83 deserted village sites, and what are now small hamlets appear to 
have been at one time large villages. The cause is not apparent, as 
the people of the more civilized class are well to do and content, and 
rent is very low, and as in all the Tributary Mehals, fixed. It is 
Bs. 2-8 for a hull of 17 khundees. Nevertheless the chief tells me 
he is obliged to grant all manner of extraneous indulgences to his 
vvnts to induce them to remain. 

Wild beasts are very numerous, and in their ravages lies one great 
dii'liculty that villages bordering on or in the jungles have to contend 
against — the ryots complain not of loss of life but of the destruction of 
crops. They say they have to raise grain for the beasts of the forest 
as well as for their own families. On this account very little cotton 
is cultivated, though the soil is well adapted for it. 

The store of Sal timber in Bonai is immense, but the isolated and 
almost inaccessible position of the forests will prevent their being 
utilized for years to come, except for the resin, to obtain which, so 
many noble trees are girdled and killed. Together with the Sal, are 
found vast quantities of the Asan tree on which the tusser silk-worm 
feeds and a considerable quantity of the wild tusser is exported from 
Bonai but it is not much cultivated as the mass of the population 
look upon it as an impure or unorthodox occupation, and none but 
people of the lowest castes, the Domes, Ghassees, Pahans and Gonds 
practice it. (The Gonds are out of their element in Bonai and are 
thus classed.) 

We meet with no Bajpoot or Khettree family except that of the 
chief. Nothing can be more absurd than the tradition handed down 
to account for this possession of power by one Khettree family over 
an alien population. The Nagbungsi family of Chota-Nagpore admit 
that they are sprung from a child found by and brought up in a 
" Moondah"* family, and that this child was made chief of the whole 

* Kole. 

6 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals'. [No. 1, 

Moondah race. It is I think highly probable that the chiefs of Bonai 
and G-angpore were originally Bhooyas who becoming leaders of their 
people and Rajahs, and allying themselves by marriages with other 
Rajahs were gradually admitted into the fraternity of Rajpoots or 
Khettrees. It may be said indeed of both of them, that the inter- 
marriage with families of better certified Khettree descent has not yet 
obliterated their Bhooya lineaments, for they bear a very remarkable 
likeness to that race in feature. 


This is a very extensive estate lying between Chota-Nagpore, Jush- 
pore, Oodeypore, Sumbulpore, Bamra, Bonai and Singbhoom. It is 
kidney-shaped. Its greatest length from east to west is about 97 
miles, and in breadth from north to south it varies from 15 to 50 
miles. The topographical survey of the estate is not yet complete and 
its area cannot therefore be computed with accuracy, but I estimate it 
at double the size of Bonai or about 3000 square miles. Of this area 
not more than a tenth is under cultivation. 

The Sunkh and Koel rivers from the plateau of Chota-Nagpore, 
unite near Gurjun in Gangpore and form the Brahmini. The Eeb, 
another river of some magnitude, flows through Gangpore south on its 
way to the Mahanuddee. The ordinary level of Gangpore is about 
700 feet above the sea ; the highest hill yet noted by the topographical 
surveyor is 2,240, not much above the general level of the Chota-Nag- 
pore plateau. The descent, however, from the plateau to the ordinary 
level of Gangpore is gradual, and there is a tolerable road. As in 
Bonai, the majority of the population are Bhooya, and they were no 
doubt the first settlers. All the zemindars under the Rajah are of that 
race, and hold their estates as fiefs at low fixed rates and terms of ser- 
vice. Consequently the Rajah is under the necessity of adopting a con- 
ciliatory policy towards some of them at least. There are generally 
one or two in opposition, but fortunately for the Lord Paramount, the 
great vassals are too jealous of each other readily to combine. The 
largest estate is held by the vassal who bears the title of Mahapater. 
It borders on Singhbhoom, extends to the Brahmini river and com- 
prises 100 villages for which the Mahapater pays only Rs. 200. This 
part of Gangpore was at one time more densely populated than it is 
at present, but all the more peaceably disposed of the old inhabitants 

L865.] Notes of a lour in the Tributary Mehafo. 7 

including, it is said, several colonies of Brahmins, were slaughtered or 
driven out of the country by the Lurka Coles. To the south, another 
great vassal, under the title of Gurhoutea, holds the Hemzeer estate, 
consisting of 84 villages, and an unlimited run of hill and forest. 
Gungadhur the Gurhoutea, boasts that he can travel twenty-four miles 
in a direct line over his own ground without seeing a human habita- 
tion, all through hill and forest, which, united to enormous tracts of 
hill and forest of Raigurh and Sumbulpore, forms perhaps the most 
extensive uninhabited region in all India. The third of these vassals 
has bis estate on the north-west of Gangpore and holds the passes into 
the country from Jusbpore and Chota-Nagpore. This estate is in 
advance of the passes, and looks as if it bad been filched from Jusb- 
pore, to which from the geographical features it ought to belong. 

The chief is of the ' Seekur' family and claims connectionsbip with 
the Rajah of Pachete. His ancestor the first Rajah of Gangpore, was, 
we are told, invited by the Bhooyas to take charge of their country ; 
from which, it is said, they had just expelled a Rajpoot family called 
the " Kaiserbuns ;" but as I stated above, I think it more probable that 
the ruling family are descended from the original Bhooya chiefs. The 
traditions, assigning to them a nobler birth, are founded on the sup- 
position that the Rajpoots or Cshetryas were the only class qualified 
to rule, that where there was no one of this class over a nation or a 
people, " the Guddee" was vacant, and a Cshetrya had only to step 
in and take it. The Cshetryas must have wandered about like knights- 
errant of old, in search of these vacant Guddees, as we do not find in 
the country any descendants of the followers whom they must have 
had, if they came in other fashion to oust the native chiefs and seize 
the country. 

It was admitted to me that until these Tributary Mehals came 
under British rule, a human sacrifice was offered every third year 
before the shrine of Kali at Suadeeh, where the present Rajah resides. 
The same triennial offering was made in Bonai and Banna, Bhooya 
priests officiating at all three shrines. This fact appears to me to be 
confirmatory of the theory that the Hindus derived from the abori- 
ginal races the practice of human sacrifices. 

In the above named districts, the practice of Avidows going " suttee" 
was also generally followed in the family of the chiefs and in Brah- 

8 Notes of a Lour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

min families, up to a recent date ; many of the grandmothers of the 
present generation of chiefs and Brahmins having so distinguished 
themselves. One man was pointed out to me as having lost his mother 
by the rite of suttee. He would not say ' lost ;' he no doubt regards 
her as canonized by the act. 

A rather romantic story of a suttee that occurred some fifty years 
ago in Gangpore is related. 

A Brahmin took a dislike to a girl he had just married, and turned 
her out of doors, a wedded maid. She took refuge with her parents 
who were poor, and who soon after died, leaving her destitute ; then 
she wandered from village to village subsisting on alms and leading a 
wretched widowed life. Her husband married a second time, and sons 
and daughters were born to him and grew up about him, and in the 
fullness of years he died. His second wife had preceded him, so his 
corpse was placed alone on the funeral pile, and the torch was about 
to be applied to it, when a poor emaciated and meanly clad female 
stepped forward, and as the first, the faithful and only surviving wife 
of the deceased, claimed the right of suttee. Her request was com- 
plied with. Bathed, anointed, clothed, and adorned with flowers like 
a bride, she ascended the pile and clinging to the corpse of the hus- 
band who had so cruelly discarded her, and for the first time in her 
life pressing her lips to his, the flames arose and their ashes were 
mingled together ! 

There is no doubt still a strong sentiment in favour of suttee in the 
Tributary Mehals, and States under native government. Its prohibition 
has not been long enforced in the eastern parts of Rewa. Not long 
ago, in that territory, on the death of a Brahmin, his Avidow, notwith- 
standing the prohibition, was so vehement in her desire to join her 
husband on the pyre, that her relatives as the only method of restrain- 
ing her, locked her up. When the ceremony was over they proceeded 
to release her, but found that her spirit too had fled. She had attained 
her object, as my informant declared, by a special interposition of 
Providence in her behalf. 

Proceeding north-west from Nugra and the banks of the Brahmini 
river, you enter the Nuagurh division of Gangpore and come to 
Lainggnrh, near the confluence of several streams, which was once the 
capital and promises to be so again, as the present Rajah is just now 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehdts'. 9 

building there. It is very prettily situated, and the gurh on a little 
hill in the centre of the valley has a commanding position, hut I fear 
it is not a healthy site, from the number of enlarged spleens and eases 
of skin-disease I observed amongst the people. There are many fine 
old village sites in Nuagurh, now occupied by impoverished squatters,, 
mostly Oraons from Chota-Nagpore. 

The old inhabitants have died off or removed to more civilized and 
securer regions further south. The shabby huts of the squatters hud- 
dled together under the shade of the grand old trees, the monuments 
of the more civilized race that preceded them, look as much out of 
place as mud cabins in a sheet of palaces. The Rajah and other 
zemindars give these new settlers, when they first come, three years of 
absolute immunity from demands of every kind. In the fourth year 
they are called on to pay a light assessment. It is difficult to describe 
on what principle it is imposed, but in old settled villages of Oraons 
it does not amount, including rent and contribution, to more than 
lis. 1-8 per house or family. The soil in this part of Gangpore ap- 
pears very fertile, and there is still available much of the slightly 
swampy, rich looking land, that gives the best crops of rice. I find 
" Sirosha" now in flower, growing in great luxuriance. It is sold here 
a! one maund for the rupee. 

The Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clear- 
ings and the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil and 
have constitutions that thrive on malaria; so it is perhaps in the best 
interest of humanity and cause of civilization that they be kept mov- 
ing by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows 
and pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the 
forest, holding even the king of the forest, the "Bun Rajah," that is 
the tiger, in little fear. Mixed up with them are numbers of the 
Kherria tribe, who are as yet a mystery to me, and I will say nothing 
more about them till I learn more. I am assured that they have no 
affinity with either Moondahs or Oraons, i. e. with those who are 
generally called Coles. 

Borgaon, near the Mahabeer hill on the borders of Bamra, is the 

largest village Gangpore possesses on this side. It contains 160 houses 

•20 of Brahmins, 20 of ' Telis,' oil -pressors, 22 of various Hindu 
Ooriah castes, and the remainder Oraons and Kherriahs. The two 

10 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

latter coming in contact with Brahmins, have at once succumbed and 
become their fann labourers. It appears to make little difference in 
the condition of Oraon emigrants, whether they are farm servants or 
farmers on their own account : they have the same wretched huts, scanty 
apparel, and generally uncared-for appearance, as if they had in despair 
given up all ideas of rendering themselves attractive ; but the wonder 
is that they remain in this dependent position, when they can get land 
on such easy terms and become farmers themselves. 

The village pays direct to the Rajah a rent of Rs. 34, magun or 
contribution Rs. 34 !, and 64 maundsof rice. The price of rice is from 
one maund to two maunds for the rupee. On births, deaths and mar- 
riages in the Rajah's family, the villagers are called on for additional 
contributions, and when that family, as it is just now, is a large one, 
the extra charge comes to from Rs. 30 to 40 a year. The total demand 
is therefore about Rs. 160 a year, and from the extent of laud under 
cultivation, I do not think this would amount to more than 3 annas a 
beegah on the cultivated area. It is evidently a very old village site, 
surrounded by extensive groves of mangoes, and with several tanks of 
very insalubrious water overgrown with water lillies. Hills are seen 
on all sides, but the most remarkable feature in the landscape is the 
great Mahabeer hill ; a mass of rock tilted up, and shewing towards 
Borgaon, an uneven wall of disrupted ends, forming a cliff of fantastic 
outline, nearly 2000 feet high. 

The tutelary deity of this hill is a favourite object of worship with 
the Bhooyas, and is more or less revered by all the country. The top 
of the hill or rock being difficult of access, Mahabeer has studied the 
convenience of his votaries, and entered an appearance down below in 
the form of a stone, in a sacred grove or ' Surna' at the foot of the 
hill. The idea of a ' Surna' is pretty and poetical. It is or ought to 
be a fragment of the primitive forest left when the first clearance was 
made, as a refuge for the sylvan deities whom the clearing might have 
disturbed. The best villages and most thriving portion of the popu- 
lation in Gangpore are found on both banks of the Eeb river, as we 
approach the boundaries of Sumbulpore. Here the veiy industrious 
and respectable looking caste called Agureahs are first met with. They 
are found in Gangpore, Sumbulpore, Raegurh, Raipore and Rutten- 
pore. They number about 5000 in the three first places named. 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 11 

According to their tradition, they are called Agureahs from having, 
ages ago, come from Agra. 

They were a proud Cshettrya or Khettree family, a stiff-necked 
generation, and refusing, when making an obeisance, to bow their 
heads, the Rajah lowered some of them summarily by cutting them 
off. They therefore left Agra and wandered south through Central 
India till they came to Sumbulpore, and eventually settled in these 
regions. Acquiring lands, and determining to devote themselves 
entirely to the tilling of the soil, they divested themselves of their 
" paitas" making them over to the Brahmins, and no longer styling 
themselves or being styled Khettrees, they became known as Aguriahs. 

They bury their dead, and for this departure from the usual custom 
of Hindus, they can assign no specific cause, but that they gave up 
the practice of incremation when they resigned their pretensions to be 
esteemed Khettrees. They nevertheless now profess to be Vishnoovis, 
divided into two denominations, ' Ramanundyas' and ' Kubeer pun- 
thees.' The Vishnoovi doctrines they have probably taken up, since 
their migration to tracts bordering on Orissa and approximating the 
great fane of Juggernath. They say they gave up the worship of 
Kali when they resigned their ' paitas' and took to the plough. It is 
probable that they were Boodhists, obliged to leave the Gangetic pro- 
vinces for refusing to conform to Brahminism. 

Their physique decidedly supports the tradition of their Khettri 
extraction : they are distinguished amongst the dark, coarse-featured 
aborigines of this country, as a tall, fair, well-made and handsome race, 
resembling the Rajpoots in every thing but swagger. That went with 
the ' paitas,' as a farewell offering to Kali. The women, who are not 
very jealously secluded, have good features and figures, and a neat and 
cleanly appearance. 

The latter are subjected to no field labour, their sole business being to 
look after the domestic arrangements, to gin cotton and to spin. They 
do not weave. Their spun thread is made over to the weavers, who 
are paid in kind for their labour. Their villages, laid out in streets, are 
comparatively well kept, and their own houses in these villages sub- 
stantial, clean, and comfortable. Munguspore, near the Sumbulpore 
boundary, is, I think, the largest. It contains 200 houses, those of 
the Aguriahs occupying the centre of the village, surrounded by huts 

12 Notes of a ton /■ in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

of Coles and others of the primitive races, whose services they have 
secured as their farm labourers, and who are not allowed to hold lands, 
hut are paid for their labour at the rate of three seers of dhan per 
diem, and a modicum of clothing doled out annually. 

The soil in this part of Grangpore is exceedingly rich, producing 
magnificent crops of sirosha, sugar-cane, and tobacco, besides the staple 
rice. The plants of the country tobacco grown by the Aguriahs are 
the finest I ever saw, and they grow more cotton than they require for 
their own use, though they do not stint themselves in raiment. I am 
certain the soil and climate is well suited for the finer kinds of cotton. 

Proceeding north up the Eeb from this, the Arabia Felix of Gang- 
pore, we came again upon untidy Bhooya villages, and their patches of 
cultivation, separated by miles of the monotonous Sal forests, and there 
is no change in the features of the country or the population, till we 
come to the estate of Bhugwan Manjee, which, as above mentioned, 
does not appear as if it belonged to Grangpore, as it is separated by a 
range of hills, and approached by a very narrow and difficult pass. We 
are still amongst Bhooyas, but here they speak Hindi instead of 
Ooriah, and the peculiarities of Ooriah costume and decoration are 
rarely met with. 


The small state of Jushpore, though specially mentioned as a cession 
to the British in the agreement taken from Appa Sahib, after his 
defeat at Setahbuldee in 1818, has hitherto found no place in any pub- 
lished map. In the very latest issued from the Surveyor General's 
office, a few scattered villages of Jushpore are inserted as if contained 
within the boundaries of Sirgoojah, but the name of the estate is not 
given, and the chief town, where the Rajah now lives, is not down. It 
is singular how old the information must be, from which some names 
have been inserted on the maps of the unsurveyed parts of India. 

Konkale appears in large letters in about the centre of the tract 
which should be called Jushpore. It is now an insignificant hamlet, 
but there is the trace of a fort, where resided an ancestor of the 
present Rajah. The present capital, Jugdispore, is about two miles to 
the north and west of it. 

Jushpore is bounded on the north by Burway of Chota-Nagpore ; 
south by Gangpore and Oodeypore ; east by Chota-Nagpore ; and west 

1805.] Notes of a tour -in the Tributary Mehuls. 13 

by Sirgoojah. It is about 50 miles in length from north to south, and 
30 in greatest breadth from east to west, and may comprise about 
1000 square miles. It contains upwards of 200 villages, exclusive of 
the hamlets or detached huts of migratory hill savages ; the population 
is about 30,000, and tbe total income of the Rajah from all sources 
may be estimated at about Rs. 6000. With this moderate income he 
maintains a very becoming state, and so rules as to be greatly beloved 
by all bis people. 

Jushpore is about equally divided into highlands and lowlands, 
' Oopur Ghat' and ' Heth Ghat.' The highlands consist of a mag- 
nificent plateau, a continuation of the great tableland of Chota-Nag- 
pore, averaging upwards of 2000 feet above the level of the sea, and 
fringed by hills, rising in places 1000 feet higher. The lowlands lie 
in steppes descending towards the south, broken by low ranges of hills 
isolated bluff's, and masses of granite, sometimes semi-globular in form, 
and without vegetation, bare and round as an old man's bald pate, 
and hence the most conspicuous of them is called the ' Boora.' 

The Eeb river has its sources in the Jushpore highlands, and grows 
so rapidly into a respectable stream, that when it reaches the brink of 
the plateau, it bounds into the lowlands with a roar that is heard 
for miles. It is, shortly after, joined by another stream, the Maini, 
which also rises in the Jushpore heights. There is a story that, years 
ago, an invisible spirit in a visible light canoe ascended the Eeb, water- 
fall and all, to its source, and there the boat is still waiting for the 
spirit's return. I did not see it. 

It is also called the ' Heera' river, as diamonds are found in its bed, 
and it is probably the source of the diamond stores of the Maha 
Nuddee, as I understand that none have been found above the con- 
fluence of the two streams. It is auriferous, and from time immemorial 
its sands and deposits have been explored by hereditary gold-washers, 
called " Jhorahs." These gold-washers do not, however, confine their 
operations to the bed of the river. They find it more profitable to 
penetrate the soil some distance from its banks, and on both sides you 
find tracts honey-combed with shafts, sunk by successive generations 
of gold seekers. 

These shafts are from 10 to 30 feet in depth, and three in 
diameter. The Jhorahs excavate till they cut through the upper 

14 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, [No. 1, 

stratum of vegetable mould and the red soil beneath it, and come 
to a layer of pebbles and fragments, chiefly of quartz, forming a 
dirty damp gravel ; this they remove and wash. I have watched 
their operations close along the banks of the river, and at some 
miles distant from the stream, and the process and result was much 
the same in both places. Near the river, five pits or shafts had been 
recently sunk by as many families of Jhorahs, for they work in 
families, women and children assisting. They had one washing trough, 
called a ' dooin, ' to each family, andthewashing commenced in my presence. 
The stuff selected is either of a dirty drab or of a reddish colour, with 
occasional small white spots, little balls of particles of decomposed 
felspar, adhering together from moisture, and drying into powder. 
The Jhorahs regard these white spots as the surest indication that the 
gravel contains gold. The stratum of gravel which they were working 
on this occasion was not more than a foot in depth. It rests on 
decomposed granite, which crumbles when taken in the hand, and the 
gold-washers assured me that this contained no gold, but I insisted on 
having some of it washed, and found their statement not strictly cor- 
rect. It contains gold, but is less rich in the mineral than the gravel 
above. When the gravel immediately under the shaft is all removed, 
they scoop out from the sides all round, as far as they dare venture to 
penetrate laterally, and in this way sometimes connect the shafts, but 
they take no precautions, and sometimes, going too far, have to be dug 
out, not always alive ! There appear to have been several accidents of 
the kind, but with all this danger and labour, the pursuit does not 
return sufficient to support them, and they are farmers as well as gold- 

They are greedy and reckless in taking advances, trusting much, no 
doubt, to the facilities their remote situation gives them, of evading 
payment, and some of them are enormously in debt. One man was 
pointed out to me as owing Rs. 1000 ! He grinned as the sum was 
mentioned, as if exulting over his victim. The greed for gold and the 
gambling nature of the pursuit is surely a great corrupter of human 
nature, for in the midst of a population generally remarkable for 
honesty, truthfulness and simplicity, these gold-washers are menda- 
cious and unscrupulous rogues. 

Some years ago, a trader came amongst them whilst they were at 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehuls. 15 

work, accompanied by his wife, hoping to obtain some return for the 
advances he had made. He dunned and worried them, and to get rid 
of his importunity, they knocked him on the head and popped him 
into one of the 30 feet shafts, where he was told to seek gold for him- 
self ! The unfortunate woman was similarly disposed of. The crime 
Was, however, brought home to the delinquents, who were all transported. 

The yield of these pits in gold is of course very uncertain. The 
out-turn obtained in my presence from the five pits, in about four hours, 
would not have given to the individuals employed, more than half an 
anna a head, but they admitted that they sometimes obtained as much 
as half a tolah of gold from one ' dooin' in a day, and this would 
give about Rs. 2 a head to the hands employed, and make up for many 
blank days. From their mode of washing, there must be great waste. 
I observed it is only very palpable particles of gold that are retained. 
The grains are irregularly shaped, with sharp angles, and do not 
appear to have undergone any disturbing process since they were 
evolved from their original matrix. There is no indication of flatten- 
ing or rolling out. 

The northern portion of Jushpore, bordering on Burway and 
Sirgoojah, is a wild mountainous region called Khooria, inhabited 
chiefly by Korewahs ; some, utterly savage and almost nomadic ; 
others, somewhat more civilized, living in villages ; but all invariably 
armed with bow and arrows and a battle-axe. 

In 1818 when Sirgoojah and Jushpore were ceded to the British 
Government by Appa Sahib, the chief of Khooria, himself a Kore- 
wah, and claiming to be hereditary Dewan of Jushpore, was in rebel- 
lion against his Rajah ; and for several years, by savage raids at the 
head of his Korewahs, both on Sirgoojah and Jushpore, gave much 
trouble. In one of these expeditions, his son Muniar Singh was cap- 
tured and detained as a hostage by the British authorities till the 
death of the old chief, when a reconciliation was'effected^ between the 
Rajah and Muniar Singh, who was restored to his possessions and 
hereditary office. The policy adopted on the occasion has proved very 
successful : the dewans Korewahs have ever since conducted themselves 

Having expressed a wish to see some of the wild hill Korewahs, 
the present zemindar of Khooria, a nephew of Muniar Singh's, ap- 

16 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehats. [No. l r 

peared in camp with forty warriors of the tribe. Their costume was 
nothing in particular, except that they had very shaggy heads of hair, into 
which their store of spare arrows were stuck by the barbs. They each 
carried in one hand a veiy powerful bow and two or three arrows, and 
in the other the gleaming long edged battle-axe of the country. The 
arrows are carefully made with flat bright heads of iron, 9 inches long 
and 2J in breadth, with long barbs, the edges and points all carefully 
sharpened. These are attached to light reeds, the other ends of which 
are neatly spirally feathered. 

The men were mostly short of stature but with well knit muscular 
frames, springy and energetic in action, better looking and of lighter 
complexion than the Oraons of the plateau. There was no remark- 
able protuberance of the maxillary processes nor lowness of forehead. 
Those who were old enough had beards and moustaches. They evinced 
no timidity, but immediately on seeing me, gruffly vociferated that 
they had had nothing to eat all day, and they wanted immediately,, 
rations of rice, dal, oil, salt, tobacco and pig, and expected as they 
had come so far to see me, that they were each to be presented with a 
cap, a coat and a waist cloth. 

I placed a small earthen pot on a peg, and offered it as a mark to 
those amongst them who wished to shew their skill in archery. In 
great excitement, all eagerly volunteered, bows were instantly strung, 
and though they did not once hit the small target, they all planted 
their arrows close to it, and a man in the same position would not 
have escaped. I tried them afterwards at a tree at 40 yards, and almost 
every arrow told. Their bows are very powerful, and arrow after 
arrow was delivered with a force and rapidity that made one feel a 
very profound respect for this, our once national weapon. In bush 
warfare it is more formidable than the matchlock, and I do not doubt 
that the Korewahs could render a hostile entry into their country, 
a difficult and dangerous task. 

There is every point of resemblance between them and the wilder 
section of the Lurka Coles, and so little do the languages of the two 
tribes differ, that my slight actpiaintance with that of the Coles, enabled 
me to understand what the Korewahs, on first appearing, were demand- 
ing ; and a Cole chaprassee of mine kept up a conversation with them. 

It is almost unnecessary to seek for further proofs of affinity, but they 

1865.] Notes of a tour in tlie Tributary Meliah. 17 

are to be found in the identity of many of their customs. Their 
sacrifices in cases of sickness, their songs, their dances, their mode of 
disposing of the dead — all these shew them to be of kin to the ' Ho' 
or Lurka of Singbhoom, the Moondahs of Chota-Nagpore, and to 
the Sonthals. It is not possible to trace the similitude through all the 
relations of life. The Singbhoom Coles live in large communities 
and have an organization unattainable by the hill Korewahs, who prefer 
to dwell apart. Except on great occasions, when there is a ' gathering 
of the clan,' the Korewah has only his own family to think of and 
associate with. The head of the family is chief and priest — the god 
to whom he sacrifices, the spirit of his father. 

The Korcwalis are found also in the wildest parts of Sirgoojah, and 
in the ranges of hills between Sirgoojah and Palamow. Many of them 
have abandoned their free mountain life, and have formed settlements on 
the skirts of hills, near villages ; and where this is the case they appear 
to be losing their own language and peculiar habits, and becoming 

The Hill Korewahs live in wretched little detached huts, in the 
midst of the patch of hill forest they have partially cleared and are 
then cultivating, shifting every three or four years as the ground be- 
comes exhausted. They cultivate very little rice. Their crops con- 
sist of pulses, millet, pumpkins, cucumbers,* melons, sweet potatoes, 
and yams. They also grow and prepare arrow-root, and there is a wild 
arrow-root which they use and sell. The grain they store for winter 
use is secured in small parcels of the leaves of a plant called ' muhoo- 
lain,' sown together by fibres of the same, and these parcels they 
bury. The grain thus preserved remains for years unimpaired. They 
have no prejudices in regard to animal food, and they drink freely 
of an intoxicating beverage prepared by themselves from millet. 
They are as devoted to songs and dances as the Moondahs and Son- 
thals, and have the same steps and melodies. They bury or burn their 
dead, whichever they find most convenient, but the practice of mark- 
ing the spot where the body or ashes are deposited, is common to both. 

The Khooria Korewahs resort in large numbers to an annual fair 
held at Muhree on the borders of Sirgoojah, and give in barter for salt 

* They have a gigantic cucumber about a foot and a half in length and 
ten inches in diameter ! 

18 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

and other necessaries, wax, arrow-root, resin, gums, honey and stick 
lac, and excellent iron smelted hy themselves. The Korewah iron, 
roughly fashioned as battle-axes, is greatly prized by the inhabitants 
of all the neighbouring States. 

Whilst conversing with the Rajah about these savages, he men- 
tioned to me that there existed a tribe called Birhores, whom he accused 
of a sort of interfraternal anthropophagy, of feeding literally on their 
blood relations. 

They are alluded to by the late Col. Ouseley, in a paper that ap- 
peared in the Journal of the Society for January 1848, but he relates 
the stoiy, as of the Korewahs, calling them inhabitants of Mynepat 
in Sirgoojah. The Korewahs repudiate all affinity with the Birhores, 
nor could I hear of either Korewahs or Birhores on the Mynepat : the 
latter are found in some of the wildest parts of Chota-Nagpore and 
Jushpore, but they are of rare occurrence. With much trouble some 
were caught and brought to me. They were wretched looking objects, 
but had more the appearance of the most abject of one of those 
degraded castes of Hindu, the domes or pariahs, to whom most flesh 
is food, than of hill people. Assuring me that they had themselves 
given up the practice, they admitted that their fathers were in the 
habit of disposing of their dead in the manner indicated ; viz. by feast i ng 
on the bodies, but they declared they never shortened life to provide 
such feasts, and shrunk with horror at the idea of any bodies but 
those of their own blood relations being served up at them ! The 
Rajah said he had heard that, when a Birhore thought his end was 
approaching, he himself invited his kindred to feast on his body. The 
Birhores brought to me did not acknowledge this, but they spoke on 
the subject with a degree of reticence that made me think it might be 
true. I told the Rajah to enquire particularly about it, and gave out 
that if the horrid rite was still practised, it must be discontinued. But, 
query, — ' would not Saturday reviewers regard my order as an injudi- 
cious interference with a time-honoured custom, on a point that natives 
were so peculiarly tenacious of the disposal of their dead V 

The Birhores speak a jargon of Hindi, which I found intelligible ; 
and have no other language. 

Nine-tenths of the population of the remaining portion of the Jush- 
pore highlands are " Coles." Chiefly Oraons, there are very few Moon- 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 19 

dfthfl amongst them ; the Jushpore Oraons are the ugliest of the race, 
and appear to me utterly destitute of all ambition to rise into respect- 
ability of appearance. With foreheads " villainous low," flat noses 
and projecting maxillaries, they approach the negro in physiognomy, 
much closer than do their brethren in Chota-Nagpore. 

Jushpore produces an excellent iron, much prized for making wea- 
pons and implements of husbandry. Amongst its exports may be 
included about ten thousand maunds of cotton. 

The lowland villages of Jushpore have a sprinkling of the tribes 
from all the surrounding districts. Of the Orissa type are " Makoors" 
from Keonjhur, the most thriving people in these parts, well dressed, 
and occupying good houses. They have great herds of cattle, like the 
Aheers and G wallas. Then there are a few of the Gangpore Bhooyas, 
intermingled with a good many Khairwars from Palamow, (of which 
caste is the Rajah,) and Gours or Gonds from the south and west, and 
as we approach Oodeypore, we come for the first time on the Kaurs. 

The Kaurs form a considerable proportion of the population 
of Oodeypore, Sirgoojah, Korea, Chang Bhukar, and Korbah of 
Chutteesgurb, and there is this point of interest in them, that 
they claim to he the descendants of the " Kooroos" who fought the 
Pandavas, who, when defeated and driven from the scenes of the war, 
found a safe retreat in these mountainous and densely-wooded regions. 
In appearance they more resemble the aborigines than the Hindu 
tribes. They are, in fact, next to the Jushpore Oraons, the ugliest 
race I have seen in the course of my tour : dark and coarse-featured, 
broad noses, wide mouths and thick lips. They resemble the Khair- 
wars of Palamow, especially that ill-favoured section of them called 
Bhogtahs, in features, but in nothing else, as the Kaurs are an exceed- 
ingly industrious and thriving people. Their houses are unusually neat 
and commodious, built like bungalows, with verandahs on two or more 
sides. Of these there is one to each married member of the family, who, 
however, meet and eat together in the largest, belonging to the head. The 
houses are placed so as to form a small court-yard, which is kept scru- 
pulously clean. The Kaurs do not strictly conform to Hinduism : they 
rear and eat fowls, and have no veneration for Brahmins. The " Nau," 
the village barber, whom they sometimes call Thakoor, is their priest, 
and officiates as such at all marriages and other ceremonies- The 

20 Notes of a tour in tJic Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

combination of piiestly functions and operations with the easy shaving 
line, is singular ; but it arises from the fact that the great ceremonial 
law of the Kaurs is all comprised in the act of shaving. At births, 
deaths and marriages, the parties immediately interested, and all con- 
nected with them, are clean shaven all round. In regard to the 
disposal of the dead by this tribe, they tell me that they bury those 
that die unmarried, while the bodies of married folk are burnt in 
orthodox Hindu fashion ! I wonder if matrimonial interests are ad- 
vanced by this invidious custom. The tonsure of the males is pecu- 
liar ; the hair is allowed to grow long on the crown of the head and 
collected in a knot, but the forehead is shaven to the knot, and there 
is a shaven ring round it as if to facilitate the operation of scalping ; 
the back of the head is also shaven, but over the ears and temples the 
hair is worn long. 

They worship Shiva under the denomination of Mahadeva, and 
Parvati as Gouree, and they have a festival in the year for each, at 
which they dance and sing, men and women. In some villages there 
is a Baiga who offers sacrifices at these festivals ; but this Baiga is 
not a Kaur. He belongs to one of the aboriginal tribes, and it is a 
remarkable feature in the religious ceremonies of the people of the 
Tributary Mehals, that the aborigines should have a monopoly of such 
offices. The new settlers dread the malignancy of the local spirits, 
and to appease them, naturally rely on the aborigines, who have longest 
known them. The zemindar of Korbah in Chutteesgurh is a Kaur, 
and as far as I can learn is the most influential person of their caste 
existing : there was a Kaur zemindar in Sirgoojah formerly, called 
Kumol Singh, but he rebelled and came to grief. 

Most of the " Khalsa" villages in Oodeypore are held in farm by 
' Kaurs' and two-thirds of the population of these villages are Kaurs. 
With one exception all the permanent service tenures of Oodeypore 
are in the hands of G-ours, and the people in those estates are for the 
most part Gours. We find therefore, that the Gours have, in Oodey- 
pore, a position similar to that held by the Bhooyas in Bamra, Gang- 
pore and Bonai, and the right to the office of Dewan and to instal a 
new Kajah, claimed in those districts by certain Bhooyas, is in Oodey- 
pore claimed by one of the Gour zemindars, Bhowany Singh of 
Kourajah. Thus we find the Gours or Goads, who in Bonai were 

1865.] Notes of a tout in the Tributary Mehals. 21 

classed amongst the most degraded of the people, (and in Gangpore 
not held in much higher estimation,) holding a high position in 

I have insensibly glided into Oodeypore. In no published map are 
the boundaries of that district denned. It has to the north the greftt 
tableland of the Mynepat, as a massive barrier between it and Sirgoo- 
jah, to the west Korbah of Chutteesgurh or the Belaspore district, to 
the south Raigurh, and to the east Gangpore and Jushpore. It is 
about 64 miles in length by 40 in breadth, and contains about 1800 
square miles. There are 220 villages. The population may be roughly 
estimated at 25,000. The only river of consequence is the Mand, an 
affluent of the Mahanuddee. It rises near G-irsa in Sirgoojah, and re- 
ceives the streams that flow south from the Mynepat. Near Rabcope, 
which, though not much of a place, we may call the chief town, it has 
cut its way through a great mass of sandstone rock, and now flows 
without obstruction through a narrow pass with perpendicular or 
rather overhanging cliffs, on the highest portion of which the former 
Rajahs of Oodeypore, like Barons of the Rhine, had their castle. The 
site was occupied by the leader of the Oodeypore insurgents in 1857- 
58, and had he not abandoned his position on the approach of a force 
sent against him, he might have given us much trouble, as the rock is 
or might easily be made as inaccessible from the land as from the rive* 
side. The river has generally a deep cut channel, flows in alternate 
rapids and pools, and is not navigable in any part of its course. The 
country north of Rabcobe rises in steppes to the base of the Mynepat, 
but the surface is everywhere undulated by masses of sandstone rock 
forming hills, dividing and enriching the culturable lands, as the rocks 
have many springs, from which fertilizing streams are ever flowing 
over the terraced plains. But with all these advantages the country 
is sparsely populated, the villages small and ' far between,' and there 
appears little prospect of improvement, as the districts all round are in 
much the same condition. 

There is at present but one weekly market held in Oodeypore, at 
Dukree, 24 miles due south of Rabcobe. This is attended by people 
from Raigurh, Chutteesgurh, Sucktee, &c. The chief exports arc lac 
cotton, resin, oil seeds, rice, wild arrow-root, iron, and a small quantity 
of gold. 

24 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

touch of Moses. The temperature of the water was, strange to say, 
much higher than that of the air, but cooled in a sorai it was delicious. 
A broad seam of coal m here seen underlying the sandstone. It burns 
well, but I say no more about it, as the Sirgoojah coal from this 
vicinity has been fully reported on by my predecessor Col. Ouseley. 
To continue the ascent of the hill, you repass the gate, and proceed by 
an easy path three parts round the hill to its southern face, and then 
as best you can up, by an exceedingly difficult zig-zag path, some- 
times a mere ledge cut out in the rock. Just at the commencement 
of the difficult part of the ascent, you pass a large boulder of sand- 
stone with nothing to distinguish it externally from many others that 
are lying about, but which has been hollowed into a chamber of suffi- 
cient capacity to allow of a man sitting in it at his ease, and with an 
aperture just large enough for a slender man to creep in by. The open- 
ing is not seen from the path ; so that an unconscious pilgrim might find 
himself exhorted by a voice from the bowels of a rock in a manner 
truly awe-striking. Crowning the most difficult part of the ascent, 
so perched that you cannot obtain a good view of it without looking 
right up to the sky, from a position that makes it unpleasant to throw 
your head back to the necessary angle, is a second gateway, which is in 
better preservation, and is the best executed and most beautiful architec- 
tural antiquity of the entire region. Though its origin is equally 
unknown, it is unquestionably a more modern work than the other 
gateways and temples on the hill. It belongs to that description of 
Hindu architecture which bears most resemblance to the Saracenic. 
Instead of a flat lintel over the gate, we have an arch formed of three 
voussoirs of stone. The soffit of this arch is cut into a wavy scroll, 
terminating on the abutments, in heads of some animal not clearly 
discernible. There is an exterior and interior arch of this description, 
springing from fluted pilasters, and the space of about three feet be- 
tween them is covered in by another loftier arch similarly formed. 
Entering, you find yourself in a small court, at the bottom of a flight 
of steps. A projection of the rock has been scarped to form this 
resting place, and from it a most extensive view south and west is 
obtained. The steps are to the right as you enter, to the left there is 
a projection with stone breastwork used as a look-out. Opposite the 
entrance, there was a covered colonnade, but this has fallen in. 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 25 

In the thickness of the gateway wall, a niche four feet in depth and 
ahout eight feet in height and breadth, is divided by a column still in 
position, shewing how the fragments of the columns of the ruined 
colonnade should be restored. The shaft and base are octagonal and the 
bracket-like projections of the capital are crouching human figures, so 
placed, that head, arms, hands and back all appear to support the 
abacus. There is one well executed figure in this enclosure, of a man 
kneeling on a coiled cobra, and with snake heads peering over each 

A flight of 48 cut stone steps leads from this resting place to 
another mass of ruins which appear to have been a temple and gateway 
combined. There is here an image of Durga with 20 arms, another 
with eight, and a large figure of Hunooman, all more or less mutilated. 
We are now on the ridge forming the top of the hill. Bare as are 
the sides of the rock, there must be here a great depth of soil, as it 
supports a variety of large forest trees and shrubs, which are growing 
luxuriantly. On the highest part of the ridge and about the centre 
of the hill, is the temple, which contained no doubt the principal object 
of worship. It consisted of a small fane, the inner crust of which, 
constructed of parallel courses of roughly cut stone, is still standing, 
with a detached portico on columns. It is small and insignificant, but 
no doubt immensely old ; it is impossible to say to what idol or object 
of worship the temple was originally dedicated ; at present, on the old 
" argha" or stand, there is a group of Vishnu with his wives, but the 
group does not fit the pedestal, is of more elaborate workmanship than 
the figures that are lying about, and whilst all the old figures are mu- 
tilated, this one is perfect. I conclude that it was placed in the temple 
after its partial destruction, and the mutilation of the original images. 

I found the air on the hill keen and invigorating. There is space for 
several houses on the saddle back ; and as it is an independent isolated 
mountain, it commands an extensive view, shewing that all this part 
of Sirgoojah, which the maps make out to be a mass of hills, from 
the foot of the Mynepat, as far as the eye from this elevation can 
penetrate westward, is, thus seen, a plain slightly undulating, but on 
the whole well adapted for the Railroad, which, I am confident, will some 
day be made through it, connecting, by the most direct route, Calcutta, 
Central India and Bombay. 

26 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

The tableland called the Mynepat is 50 miles in length by 40 in 
breadth, with an elevation of 3,700 feet above the sea level. Its soil, 
like that on the Ramgurh hill, is deep and rich, and it possesses numer- 
ous springs and streams. It abounds in game ; gaur, buffalo, tigers, 
leopards, and deer, and some of the streams are large enough to give 
the angler gentler sport. The day must surely come for the fructifi- 
cation of all these natural advantages, and the tract now occupied by 
a few herdsmen and savages, may become the head-quarters of a divi- 
sion, or the seat of a Government. 

Not far from the summit of the Ramgurh hill, an attempt has been 
made to construct a tank, but it probably was not a success, and it is 
now nearly filled up with light vegetable mould, of not less than three 
feet in depth and quite dry. In another direction, a descent of a few 
hundred feet brings you to a pool of good water percolating a 
seam of white calcareous clay. A party defending themselves on the 
rock could not be cut off from this supply, as it is perfectly inaccessible 
from below, but it would not be adequate to the supply of a large 
party, and the next nearest source is the spring near the first gateway. 

But the great curiosity of the Ramgurh hill has yet to be described. 
Two of the spurs of the great rock, themselves rocky and precipitous, 
forming buttresses on the northern face, instead of gently blending 
with the plain like others, have their bases truncated, and then united 
by a vast natural wall of sandstone rock, 150 yards thick and 100 to 
150 in height. A semi-circular or rather horse shoe shaped nook is 
thus formed, which, from the height and precipitous nature of the 
sandstone rock enclosing it, would be almost inaccessible, had not na- 
ture provided an entrance by a natural tunnel through the subtending 
wall. This is called the " Hathphor." The waters collected from 
springs in the nook form a little stream that flows out through the 
tunnel. At its mouth it is about twenty feet in height by thirty in 
breadth, but at the inner extremity of its course of 150 yards, it is 
not more than eight feet by twelve. A man on horseback could ride 
through it. The sand of the stream in the tunnel was impressed with 
old and recent foot-prints of a whole family of tigers, who had taken 
up their abode in this pleasant and secure retreat, but we did not find 
them at home. The horse shoe embraces an acre or two of ground, 
well wooded and undulating, so that a considerable body of men could 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 27 

conveniently encamp there. In the face of the great rock opposite the 
entrance, two large caves have been excavated by human labour, the 
largest of the two, sufficient to afford accommodation for forty or fifty 
people. The entrance, about 30 feet wide, opens into a gallery of double 
that length, with recesses at the extremities, intended for more private 
apartments, probably for females. The excavation is made so as to 
leave a platform of stone, extending through its whole length, and also 
in the recesses, for the occupants of the cave to sit and sleep on. The 
floor is some fifteen feet above the ground, but is accessible by steps 
cut in the rock. In both caves I found inscriptions carved on the rock 
in ancient ' Pali' character, and I made the best transcript of them I 
could : this is now in the hands of Babu Rajendra Lai Mitra, and it 
will, I trust, throw some light on the history of the retreat. 

Since writing the above, I have seen Col. Ouseley's brief notice of 
the Ramgurh hill in the Asiatic Society's Journal No. CLXXXVI. for 
January 1848. He does not appear to have observed the inscriptions, 
and I do not recollect having seen in the caves any of the stone figures 
that he noticed there. They may have been since removed. Col. Ouseley 
calls these antiquities cave temples, but there is nothing now to indi- 
cate that they were intended as places of worship. 

There are many other interesting collections of ruins in Sirgoojah. 
Those to the west, in the Pal Pergunnahs, noticed by Col. Ouseley, I 
have not seen, but he found there a stone with an inscription on it, 
which I think must be in the Society's museum. On the banks of the 
Kunhur river in Tuppah Clmlgalee, there is a large collection of 
temple ruins. Three distinct heaps of fragments were at my request 
opened out, till the foundations of three large temples dedicated to 
Shiva and Durga were disclosed. The object of worship in the largest, 
was a huge Lingum, five feet in length, which we found divorced from 
its appropriate " Yoni" as if it had been blown up. The latter was 
smashed into several pieces by the destroying force, whatever it may 
have been, and the numerous sadly maimed gods and goddesses that 
were found in the debris, are further memorials of the barbarous zeal 
of some uncompromising iconoclast. I observed a Shib's bull in good 
preservation, as large as life, a well executed figure of ' Parvati' 
three feet high, and a grand, colossal, four armed figure with one foot 
resting on a broad-edged axe, not unlike what is still the national 

28 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Melials. [No. 1, 

weapon of the tributary mehals. Close to the temples there is a stone- 
faced tank. 

Six miles to the west of the above ruins at Sirnidee there is another 
small temple which appears to have been overlooked by the destroyer. 

The dome over the fane is still standing, and part of the vestibule, 
the latter a pyramidal roof supported on columns. The stones forming 
the lintels and uprights of the entrance to the fane are elaborately 
carved with minute representations of all the principal Hindu gods. 
Shiva and his wife on Nandi occupying the place of honour in the 
centre of the lintel. 

The Ruksale Rajpoot family who now hold Sirgoojah, have no 
tradition regarding the antiquities I am describing, but they tell me 
that under the Mahratta rule, their ancestors often availed themselves 
of the retreat of the Hathphor to save their property from pillage and 
their women from dishonour. 

The ruins of an ancient castle of the Ruksale Rajahs of Sirgoojah 
are to be seen on a hill near Bisrampore, and this appears to be the 
Sirgoojah, marked as the chief town on the map, shewing again the 
antiquity of the information from which the maps of these unsurveyed 
tracts had been filled in. 

According to the tradition preserved in the family, the first Ruksale 
was called into existence by a ' Muni' or sage, to destroy a demon 
that troubled the holy man in his devotions. The hero thus created 
was the ancestor of the lovely Rukmini carried off by Krishna. In 
about Samvat 251, a lineal descendant of Rukmini's brother, Ruk- 
man, entered Sirgoojah and fought with and killed the Rajah of the 
place called ' Balind,' and became Rajah in his room. The present 
Maharajah Inderjeet Smgh has a family tree to shew that he is the 
111th in descent from the conqueror of Balind ! but I have been told 
there is a popular tradition assigning to the family a local origin, and 
considering there are no Ruksales in any other country, it is not un- 
likely that it is the most truthful of the two. If so, it is probable 
that the family are derived from the same stock as the ' Grours,' the 
most influential and numerous of the races now inhabiting Sirgoojah. 

In A. D. 1758, a Mahratta army in progress to the Granges 
overran the district of Sirgoojah, and the chief was compelled 
to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Bcrar government, but 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 29 

beyond a fine imposed at the time, and engagements taken for the 
security of the roads from Mirzapore, Benares and Gya to the capital 
of Nagpore, no proofs of submission were exacted. 

In the year 1792, Sirgoojah first engaged the attention of the British 
Government, in consecpience of its Rajah Ajeet Singh having invaded 
and taken possession of Burway, a Pergunnah of Chota- Nagpore. At 
the requisition of the Governor-General, the Rajah of Berar interposed; 
but ineffectually, as about this time, on the death of Ajeet Singh, his 
third brother Lall Sungram Singh usurped the chieftainship, murdered 
Ajeet Singh's widow, and not only retained possession of Burway, but 
assisted a rebellion in Palamow against the British Government. This 
led to an expedition into Sirgoojah under Col. Jones by order of 
Marquis Wellesley, which resulted in the restoration of Burway to 
Chota-Nagpore, and Sirgoojah itself became a dependency of the 
British empire by treaty with Appa Sahib in 1818. 

Sirgoojah has not been surveyed, and it is therefore impossible 
to give its area with any degree of accuracy. It is about 90 
miles from east to west and 80 from north to south ; is divided into 26 
tuppahs and contains 1197 villages, and according to a return of 
houses made some years ago, a population of 1,30,000, one hundred 
and thirty thousand souls. About one-sixth of the whole are of 
the Gour tribe : the Khairwars, Kawrs, Kisan Raj wars, Kore- 
wahs and Coles number from 5000 to 7000 each : there are about 2000 
Bhooyas, and about as many of the hill tribe found in greater numbers 
further west, called Boyars : the remainder of the population are for the 
most part Sudras. The ruling race, Rajpoots, number only 505 souls, 
and there are only 369 Brahmins. 

Of the Gours, I have already observed that they are the same as the 
Gonds of the south. Of this there can be no doubt, as we find amongst 
the Gours of Oodeypore and Sirgoojah, blood relations of the Gonds 
down south ; and they intermarry. It is only a different way of pro- 
nouncing the name of the tribe. They have always I believe been 
considered as amongst the aboriginal races of India, but in Sirgoojah 
and Oodeypore they are completely Hinduised, retaining neither the 
language nor any other characteristic of their own race. 

The Kaurs and Korewahs have already been disposed of ; the 
Coles must have a chapter to themselves ; the characteristics of 

30 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1, 

the Rajwars and Kisans I have not yet had an opportunity of study- 
ing, and shall conclude with a few words about the Khairwai-s. They 
are found in many parts of this province but are most numerous and 
have been longest resident in Palamow. They are said to have 
migrated from the hills west of Rhotas ; there is a place there, called 
Kyra, supposed to be named after them, and they are found about the 
Kymoor hills. The Rajah of Turki in that vicinity is a Khairwar. 
In this division several of our great men are said to be of Khairwar 
extraction, but they are all now undergoing that process of being 
refined into Rajpoots which I have described as likely to have occurred 
in other families, by intermarriage with Rajpoot maidens. They have 
to pay very high for the honour, but by giving large dowries with their 
daughters, they sometimes obtain for them also the distinction of 
Rajpoot alliances. 

The two races appear to blend well ; a handsomer and more ener- 
getic stock is the result ; so the aspiring families I allude to, have 
gained something by their outlay in marriages, as the ordinary or pure 
Khairwars are generally a dark, ill-favoured race, with coarse features 
and of lazy unimprovable habits. 

The people called Bhogtahs are a Khairwar tribe. There was a 
small clan of them in Palamow, who long defied the power of the 
British Government. They lived on a narrow plateau, with the Sir- 
goojah mountains behind them, and a range of hills with difficult 
passes in front of them ; and with the cattle and property of their 
neighbours, they did very much as they pleased ; and as they had 
wonderfully contrived retreats amongst the hills and rocks for them- 
selves and their plunder, they defied all efforts to capture them. At 
last the wild country they occupied was given to them at a nominal 
rent, on condition of their living honest and peaceful lives. This kept 
them quiet for many years, but when the mutinies broke out in 1857, 
the two chiefs, Lilumber and Pitumber, headed an insurrection in Pala- 
mow and came to unmitigated grief. One was hanged and the other 
was transported for life and died in the Andamans. 

The actual income of the Rajah of Sirgoojah from all sources is not 
more than Rs. 30,000 a year: the estates held by members of his 
family are worth in addition about Rs. 23,000, and other vassals hold 
estates worth annually about Rs. 20,000. A fixity of tenure is the 

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 31 

predominating feature in the revenue system of all the Tributary 
Mehals, and will no doubt be found to prevail in all parts of Hindu- 
stan where ancient landmarks have not been swept away by the tide 
of conquest. In these mehals, the great mass of the cultivators are 
the descendants of those who first occupied and tilled the soil, and to 
them, (says Malcolm in his Central India,) according to the most 
revered texts of the sacred writers, the soil in the first instance belongs ; 
and where a monarchy or chieftainship is by some process eliminated, 
the peasant proprietor contributes for the support of the sovereign a 
moderate share of the produce of his land. This accounts for the 
lowness of rates of rents that prevail in these districts. The actual 
rent does not exceed 2 annas a beegah in Sirgoojah, and this is un- 
changeable. It probably represents the proportion of the produce first 
assigned to the chief, and both the cultivating classes and heads of 
villages in this province are exceedingly tenacious of their right to 
pay no more than one fixed rate of rent. The hereditary village head- 
man pays no more on this account, and collects no more than the old 
fixed rate, but it does not now suffice for the requirements of the chief, 
and as noticed before in treating of Gangpore, a practice has arisen of 
giving as an ordinary contribution, a sum equal to the amount paid as 
rent, whilst extraordinary contributions are often exacted, and demands 
made for unpaid labour, which must greatly hamper the productive 
industry of the cultivators. In Sirgoojah I asked the Rajah and 
zemindars if all these irregular demands could not be done away with 
and a fair fixed rent taken in lieu. They expressed their willingness 
to abide by any arrangement of the kind that I could make, but refer- 
red me to the rent-payers and village headmen. They } with one con- 
sent, refused to acquiesce in any enhancement of rent. 

32 On a New Genus of the Gadidce. [No. 1, 

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadidce, Arakan. — By 
Lieut.-Col. S. R. Tickell, Bengal Staff. Plate I. 

[Author's date, October, 1862.] [Received 8th June, 1864.] 

Order. Malacopterygii subbrachiati. 

Family. Gadid^. 

Genus. Asthenurus (milii). 

(ao-6evr)<z feeble and Ovpa Tail). 

Body rounded — very little compressed — head small, muzzle short, 
mouth wide with a single row of minute teeth in each jaw, and a 
band across the anteal part of the palate. Scales of a medium size. 
No lateral line visible. Fins ; two dorsals and two anals, joined by 
intermediate detached rays, which are partially membraned. The 
anterior dorsal and anal, quadruple the height of their posterior 
fellows. Ventrals jugular and filiform. Caudal bilobed and very small. 
Brancheostegous rays 7. 

Asthenurus Atripinnis. Tickell. 

Specimen 5§" long. The largest of 4 or 5 observed, Akyab harbour. 
Arakan. October 15th, 1862. 

Structure. See above for Genus. Body lengthened in the portion 
of the tail behind the 1st dorsal. Head small ; snout short and blunt. 
Gill plates smooth and smooth-edged, their divisions not very distinct : 
but suboperculum large : scales medium-sized, semitransparent and 
deciduous. Along the back, from occiput to 1st D, a mesial groove, 
with a ridge along each side for the whole length of the fish to caudal. 
A deeper groove along mesial belly, in which the ventrals can lie 
encased. Intermaxillary long and narrow, and set with a row of 
minute pointed teeth jammed close together. Mandibles with a similar 
row, smaller still. Rest of mouth smooth. Tongue short, round, tied 
down to floor of mouth. Scales round at free edge, concentrically 
furrowed ; about 67 from gill cover to base of C and 14 tiers. Air 
bladder large. Its shape and that of the intestines could not be ascer- 
tained, as the specimen examined had been a long time in spirits. 

Fins. 1st D 20, detached rays 15— 2nd D 20.— P, 21.— V 5.— 
A 20, detached rays 12— 2nd A 26.— C 6-13-6. 

18G5.] On a New Genus of the Gaclidce. 33 

1st D and 1st A have their 5th and 6th rays as long as the greatest 
depth of the hody, the fins decreasing rapidly to the first and last 
rays. The 2nd D and A are much shorter rayed and close to C, and 
the space between them and their preceding fins is occupied by a row 
of short rays each with a basal membrane. Pectoral, small, broad, and 
pointed. C very small, and bilobed, the lower lobe blunter and 
shorter than the upper. Ventral, 3 first rays filiform, the 2nd 
reaching to the space between the two anals ; 1st and 3rd a little 
shorter ; 4th and 5th ordinary and membranous. 

Colour* Pale ochreous grey, or horn colour, blackish along back, 
from minute dots powdered along edges of scales. Snout and head, red 
carneous. Iris, greenish silver. Fins black, with whitish bases, 
except Vs which are fleshy white. A rectangular patch of black 
above gill plates. Gill plates nacreous. 

The specimen here figured is the largest of 4 or 5 obtained in the 
fish market of Akyab. The fish is not described by Cantor in his 
ichthyological catalogue of the Straits, and Cuvier and Valenciennes' 
great work, which is incomplete, does not include the Malacopterygii 
Subbrachiati. None of the G-adidae (Cod family) have as yet been 
noticed in India, and the present subject is one of peculiar interest on 
that account : that is, if my allocation of it should prove correct, of 
which I think there can be little doubt, on an examination of the 
structure of the fish. In the synopsis of Cuvier's Regne Animal there 
is no genus amongst the Gradidse which resembles it : but it may rank 
next to Phycis (Artedi.) 

It does not appear uncommon. In October 1862 I procured four 
or five specimens from the estuary of the Koladyn at Akyab, and from 
Kyoukphyoo. Two of these I do myself the pleasure of forwarding 
to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. The alcohol in which they 
are preserved, has very little affected their natural colour. 
* Fresh specimen, 


On Local Attraction. 

[No. 1, 

u On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not allowed 
for, occasions in the Map of a Country, and in the Mean Figure of 
the Earth as determined hy Geodesy ; a Method of obtaining the 
Mean Figure free from ambiguity hy a comparison of the Anglo- 
Gallic, Russian, and Indian Arcs ; and Speculations on the 

. Constitution of the Earth's Crust." — By Archdeacon Pratt. 

[Received 4th August, 1864.] 

To the Secretary of the Asiatic Society. 

Sir, — I beg to forward to you a copy of a Paper lately printed in the 
Proceedings of the Royal Society (No. 64) on the topics notified at 
the head of this letter. Two years ago you accepted from me a 
" Series of Papers on Mountain and other Local Attraction in India," 
and published in your Journal a memorandum, regarding the effect 
of local attraction upon the operations of the Great Trigonometrical 
Survey of this country. The present Paper is not confined to India ; 
but appertains to the globe in general. But as the results of the 
Indian Survey occupy an important position in the calculations, you 
may deem it to be not irrelevant to the objects of your Journal to 
publish some account of it. 

The state in which the question of local attraction was left in my 
former communications to the Royal Society was this : — That in India 
the deviation of instruments of observation from the true vertical 
caused by the Mountains and by the Ocean is very great, far greater 
than had ever been supposed ; that this deviation might be much 
increased or diminished by the effect of variations of density in the 
solid crust of the earth, but that of the amount of this we have no 
means of judging, as we are entirely ignorant of the constitution of the 
crust : and that the effect of local attraction on the Map of India 
constructed from the Survey would fortunately disappear as far as 
regards , the relative position of places laid down, but that the precise 
position of the Map on the terrestrial spheroid could not be discovered, 
as it would depend upon the unknown total resultant local attraction 
arising from all causes at the station from which the Survey operations 

1865.J On Local Attraction* 35 

M. Otto Strove has lately called attention to similarly important 
deflections caused by local attraction in Russia — and especially to a 
remarkable difference of deflection at two stations near Moscow, only 
about eighteen miles apart, which is attributed to an invisible 
unknown cause in the strata below. 

It has become, therefore, an important inquiry : — What degree of 
uncertainty does Local Attraction, if not allowed for, introduce into 
the two problems of geodesy, viz. (1) obtaining correct Maps of any 
country, and (2) determining the Mean Figure of the Earth. 

These matters are discussed in the present Paper ; and I would 
here observe, that the paper is complete in itself, and does not require 
a study of the previous communications. 

2. With regard to the construction of Maps from Survey operations 
I show, as before in India, that no map in any other part of the 
world will be affected except in the way already stated, if the length 
of eveiy measured arc of latitude is not greater than twelve degrees 
and a half, and of every measured arc of longitude not greater than 
fifteen. Now in point of fact, however long the great arcs (such as 
the Anglo-Gallic, the Russian, and the Indian) may be, they are 
always broken up into much smaller portions, so as to bring them 
very far within the above-mentioned limits. Hence the maps 
constructed from geodetic operations will always be relatively correct 
in themselves ; but the precise position of the map on the terrestrial 
spheroid will bo unknown by the amount of the unknown deflection 
of the plumb-line in latitude and longitude at the place which fixes 
the map. 

In India the effect of the Himalaya Mountains and the Ocean, 
taken alone, would throw out the map by nearly half a mile. And, 
as already stated, there is no way of discovering with certainty how 
much this is increased or diminished by the effeot of variations of 
density in the crust. If, however, the calculations which I give in 
the third section of this Paper are accepted, they show that the effect 
of variations in the density of the crust below almost entirely 
counteracts that of the mountains and ocean at Damargida in 
latitude 18° 3' 15", and the displacement of the map is almost 
insensible if fixed by that station. If fixed by the observed latitude 
of any other station, the map will be out of its place by the local 

36 On Local Attraction. [No. 1, 

deflection of the plumb-line at that station. This, in the Indian 
Great Arc, will not exceed (supposing my reasoning as described 
below is accepted) one -thirteenth of a mile at any of the stations 
where the latitude has been observed. It appears also from these 
calculations, that, except in places evidently situated in most dis- 
advantageous positions, the local attraction is rarely of any consider- 
able amount. 

3. In the second section of the Paper I proceed to ascertain the 
degree of uncertainty introduced, by our ignorance of the amount of 
local attraction, into the great problem of the Mean Figure of the 

Bessel was the inventor of the method now in use for solving this 
problem. His method enables us to bring all the arcs which have 
been measured in any part of the world to bear simultaneously upon 
the solution. He made use of arcs measured in eight parts of the 
earth's surface ; called the Anglo-Gallic, Russian, Indian II, (or Great 
Arc), Indian I, Prussian, Peruvian, Hanoverian, and Danish Arcs, 
the first three of which are very long. For each of these arcs he 
made use of an algebraical symbol to represent the unknown error of 
the precise position of the arc on the meridian. In his method he 
treats these eight quantities as independent variables ; which ia 
tantamount to ignoring local attraction altogether. The calculations, 
therefore, of the Mean Figure of the Earth hitherto made have left 
this most important element out of consideration. To remedy this 
has been my object. By a change, I venture to call it a correction, 
of Bessel's method I have succeeded in obtaining formulas for the 
semiaxes and ellipticity of the Mean Figure, which involve expressions 
for the unknown local deflections of the plumb-line at the standard or 
reference-stations of the several arcs. 

If a and b represent the semiaxes and e the ellipticity, the following 
are the results arrived at : — 

a=20928627 + 1057-8*, -f 342-9* 2 + 1523* 3 -f 27St A -f 93-6* s 
+ 8St 6 + 637*, + 62-9* 8 feet. 

6=20849309— 3762-6^ — 3343* 2 —661-3* 3 — 1015^ — 3726* 5 
— 140* 6 — 249-3*, — 249-lf 8 feet. 
From these we may easily deduce the ellipticity 

1865.] On Local Alt ruction. 37 

e =2^g { l+0-0608^+0-0085; 2 +0'0103(3+0-0016^+0-005& 5 

+ 0-0008« a + 00039*, + 0-001639£ 8 }. 
where t, t 2 ... t 8 are the eight unknown deviations of the plumb-line 
from the true vertical at the standard stations of the eight arcs arising 
from local attraction. 

These formulas for the semiaxes and ellipticity of the mean figure 
of the earth show us, that the effect of local attraction upon the final 
numerical results may be very considerable : for example, a deflection 
of the plumb-line of only 5" at the standard station (St. Agnes) of the 
Anglo- Gallic arc would introduce a correction of about one mile to the 
length of the semi-major-axis, anil more than three miles to the semi- 
minor-axis. If the deflection at the standard station (Damargida) of 
the Indian Great Arc be what the mountains and ocean make it 
(without allowing any compensating effect from variations in density 
in the crust below, which no doubt exist, but which are altogether 
unknown) viz. about 17""24, the semiaxes will be subject to a 
correction, arising from this cause alone, of half a mile and two miles. 
This is sufficient to show how great a degree of uncertainty local 
attraction, if not allowed for, introduces into the determination of the 
mean figure. As long as we have no means of ascertaining the 
amount of local attraction at the several standard-stations of the arcs 
employed in the calculation, this uncertainty regarding the mean 
figure, as determined by geodesy, must remain. The effect of our 
ignorance in this case is far more serious than that already noticed in 
mapping a country with minute precision. 

4. The third section of the Paper is occupied in devising means 
for removing this ambiguity. Although it has been necessary to 
assume one step in the argument, I think that the sequel shows that a 
very high degree of probability exists that the process is a correct one. 

Each of the three great arcs — the Anglo- Gallic, the Russian, and 
the Indian — is divided into a number of subordinate arcs. I therefore 
take each of these three great arcs and apply the method described in 
the last section to find the semiaxes of the ellipse which best 
represents that arc. The expressions for the semiaxes involve one 
unknown quantity, viz. the amount of deflection at the standard 
station of the arc. In this way I obtain the semiaxes of three ellipses, 

38 On Local Attraction. [No. 1, 

involving three unknown quantities. The assumption which I then 
make is, that the Mean Figure of the Earth is a spheroid ; that is, 
that these three ellipses are all the same. The effect of this is to give 
me four equations of condition, involving the three unknown 
quantities. These I solve by the method of least squares. The result 
is that the unknown deflections all come out very small ; and the 
semiaxes of the three ellipses come out remarkably near each other in 
value. The first part of this result shows, what I have intimated in 
para. 2, that the local attraction arising from invisible causes hidden 
in the solid crust of the earth must be such, as very nearly to 
compensate for the effect produced by visible causes at the surface 
existing in mountains and oceans. And the second part of the result 
gives a very satisfactory solution of the problem of the Mean Figure 
taking local attraction into account, making the semiaxes 

20926189 and 20855316 feet 

and the ellipticity = . 

5. In the fourth or last section of the Paper I enter into specu- 
lations regarding the Constitution of the Earth's Crust, suggested by 
the result of the preceding section. The following extract will best 
represent my views on this interesting subject : — 

" The first thing I observe in the results given in the last paragraph is 
the very small amount of the resultant deflections at the two extremities of 
the Indian Arc — Punnce close to Cape Comorin, and Kaliana the nearest 
station to the Himalaya Mountains ; whereas the effect of the Ocean and 
the Mountains has been shown to be very large. This shows that the effect 
of variations of density in the crust must be very great, in order to bring 
about this near compensation. In fact the density of the crust beneath the 
mountains must be less than that below the plains, and still less than that 
below the ocean-bed. If solidification from the fluid state commenced at 
the surface, the amount of contraction in the solid parts beneath the 
mountain-region has been less than in the parts beneath the sea. In fact, 
it is this unequal contraction which appears to have caused the hollows in 
the external surface which have become the basins into which the waters 
have flowed to form the ocean. As the waters flowed into the hollows thus 
created, the pressure on the ocean-bed would be increased, and the crust, so 
long as it was sufficiently thin to be influenced by hydrostatic principles of 
floatation, would so adjust itself that the pressure on any couc/ie de niveau 

]sr,5.] On Local Attraction. 39 

of the fluid should remain the same. At the time that the crust first 
became sufficiently thick to resist fracture under the strain produced by a 
change in its density — that is, when it first ceased to depend for the 
elevation or depression of its several parts upon the principles of floatation — ■ 
the total amount of matter in any vertical prism, drawn down into the 
fluid below to a given distance from the earth's centre, had been the same 
through all the previous changes. After this, any further contraction or 
any expansion in the solid crust would not alter the amount of matter in 
the vertical prism, except where there was an ocean ; in the case of greater 
contraction under an ocean than elsewhere, the ocean would become deeper 
and the amount of matter greater, and in case of a less contraction or of an 
expansion of the crust under an ocean, the ocean would become shallower, 
or the amount of matter in the vertical prism less than before. It is not 
likely that expansion and contraction in the solid crust would affect the 
arrangement of matter in any other way. That changes of level do take 
place, hy the rising and sinking of the surface, is a well-established fact, 
which rather favours these theoretical considerations. But they receive, 
I think, great support from the other fact, that the large effects of the ocean 
at Punnce and of the mountains at Kaliana almost entirely disappear from 
the resultant deflections brought out by the calculation. 

This theory, that the wide ocean has been collected on parts of the earth's 
surface where hollows have been made by the contraction and therefore 
increased density of the crust below, is well illustrated by the existence of a 
whole hemisphere of water, of which New Zealand is the pole, in stable 
equilibrium. Were the crust beneath only of the same density as that 
beneath the surrounding continents, the water would be drawn off by 
attraction and not allowed to stand in the undisturbed position it now 

I have, in what goes befoi'e, supposed that, in solidifying, the crust 
contracts and grows denser, as this appears to be most natural, though, 
after the solid mass is formed, it may either expand or contract, according 
as an accession or diminution of heat may take place. If, however, in the 
process of solidifying, the mass becomes lighter, the same conclusion will 
follow — the mountains being formed by a greater degree of expansion of 
the crust beneath them, and not by a less contraction, than in the other 
parts of the crust. It may seem at first difficult to conceive how a crust 
could be formed at all, if in the act of solidification it becomes heavier 
than the fluid on which it rests ; for the equilibrium of the heavy crust 
floating on a lighter fluid would be unstable, and the crust would sooner or 
later be broken through, and would sink down into the fluid, which would 
overflow it.']__If, however, this process went on perpetually, the descending 

40 On Local Attraction. [No. 1, 

crust, which was originally formed by a loss of heat radiated from the 
surface into space, would reduce the heat of the fluid into which it sank, 
and after a time a thicker crust would he formed than before, and the 
difficulty of its being broken through would become greater every time a 
new one was formed. Perhaps the tremendous dislocation of stratified 
rocks in huge masses with which a traveller in the mountains, especially 
in the interior of the Himalaya region, is familiar, may have been brought 
about in this way. The catastrophes, too, which geology seems to teach 
have at certain epochs destroyed whole species of living creatures, may 
have been thus caused, at the same time breaking up the strata in which 
these species had for ages before been deposited as the strata were formed. 
These phenomena must now long have ceased to occur, at any rate on a 
very extensive scale, as Mr. Hopkins's investigations on Precession appear 
to prove that the crust is very thick, at least 800 or 1,0'H) miles ; and this 
result has been recently confirmed by Professor W. Thomson in a paper on 
the c Rigidity of the Earth.' " 

These results meet with some confirmation from an examination of 
the direction of the deflection of the plumb-line at several coast- 
stations where it is drawn towards the sea. The amounts of deflection 
are, however, so small that much cannot be built upon this. This, 
at any rate, may be said, that they present no obstacle to the theory 
so remarkably suggested by the facts brought to light in India, viz. 
that mountain-regions and oceans on a large scale have been produced 
by the contraction of the materials, as the surface of the earth has 
passed from a fluid state to a condition of solidity — the amount of 
contraction beneath the mountain-region having been less than that 
beneath the ordinary surface, and still less than that beneath the 
ocean-bed, by which process the hollows have been produced into 
which the ocean has flowed. These coast-stations do in fact in several 
instances tend directly to favour the theory, as they seem to indicate, 
by excess of attraction towards the sea, that the contraction of the 
crust beneath the ocean has gone on increasing in some instances still 
further since the crust became too thick to be influenced by the 
principles of floatation, and that an additional flow of water into the 
increasing hollow has increased the amount of attraction upon stations 
on its shores. 

I am, your's faithfully, 
Calcutta, August 2, 1864. John H. Pratt. 

1865.] On Local Attraction* 41 


[Received 29th April, 1865.] 
If the raw or uncorrected results of the Surveys in India and 
Europe (I mean uncorrected for local attraction) are made use of, 
they bring out meridians of a slightly different curvature in these 
different parts of the earth. If these were the true forms of the seve- 
ral meridians the result would be that the equator could not be a circle 
and the figure of the earth not a spheroid of revolution. A few years 
ago, General T. F. de Schubert calculated the form of an ellipsoid of 
three unequal axes which would best suit the observations. Captain 
Alexander Clarke, R. E. (Memoirs Boy. As. Sue. Vol. XXIX, for 
180U,) went through the same calculation, following Bessel's method. 
His result was that the equatorial radius in longitude 14° or there- 
abouts is one mile longer than that in longitude 104°. He speaks 
witli hesitation regarding the result, ou the ground that the data are 
far too scanty to lead to a conclusion to be relied upon. He appears, 
however, not to shrink from the hypothesis on which in: works, from 
the true grounds of distrust, viz. (1) the d priori improbability 
that the earth's mean figure is not one of revolution, as the evidence of 
the fluid-origin of that figure is overwhelming* and (2) that the effect 
of local attraction is altogether overlooked by him. General de Schubert 
indeed in a subsequent paper (See Monthly Notices of Royal Astrono- 
mical Soc. for 1860, p. 264, where it is noticed) does anticipate that 
local attraction may modify and altogether destroy the data on which 
he rested the argument of an ellipsoidal figure. The Paper which I 
have sent to the Society and have noticed in this letter gives, for the 
first time, a method for estimating the effect of local attraction and 
proves (in the third section) that so very moderate an allowance as 1* 
or 2" for local attraction will altogether destroy the disparity between 
the curvature of the different meridians. When the arguments in this 
paper are impartially weighed I feel convinced that the improbable 
ellipsoidal theory will be abandoned altogether. 

* The evidence, with full details, is given in the third edition of my treatise 
on tlie " Figure of the Earth" now passing through the press at Cambridge 
and a copy of which when published I purpose sending to the Society. 


42 On Local Attraction, [No. 1, 

From tile above letter it will be seen, tbat I come to the conclusion 
that the earth's crust below the mountains is somewhat less dense than 
below the plains ; and still less than below the ocean-bed. Mr. Airy 
(Phil. Trans, for 1854, p. 101) came to the former part of this conclu- 
sion. But his argument requires that the crust should be thin — and 
so thin as to be influenced for its position by the principles of floata- 
tion. But Mr. Hopkins' and Prof. W. Thomson's results show that 
the crust cannot be thin. Moreover Mr. Airy's line of reasoning does 
not lead to the latter part of the result, in that the crust is more dense 
below the ocean-bed. For these reasons I have not alluded to Mr. 
Airy's hypothesis in my Paper. The argument therein explains both 
these phenomena without requiring that the crust should be thin, but 
rather the contrary. 

Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa Ghur or 
Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo, Punjab ; with analyses 
of the Lignites. — By Albert M. Verchere, Esq., M. D. 
[Eeceived 10th June, 1864.] 
Description of the Section, PI. III. 

1. Hillocks or morraines formed by the pebbles and boulders of 
miocene conglomerates and sandstones which have been removed by 
the effect of the rains : the sand is carried away to the plain, but the 
boulders and pebbles are left behind and form a morraine. The 
stones have arranged themselves in layers resting against the miocene 
beds, with an inclination towards the plain (W) of 20°. 

2. Miocene (?) sandstone, very friable, grey or rather salt and 
pepper ; calcareous and often so soft that it can be crumbled in the 
hand. It contains boulders and pebbles, well rounded and worn, 
generally arranged in bands. It is these boulders and pebbles which 
form No. 1, as No. 2 is being destroyed. The pebbles and boulders 
are greenstone, quartzite, quartzose porphyry, gypsose agglomerate, 
carboniferous and nummulitic limestone, etc. 

3. Similar to 2, but a little harder, and contains occasionally bands 
of slate in a state of disintegration. Carbonized wood found here, 
(seldom,) in an iron-stained sandstone. 

Joiirn- As 

Vol XXXIV. Pari I] PhZ 

Section across the Lowa Ghur or Sheen Ghur 

Vol notwftctH.rhUS. 


Tliolt E.S.B 

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map. 43 

4. Harder and greyer sandstone. The bed has been broken up 
and re-cemented by a coarser, more salt-and-pepper-like sand. The 
pieces of the original bed are seen sticking out at all angles like 
drifted ice. On the east side of the valley of Maidani, this breaking 
up is not observed. 

5. Conglomerate composed of yellow limestone pebbles cemented 
by a very hard calcareous cement. The cement appears first to have 
coated the pebbles with two or three coats of various shades of yellow 
or brown, like a calculus of the bladder. This bed is seen always 
(west of the Indus) on the top of the nummulitic or bottom of the 
miocene beds. It is striking in appearance, especially when polished 
by a running torrent. 

6. Flesh-coloured, hard, nummulitic limestone, weathering rough, 
pitted and grey. It contains a few nummulites of small size and a 
few small bivalves. 

7. Limestone, argillaceous and yellow ; it is arranged in concentric 
masses cemented by an earthy marly limestone. Both the rounded 
masses and the intervening earthy rocks are full of fossils ; 
N. Lcevigata and N. Pushi are abundant ; also a small flat species and 
two species extremely gibbose and always very abundant in muddy 
nummulitic limestone. Bivalves very numerous. Casts of Trochus 
very abundant. A large Spatanchus, 6 inches across, found here also. 

8. Limestone, glaring-white like chalk and not much harder than 
chalk. It contains the same fossils as the preceding layer, but no 
Spatanchus. It is of very great thickness and forms a high white 
cliff facing the east and remarkable from a great distance. 

9. Slate in a state of decomposition. It is interbedded with 
limestone and occasionally contains small nummulites ; but it is 
generally without fossils. 

10. Carbonaceous shale with beds of " Rol" or alum shale and 
of lignite. The Rol and the lignite beds are generally in contact 
with the nummulitic limestone above. 

11. Shales of all colours, white, red, yellow, grey, olive, nearly 
black ; veiy calcareous, with thin beds of muddy limestone (very soft) 
containing debris of shells, rootlets and stems of plants. No 
nummulites in these beds. Some of these shales are a good fire-clay 
and are used to make crucibles. These shales are generally more or 
less wavy. 

44 Notes to accompany a Geological map. [Nok 1, 

Examination of the Lignites. 

The following samples were given to me by Lieut. Lane, District 
Superintendent of Police, Bunnoo. 

No. 1. — From a seam newly discovered near Chushmea, north of 
Moolakhel, 8 miles from the Indus. 

Best quality, with a resinous fracture and lustre ; jet black in colour ; 
Sp. gravity 1.25. 

Volatile inflammable substances, . . . . .50 

Fixed carbon, . . . . . . . .35 

Ash, 15 


There is a partial caking when the lignite is burnt in a close vessel. 
The ash is a mixture of a reddish earthy powder, of hardened pieces 
of slaty shale (holding a little unreduced lignite) and of a fluffy 
white ash like wood-ash. The red earth and the pieces of shale are 
mechanical impurities. The white fluffy ash is the proper ash of the 

No. 2. — Best quality, as No. 1. Apparently a very little yellowish 
white clay adhering to the lignite which is \\ inch bedded. 

From the same locality as No. 1. 

Volatile inflammable substances, . , . , .50 
Fixed carbon, ........ 40 

Ash, 10 


Same remarks as for No. 1. 

No. 3. — Middling quality, the usual quality of the bed. The 
lignite is in thin plates like leaf bed ; each thin plate is sometimes 
resinous in appearance, but more frequently has the appearance and 
lustre of charcoal. It contains a considerable amount of yellow clay 
between the plates. It crepitates in water like salt deflagrating on 
fire. Its Sp. gravity is 1.28. 

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map. 45 

From the same locality. Given by Mr. Lane. 

Volatile inflammable substances, 25 

Fixed carbon, ........ 40 

Ash, 35 


N. B. — Some of the volatile substances were unreduced in the 
experiment, and consequently increased the percentage of fixed coal 
above its proper figure. The ash is mostly a reddish powdery earth 
with pieces of shale ; very little fluffy ash. 

No. 4. — Middling quality like No. 3. Structure woody. 
Same locality. Given by Mr. Lane. 

Volatile inflammable substances, .... 46. GO 

Fixed carbon, 20.83 

Ash, 32.50 

Ash, like No. '3. 

No. 5. Picked specimen, having the appearance of fine jot. 
Heavier than the preceding specimens and very resinous in 

Obtained from a native who said that it came from a seam near 
Sooltan Khel. 

Volatile inflammable substances, .... 46.66 

Fixed carbon, . 45. 

Ash, 8.33 

The ash was nearly entirely composed of white fluffy ash, like wood- 
ash. This lignite cakes a good deal in the close vessel. 

Average of four analysis of the Ohushmea mine. 
Volatile inflammable substances, 
Fixed carbon, ..... 




Notes to accompany a Geological map. 

[No. 1, 

I copy here Dr. A. Fleming's analysis of the lignite of Kottree 
near the Chichalee Pass as it is evidently a continuation of the beds 
seen a few miles south of the Pass at Chushmea. . 

Volatile inflammable rhattei 1 , 
Carbon, .... 
Ashes, , 



The coal or lignite from Sooltan Khel (see No. 5) "comes nearer to 
the Baganwallah lignite as analyzed by Dr. A. Fleming. Compare 
my No. 5 with the following analyses copied from Dr. A. Fleming's 
report : — 

Baganwallah, No. 1. 
Volatile, . .' .- 4(7.64 
Carbon, . . . 41.36 



Baganwallah, No. 2. 
Volatile," . ' . . 38.455 
Carbon, . . . 59,705 
Ashes, . . . 1.840 











To conclude, I enter here a table of the composition of the lignites 
■of the Lowa Grhur, of Baganwallah, and of the coal of Raneegunj and 
Sirsol in Bengal and of some coal in the British Islands. 

Notes to accompany a Geological map. 








Q I -a 

Z ) a 

< -" 

s * 






«: 1 





ca 1 










w 1 
o | 







f 1 
















r o 



48- Sceintific Intelligence. [No. 1, 

Scientific Intelligence. 

Mv. T. Tomlinson, late Superintendent of the Barrackpore Park, has 
recently succeeded in hatching an Ostrich by placing the fresh-laid egg 
in a box lined with straw and exposing it to the sun by day for some 
weeks, keeping it under a domestic fowl during the night. To 
prevent one side of the egg being more exposed than the other, it 
was occasionally turned over. The new born bird is doing well. 

Col. Dalton from Chota-Nagpur announces the discovery of a vein 
of lead in a hill named Puttia near the village of Pelowa, Tuppeh 
Ramkola, in Sirgooja. 

From an analysis of the specimen forwarded by Col. Dalton, it 
appears to be pure galena with a small trace of silver and the ore is 
tractable. When fairly cleared, its value would be in England from 12<£ 
to 13£ per ton. An attempt to work the mine was made, but the 
outturn not proving profitable, it was abandoned. 

The following is from our late Curator : — 

Belmont, St. BriaveVs, 

W. Gloucestershire, Dec. 2, 18G4. 

My dear Grote, — In the Reader for November 19th, you will read 
that a paper was read by me at the Zoological Society on November 
8th ; but I was not there, having left a short paper with Sclater. In 
the Proceedings, p. 335 of our Journal, I observe ' Felis Jacquemontii' 
mentioned. This I consider to be merely the longer-furred mountain 
variety of F. cliaus ; F. omata too, I now refer to F. torquata,F. Cuv. ; 
and celidogaster turns out to be African, and distinct from viverrina, 
F. torquata of Sykes being a striped domestic Indian cat, — at least 
identical with the latter, whether or not descended from domestic 
stock. A dead Tiger from Barrackpore is mentioned in the same page 
of the Journal. I hope this was skeletonized, because I could get I 
you a Megaceros skeleton in exchange for it ! Lastly, about the " new 
species of Varranios" in the same page, I presume this to be the 
Hydivsaurus noticed by me from the Andamans and Nicobars, which 
I could not perceive to differ structurally from R. Salvatur. I suppose 

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 49 

you have received G-iinther's work on Indian reptiles, which will 
materially assist the study of them. I do not, however, agree with 
him in all cases ; for instance, his identification of the Bengal Emys 
ocellata with the Tenasserim E. Berdmorei. — He has certainly not 
seen specimens of the former, and I wish that some could he sent to 
him. The species is not very commonly Drought to the Calcutta 
bazar, hut by offering a slight reward to one of the museum servants 
a few might be obtained, and there is a good series of both races in 
the Society's museum. I have written pretty regularly to Jerdon, 
communicating to him what I learn ; but he has not largely availed 
himself of my notes in liis Appendix, and I seldom hear from him. 
He never was a good correspondent. I certainly told him in good 
time for publication that the common Indian Curlew is not Numenius 
arquata, but N. major, Schlegel, figured in the Fauna Japonica ; and 
I sent British specimens of the former to the museum. He is quite 
wrong, too, in placing the Burmese Peafowl in Asam ! The Indian 
species occurring so far round as Chittagong. The Gall us Tern- 
mincJcii, Gray (p. 541,) which he mentions as a peculiar species, is a 
most obvious hybrid between banhivus and furcatus, though differently 
coloured from the so-called G. ceneus. In p. 481, he is quite wrong 
in identifying Turtur chinensis with T. tigrinus : the former is much 
larger, with quite plain plumage on the back, and is correctly figured 
by Sonnerat. Both are in the Society's museum. I cannot make out 
the middle-sized Indian Cormorant erroneously referred to sinensis in 
p. 862. P. 870, 1. 3. For " poliogenys," read pyrrhogenys. P. 597. 
T. ocellatus, the Philippine species (luzoniensis, Gm.,) is quite distinct 
from the Indian T. pugnae, to which Jerdon's other synonyms 
belong. Arboricola rufogularis, (p. 598) was sent by Tickell from 
Tenasserim, as noticed in one of my Reports. Another time I will 
annotate Jerdon's work for you in detail. About the Darjeeling Kalij 
Pheasant (melanotics), these breed at the Gardens, and are distributed, 
but not any have died, to be promoted to the British Museum. A good 
pair of skins would accordingly be acceptable. Bruce has sent from 
China a noble pair of skins of Crossoptilon Mougolicum, Swinhoe, 
(auritum, Pallas, apud Sclater,) and ditto of a new species of 
Pucrasia, P. xanthospila, E. R. Gray, from the mountains N. W. of 
Pekin. The sexes of the former only differ in the male being larger 

50 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1, 

and spurred. Hodgson's Cr. tibetanum still remains unique, I believe. 
The localities assigned to many specimens in the British Museum are 
unreliable. Thus the Burmese lineated or pencilled Kalij is assigned to 
Bootan, and various Tenasserim squirrels, also to Bootan, all doubtless 
from the same collection, but received with the erroneous locality from 
the old India-house. The distinctions we recognise between Indian, 
Indo-Chinese and Malayan faunas are little understood by naturalists 
here who will have all alike, to be Indian. Giinther's Indian reptiles, 
for example. About Sikhim and Asam monkeys. I look upon 
assamensis (original specimen in India museum,) as a mere variety 
(not unlikely an individual, var.) of rhesus, wanting the fulvous hue 
of the hair on the hind-parts. 31. pelops I know little of, but Jerdon 
should get this at Masuri. Of the Lungoors, I know nothing of more 
than one Himalayan species, which is Hodgson's schistaceus. Does 
true entellus range, into Asam, and is it not the Hunuman of the 
table-land of S. India? Is not priamus peculiar to the ghats and 
mountainous country, as Johnii (verus) is certainly peculiar to the 
W. ghats ? I do not remember who wrote the Review of Jerdon's 
work in the Annals, and cannot refer to it here. Smythe has yet to 
shoot the Shau, and perhaps the Tibetan Lynx. Is it the wild yak 
he thinks of sending home alive ? The tame breed here as regularly as 
domestic cattle. A young bull was calved last year, and a cow this year, 
at the Zoological Gardens ; both females hornless. Pallas refers to wild 
two-humped camels in the Mongolian deserts ; and not many years 
ago the existence of •wild yaks was doubted by Hutton and others. 
In the long stretch of desert country between the Bed Sea and the 
valley of the Nile wild one-humped camels are numerous ; and I see 
no reason why these should not be aboriginally wild, like genuine Asinus 
vulgaris in Africa (the a. tcenispus, Henglin). There is a fine male of the 
latter now in the Zoological Gardens, a most decided and unmistakeable 
true donkey or Onager ; and the series of wild asinine animals (includ- 
ing zebras) is complete, every known race or species being 
represented. All of the animals brought by Thompson were alive 
when I left London and the Hornbills in first rate condition. The 
Aceros nipalensis would be a grand prize ; have not both sexes 
the nifous plumage in the nest ? Beversing the usual arrange- 
ment, in Bhynchcea and in Turnix pugnax, the adult females are the 

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 51 

more ornamented, and the young resemble the old males ! The old 
she-rhinoceros soon made friends with the young ones, but is kept 
separate from them. Bos sondaicus did not die from the injury to the 
foot. That was a very slight affair and soon over ; there was a 
'gathering,' when the animal walked lame, and he recovered as 
soon as it was lanced. He grew much, and became in fine condition, 
and when he died the mass of thickened cuticle had begun to form 
between the bases of the horns ; but the colour of the coat had not 
begun to blacken. Poor fellow, he is now admirably stuffed, in the 
B. 31. He died of inflammation of the bowels. In the Zoological Gardens, 
are one pair Arboricola torqueola, two pairs Qrtygornia gularis, and one 
pair of each Indian species of Galloperdix, all in first-rate health and 
condition. The 'blood-pheasant' (Jthaginis cruenius) from interior 
of Sikhim, is a great desideratum. A young African wild boar 
(S. Soropha vera) has been put to S. Andamanensis, but I believe 
with no result as yet. I suppose there is no chance now of getting a 
boar of the Andaman race. Thanks for the Darjeeling Shrews and 
Bats, which I look forward with interest to see. F. More, when 
I last saw him, was mainly interested in insects of economical value, 
as honey-bees, &c. Has the hive bee of Kashmir ever been scientifi- 
cally examined ? It is likely enough to prove as distinct as the 
Ligurian Bee. Just before I left London I saw, with Wolf, in spirit, 
a most curious new mammal, sent by Du Chaillu from Fernando Po. 
It is an Otter-like modification of the order Insect ivora, and the most 
distinct new genus of mammal that has turned up for a long time. 
It will be figured and described in the forthcoming Number of the 
Tr. Z. S. Size of a large stoat, but more bulky, with tail exceedingly 
tumid at base, laterally flattened for the remainder. Whiskers very 
copious, thick and coarse, as in Cynogale Bennettii. Eyes small. 
Two of the hind toes connected, as in so many marsupials. General 
appearance, colour and fur, very otter-like. Front teeth hooked, 
approaching to Sorex. Alphonse Milne Edwards has published a 
monograph on the Chevrotains, upon which part of my note 
bears. I have sent the particulars to Jerdon, and by the way 
I wish Jerdon would contribute to the Journal a selection from 
the many notes that I have sent him. There are two groups of 
Chevrotains (united by A. Milne Edwards,) viz. Meminna of India 

52 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1, 

and Ceylon, and Tragulus of the Indo-Chinese and Malayan countries, 
— for M. malaccensis, Gray = M. indica. Of Tragulus, there are 
3 large races and 3 small, as follow : — 

1. Tr. najou, F. Cuv. = javanicus apud Gray and Cantor. One 
specimen in Calcutta museum. 

2. Tr. Stanleyanus. 

3. Tr. (like last, hut with Mack sides of neck and breast-marks' 
in Calcutta museum $ $ , and unknown here.) 

4. Tr. javanicus (verus) = pelandoc, nobis, from Java only, I 
suspect, and one $ only in Calcutta museum. Numerous 
specimens in Liverpool museum. 

5. Tr. kanchil. Extends to S. Tenasserim. 

6. Tr. affinis, Gray, placed as a synonym of Kancliil by Edwards, 
and the original sj^ecirnen so named by Gray, from Malacca, is just a 
Kanchil wanting the medial breast-stripe ; but others sent by Mouhat 
from Cambodia appear to be a distinct race, whatever name it may 
bear. The Society's museum has all but the last, and the specimens 
should be re-labelled according to this present determination of them. 





No. II.— 18G5. 

Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. — By 
J. E. T. Aitohison, M.D., F.R.C.S.E., F.L.S., Extr. Member, 

Boyal Med. Soc, Edin., <&C, Assl. Swgeon, Bengal Army. 
[Received, 18th March, 1864] 

As much interest is being attached to the local production of fire- 
wood for the use of the steamers that ply on the Indus river, I have 
the honor to forward the accompanying notes taken during- a passage 
made up that river and its tributary, from Kotree to Mooltan, on 
board the steamer ' Havelock,' Capt. Davis, Commander, which left 
Kotree on the 29th of August and reached Mooltan on the 16th of 

The river at the time of starting was at its highest, inundating 
much of the country and causing an immense number of islands to 
be formed in its course. 

It is the vegetation of these islands I would describe. It is not very 
extensive, but what there is of it is turned to much account and 
might be to more. 

The following is a list of the Flora met with. viz. : — ■ 
Acacia Arabica, L. 
A. Arabica, vat Cuprcssina. 
Prosopis spicigera, L. 
Populus Euphratica, Oliv. 

54 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus Biver. [No. 2, 

Tamarix Indica (= T. Gallica, L.) 
T. Dioica, Roxb. 
T. Orientalis. 
Phoenix Dactylifera, L. 
Saccharum Munja, Roxb. 
S. spontaneum, L. 
S. cylindricum, Lam. 
Typba (angustifolia ?) 
Creeping amongst the above, climbing to the top of all, shewing off 
its lovely flowers, was Asclepias rosea, Roxb. in great beauty. 

Acacia Aralica, ' Bubber' (Scindee,) 'Babool' (Hind.) ' Kekur' 
(Punjabee). A. A. var Cupressics, ' Caublee-bubber' (Scindee). 

This tree with its variety grows in very great luxuriance and 
tolerably rapidly, and within 60 miles of Kotree it is in much greater 
abundance than further up the river ; it here forms dense jungles 
and yields very fair timber. The tree itself is too valuable to be 
directly used for firewood, its chief timber being used for railway 
sleepers ; the rest of the wood and branches only are conveited into 
firewood or charcoal, and the bark and fruit reserved for tanning 

A tree (as it stands) that can yield from two to three sleepers, 
costs one Rupee, the buyer felling and carrying it away. White ants 
do not injure the felled logs much, and the old wood is tolerably 
proof to their attacks. 

The timber of the Cupressiform variety is considered the bet er, 
being closer in grain, and harder than that of the common outspread- 
ing tree : being also of greater length, and thus generally giving 
an additional sleeper. 

Prosopis spicigera, ' Kunda' (Scindee,) ' Jand' (Punjabee). 

This tree is not common on the Balaas ; indeed it is scarcely to be 
seen in any quantity until we get above Sukker, and then chiefly on 
the mainland, where it is obtained largely, especially at one of the 
river wood stations called Jummalee. 

Its wood is good for fuel, but alas, too readily attacked by white 
ants. These insects seem to relish it snore than any other of the 
woods, and from the great loss it suffers from these destructive insects 

1865.] TJie Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 55 

whilst stacked, its collection for the supply of the steamers is 

For the reasons given against its being stored for fuel, its timber 
is likewise not used by the natives for any purpose whatever, when 
other can be obtained. 

The fruit, however, called in Scindee " Singhar," is considered an 
excellent vegetable, and is largely eaten by the natives in their thur- 

Popidus Euphratica, ' Balm' (Scindee and Punjabee,) grows in great 
abundance on the Balaas, but more especially about a hundred miles 
above Kotree. It is a rapidly growing tree, producing very fair 
timber, with a white light wood, very useful for furniture and house- 
hold-work of a light nature, but which does not stand much strain. 
It is a very dangerous article as fuel in steamers, or when used for 
the railway, as the wood, owing to its lightness, flies up through the 
flue when only half burnt. The officers commanding the steamers 
are very careful that none is ever taken on board, even by mistake, 
from the danger attendant on its use. 

The timber for furniture costs about 5 annas a cubic foot. 

Tamarix Indica, ' Laee' (Scindee,) ' Jhao' (Hind.) ' Furash' (Pun- 

This may be considered as the chief source of firewood from 
Mooltan to Kotree. It grows in immense quantities, but above 
the union of the five rivers with the Indus, it becomes gradually 
replaced on the Balaa land by the T. dioica and it becomes more 
abundant on the mainland, where we find the T. orientalis also 
occurring, but as a very much larger tree. These were all in 
blossom in September, presenting a very heath-like appearance just 
before the flowers expanded. The T. Indica like all its congeners, 
grows very rapidly, producing in three or four years a deep red 
wood, very much like the Beef wood of Australia. At this age 
it is best for fuel : the white and young wood makes but poor fuel, and 
is also rapidly destroyed by the white ant ; whereas the red wood 
may lie for nearly four years without injury ; but as it becomes 
completely dried and aged, it becomes more liable to the attacks of 
these insects. The cost of this wood at the river stations is 
15 Rupees for 100 maunds. 

56 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2, 

Tamarix dioica, ' Pilchee,' (Scindee and Punjabee,) first met with in 
any abundance on the Balaas near Bukree ; above that station it 
gradually takes the place of T. Indica. It is greatly used for all 
thatching purposes, basket-work, &c. 

Tamarix orientalis, ' Asree-loua' (Scindee,) is an unknown tree on 
the Balaas, but on the mainland it not ^infrequently forms a prominent 
object in the landscape, generally near villages. The tree lives best 
in a dry and salt soil, where it very rapidly produces large timber, 
but this does not make such good fuel as the T. Indica. 

The native names of these Tamarisks are much confounded even by 
the natives themselves. The name ' Furas' in the Punjab is applied 
to all, but chiefly to T. Orientalis. They are so very much like each 
other that this is not to be wondered at. Edgeworth, in his Flora 
Mallica, calls T. dioica, ' Lai,' and T. Oallica (= T. Indica) ' Pilchi.' 
I would consider the Scindee names as typical, from their being 
connected with something further than simply the tree as it grows, 
viz. in the one case the value of the wood for fuel, T. Indica, ' Laee,' 
' Jliao ;' in another the use of the shrub for thatching purposes and the 
known fact of this kind never producing wood, T. dioica, ' Pilchee ;' 
and lastly with the fact that it forms a large tree, the wood of which 
is not so good for fuel, T. Orientalis, ' Asree-loua.' 

Phcenix dactylifera, is occasionally to be seen on the Balaa land 
between Sukker and Mooltan, where it is very common on the main- 
land also. A splendid grove of these trees, surrounding Sukker, is 
seen from a long distance off. After leaving Kotree some forty miles, 
we see none of this tree until Sukker comes in sight, whereas round 
Kotree it is very abundant, and at and near Mooltan it is also very 

Saccharum Munji, ' Moonj,' (Scindee and Punjabee). Thousands 
of acres of river land are covered with this useful grass, the value of 
which might be greatly raised by the introduction of machinery 
for converting it into pulp for the Paper Maker. And Sukker would 
be the place for starting such an establishment, as it grows chiefly 
above Sukker, to which place it could be floated down the river at 
little or no cost. This very floating down would aid in the treatment 
required bv all fibres to bring them into a fit condition for working. 
The surrounding country yields immense quantities of an Alkali 

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 57 

(Sugee-muttee) with which the material could he cheaply hleachetl, 
then to be forwarded to England, to he converted there into finer pulp 
anil paper. 

The great outcry at home since the commencement of the cotton 
famine has been for material, capable of being converted at a cheap 
rate, into paper of a fine quality. Coloured materials require much 
bleaching, and this in England is the expensive part of the process. 
Now if such a material as Moonj, which costs at the place of 
growth little more than the labour of cutting, could be bleached 
thoroughly with the alkali produced on the banks of the river, this 
would supply the great desideratum of the paper-makers. 

Esparto (Stipa lenacissima) has been very largely used in England 
within the last three years, but its great drawback is the expense 
of bleaching it. 

The Moonj is largely employed by the native boatmen in making 
ropes for their boats, which they manufacture for themselves. 

Saccharum spontaneum, ' Khans' (Scindee.) This grass grows in 
great luxuriance. It is chiefly used for thatching purposes, and 
makes tolerably good grazing for cattle, although as it ages it 
becomes a very rough coarse grass, when the cattle seem to leave it 
alone. It begins to flower early in September, and its flowering has 
just ceased, when the S. Muonja commences to flower, which is about 
the beginning of October. 

Typha (anrjustifolia?) 'Pun' (Scindee,) is very common in the 
back waters, but more especially above Sukker. I cannot say it is 
even common below Sukker. The leaves are largely used for making 
matting (chuttie) and the soft down attached to the ripe fruit is used 
for stuffing pillows. The pollen is said by Lindley to be converted 
into bread in Scind. Although I made many enquiries relative to it, 
I could get no information about it. 

On examining the wood brought on board the steamer, (about which 
Capt. Davis gave me every information and assistance in his power,) 
I found that nearly the whole of it consisted of the wood of the 
Tamarix Indiva, and the wood was called Jhao. We occasionally 
took on board that of the Acacia Arabica called ' Bubber.' But I had 
to procure specimens of that of the Prosopis Spicigera called l Kunda,' 
and of the Populus Euphratica called 'Balm.' 

58 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2, 

The Captain considered the billets that were large enough to be 
split into two, of the Jhao, when it was " as red as beef" as the best 
wood on the river. But his heart used to long for the wood he once 
got when up the Jhelum river. " Cows, that's the thing for driving 
the engines." Olea Europea, ' Cow' (Punjabee. ) 

Immense injury is done to the wood after it is collected at the 
wood stations, by white ants, which will, in a very few days, if not 
carefully looked after, destroy a stack, leaving a mass of mud in place 
of the original wood. White ants will not attack the Jhao, if the 
wood is red, to the same extent that they do the other kinds of wood. 

The soil of the Islands varies very much. It consists nearly 
altogether of a rich alluvial deposit at Kotree, gradually becoming 
more sandy as we ascend the river. This change to a sandy soil is 
very much more marked above Sukker, after which the soil really 
seems to be all sand with no earthy matter. Owing to this change 
in its composition as we gradually get above Kotree and approach 
Sukker those massings of the Acacia Arabica that we had down 
the river become less numerous and thinner : until at last by the 
time we have reached the junction of the five rivers with the 
Indus, we lose them altogether, as well as the Tamarix Indica, which 
is now replaced by the T. dioica. Moonj gets abundant above 
Sukker and the Islands are veiy much less wooded, being more 
covered with grasses. 

I have no doubt that much of this river land which at present really 
lies waste, might be, with a little care and management, covered with 
trees capable of yielding both timber and firewood. We should look 
to timber as the ultimate object ; in doing so, we obtain firewood as a 
collateral result. In covering these islands with vegetation we aid 
in rendering them somewhat more permanent than they are at present, 
by the roots grasping and keeping together the soil. 

The following may be considered the history of one of these islands 
that may have remained permanent. 

In the month of September as the river falls, a mound of sand 
gradually appears, enlarging daily as the river becomes lower, and 
bare and barren. But as the September winds blow, they carry clouds 
of the seed of the Saccharum spontaneum from other islands ; these 
fall on the soil and then readily germinate. In a couple of months the 

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 59 

S. spontaneum has sprung up, and its leaves now aid in catching the 
seeds of the Tamarix and S. Munja, which having ripened, are flying 
about at the mercy of the winds. The two latter lie dormant until 
the next year. In the meanwhile the S. spontaneum for a short time 
kept down by the cold season and eaten over by the cattle, has its 
growth stopped until March or April, when it springs up, and by 
September is in its full growth and blossom. The Tamarix and S. 
Munja being now, on the rising of the river in August, placed under 
favourable circumstances, begin to grow rapidly, and by the end of the 
second year cover the Balaa, killing out S. spontaneum to a great 
degree. Upon the island being flooded at the end of the second year, 
the vegetation on it catches the seeds floated down by the river, and 
these in their turn germinate and gradually develope a jungle. At 
very little expense, indeed, many of these Balaas might be sown 
broadcast with the seeds of timber trees, (Acacia or ' Sissoo' are 
undoubtedly the best) about the beginning of August. When the river 
rose it would cover the islands and deposit sufficient alluvial soil to 
permit their germinating and taking root. The seeds would not be 
carried off by the currents, as they become entangled in the grass, 
which after an inundation is generally seen pressed flat to the surface 
with a large amount of alluvial deposit keeping it down. 

Developing jungles on these islands, would not only supply timber, 
firewood, &c, but by making the islands permanent, would to a 
great extent assist in forming a permanent channel for the river, the 
absence of which is one of the great difficulties to be overcome at 
present by the navigator. 

00 Indian G aster 1 1 jxida, [No. 2, 

Observations on certain strictures by Mr. H. F. Blanford, on nnj 

Paper on the distribution of Indian Gasteropoda in J. A. S., No. 

CCLXXXIX. Page 69.— By W. Theobald, Jr. 

(Received 21st May, 1864.) (Read 1st June, 1865.) 

My friend Mr. Blanford, loc. cit., after reading the above paper, 
among other remarks, expresses himself as follows : — " The sporadic 
origin of species is not held by any eminent naturalist of the present 
day, and Mr. Theobald had advanced no instance in its favour." 

Now the peculiar distribution of a few species over an enormous 
area, was the reason for my preferring the supposition of a sporadic 
origin for them at least as the only intelligible one, and if for the 
majority of species, this view is not so imperatively requisite, yet for 
such species as Bidimus pullus, B. pimctatus, B. gracilis, B. ccenopictus, 
and others, it naturally suggests itself, though I doubtless must have 
expressed myself so badly as to warrant Mr. Blanford in denying my 
having " advanced any instance in its favour." Rejecting however, 
the obvious view, as I hold it to be, of sporadic origin, it yet remains 
to be seen what explanation consonant with the Darwinian hypothesis, 
can be offered, and I shall eagerly listen to Mr. Blanford's suggestions 
on this point. 

I see of course, that in terming the origin of any species " sporadic," 
I explain nothing, and that it amounts to a confession of ignorance, 
still this is a negative evil and leaves the ground clear for any 
superstructure which fresh light may enable us to add, but not so a 
positive assertion of a law, which, however, applicable in some cases 
and true to some extent, does not meet all, and appears contradicted 
by some. I will now advert to the first portion of Mr. Blanford's 
stricture to the effect that I held views which no eminent naturalist 
did, and certainly such a statement was not encouraging, but on 
returning to station within the last month, I accidentally came 
across a work which considerably reassured me ; though how far 
Mr. Blanford will admit the names of A. A. Gould and Louis 
Agassiz to be eminent in their dej>artment, after the quotation 
I shall presently make, I cannot say. Any how I find in the 
" Principles of Zoology" by those Professors, my identical theory 

1865.] Indian Gasteropoda. Gl 

laid down, on precisely the same grounds of certain peculiarities in 
the distribution of Fish, which appeared to me (though unhappily 
not to Mr. Blanford) so convincing in the case of the Land Shells of 

So identical are the results and the proofs in either case, that I 
think it necessary to say, that till the present month, I had never seen 
the work I am about to quote from, or any writings whatever of either 
Gould or Agassiz, and that my views of the sporadic origin of certain 
species of shells were deduced from considerations touching their 
distribution, and in ignorance of similar arguments, derivable from the 
study of an entirely different class. 

The following quotation from page 211 of the Principles of Zoology 
will prove how closely the estimate I formed of the practical effects 
of accidental distribution, corresponds with that held by Gould and 

" 448. Other causes may also contribute towards dispersing animals. 
Thus the sea-weeds are carried about by marine currents and are 
frequently met with far from shore, thronged with little crustaceans 
which are in this manner transported to great distances from the 
place of their birth. The drift wood which the Gulf Stream floats 
from the Gulf of Mexico even to the western shores of Europe is 
frequently perforated by the Larva? of insects, and may probably serve 
as depositories for the eggs of fishes, Crustacea and mollusks. It is 
possible also that aquatic birds may contribute in some measure to 
the diffusion of some species of fishes and mollusks, either by the 
eggs becoming attached to their feet or by means of those which they 
evacuate undigested after having transported them to considerable 
distances. Still all these circumstances exercise but a very feeble 
influence upon the distribution of species in general, and each country 
none the less preserves its peculiar physiognomy so far as its animals 
an- concerned. 

" 449. There is only one way to account for the distribution of 
animals as we find them, namely to suppose they are autochthonoi, 
that is to say that they originated like plants, on the soil where they 
are found. In order to explain the particular distribution of many 
animals, we are even led to admit that they must have been created at 
several points of the same zone, an inference which we must make from 

62 Indian Gasteropoda. [No. 2, 

the distribution of aquatic animals, especially that of fishes. If we 
examine the fishes of the rivers of the United States, peculiar species 
will be found in each basin, associated with others which are common 
to several basins. Thus the Delaware river contains species not found 
in the Hudson. But on the other hand, the pickerel is found in both. 
Now, if all animals originated at one point and from a single stock, 
the pickerel must have passed from the Delaware to the Hudson or 
vice versa, which it could only have done by passing along the 
sea shore or by leaping over large spaces of terra firma ; that is to say, 
in both cases it would be necessary to do violence to its organisation." 
This last argument must of course stand for what it is worth, and 
were it alone, would not be worth much, but we have here, with fish, 
as I have shown to be the case Avith Grasteropods in India, the grand 
fact of certain few species of enormous range, compared with the 
limited extent of their more numerous congeners and the absurdity of 
supposing that they have been thus widely distributed by any physical 
agency, which has left the great majority unaffected by its operation. 
Hence my reasons for leaning towards the " sporadic" theory, for 
some species at least, not singly at all events, I am glad to see, if 
however, in company with no other physiologist than Louis Agassiz. 
I cannot conclude these observations without quoting a passage from 
the vitriolic pen of Dr. Knox, in his work on Race, where, though 
he holds that " Time and developement change all things" (page 94, ) 
yet is very bitter on the absurdity of supposing that accident has 
anything to do with such changes. Knox on Race, page 90, " When 
I am told that there is a short-legged race of sheep somewhere in 
America, the product of accident, my reply is simply, I do not 
believe it, even although to make the story look better, it has been 
added that from among the few short-legged sheep accidentally 
produced in the flock, the owner was careful to extrude the long- 
legged ones, and so at last his whole flock became short-legged, and 
he had no more trouble with it. — It is the old fable of Hippocrates 
and the Macrocephali reduced to something like a scientific formula. 
Transferred from sheep, it has been made the basis of a theory of 
race of mankind, reducing all to accident. By accident a child darker 
than the rest of the family is born ; when this happens in the present 
day, it is also by courtesy called an accident, but its nature is well 

1865.] Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. C3 

understood — not so in former times. This dark child a little darker 
than the others separates with a few more from the rest of the family 
and sojourns in a land where a hot sun embrowns them with a still 
deeper hue. In time they become blacker and blacker or browner and 
browner. Should they travel north instead of south, it is all the same ; 
for extreme cold produces the same effect as extreme heat ! This is 
ancient and modern physiology •!" 

Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. — By H. B. Medlicott. 
[Received 7th September, 1864.] [Read 7th September, 1864.] 

The notice I have to bring before the Society may be considered a 
continuation of a series of brief but important communications, com- 
menced more than thirty years ago, and continued during some twenty 
years, as recorded in the volumes of the Journal of the Asiatic Society 
for that period. Those communications formed a current chronicle of 
the discovery of the Fauna Sivalensis. Had the account of those 
discoveries ever assumed a more connected and complete form, the 
correction I have now to make, would never have been needed, as it is 
but the statement of a fact, of which the evidence was in hand and in 
mind, although never expressed. Indeed, for the same reason, this 
fact can now be only indicated, its value being still unknown. This fact 
is — the existence of two vertebrate faunae, possibly quite distinct, 
among the fossils hitherto collected from the so-called Sivalik rocks. 

In a recently published number of the ' Memoirs of the Geological 
Survey of India, Vol. III. Part 2, I have given a somewhat detailed 
account of the geology of the Sub-Himalayan region in North- West 
India. I therein established a threefold division of the great series of 
deposits coming under the general title of Sub-Himalayan. Concerning 
the lowest of these groups (Subathu, etc.) little or no conflict- 
ing evidence presented itself. The two upper groups I described 
as in all respects more akin to each other, although still most 
clearly separable along a well marked boundary, at which the younger 
strata overlap the steeply denuded edges of the older, besides being 

G4 . Note relating to SivaUk Fauna. [Nu. 2. 

largely made up of their debris. Such evidence is so immutable to the 
geologist, and, when on so grand a scale, entails such grave consider- 
ations of time, that I presumed to call in question the one published 
statement (in Vol. III. p. 527 of the J. A. S. B. for 1834) of 
vertebrate Sivalik fossils having been found within the area of the 
older groups, not having myself succeeded in re-discovering fossils at 
the locality indicated. My scepticism was of course based upon the 
a priori consideration of geological time ; and because, as I state at 
p. 105 of my Memoir, no corresponding distinction has as yet been 
suspected by the authors of the Fauna Sivalensis. I made due 
attempts to authenticate the observation which I had called in question 
by referring to the original discoverers ; as, however, in every reply 
I received, there was some trace of ambiguity, not wishing to give 
further trouble to my correspondents, I published the whole case in 
its unsettled form, giving full directions for the application of the 
verdict on either side (see pp. 15, 16, 104 — 6, of my Memoir). 
I have now the pleasure to announce this verdict ; and, notwithstand- 
ing the precaution I took to provide for its application, the fact cannot 
well be stated without a few words of explanation. 

In a letter dated the 16th July, 1864, Sir Proby Cautley tells me that 
he has himself collected fossils on the north side of Nahan i. e. in the 
rocks of my middle group, the same in every respect as those he 
had found more abundantly at the south base of the Sivalik hills, east 
of the Jumna. The peculiar mode of occurrence of these fossils in 
the nodular clays (' clay-conglomerate' of Cautley), as compared with 
those found in the coarse gravel deposits, could not escape observation. 
The former were all small and fragmentary. Large masses of the clay 
had to be carted from the hills and broken up at leisure in search of 
the fossil remains. I need scarcely, however, state that the Sivalik 
fossils have hitherto been given and received as one undivided fauna. 
Every one interested in these subjects will join in the regret expressed 
by Sir Proby Cautley that it is now impossible to work the question out, 
unless upon fresh materials. He informs me that the large collection 
of these smaller fossils, sent by him with the others to the British 
Museum, is now not to be found. 

To palajontologists then, we may now announce that a most interest- 
ing case awaits their investigation, namely, the comparison of well 

18G5.] N<>i< " hi! ing to Siuulllc Fauna. 65 

represented vertebrate faunae, occurring in a series of beds, closely 
rebated in point of geological conditions of deposit, etc., and yet 
distinctly separated (broken) in time. 

The application of the fact to stratigraphical geology may now 
take shape. The strata at the base of the sections visible in parts of 
the Sivalik hills are representations of the Nalmn group — the middle 
group of the Sub-Himalayan series. The expression of this on a map 
must still be arbitrary : for the true Sivalik strata (though so strongly 
unconformable with the ' Nahun' strata along their junction with the. 
inner zone of these Nahun rocks,) appear to pass conformably and 
even by gradation into the representatives of the Nahun strata in the 
outer zone. It is of course to be expected that a very close study 
will reveal traces of this unconformability in the sections of the 
Sivalik hills also ; but in such massive, banked strata, from twenty to 
two hundred feet thick, the determination of such a feature will be 
very dubious. 

In physical geology this feature will be only another example, on a 
larger scale than those given in my Memoir, of the supposition I hare 
offered in explanation of the mode of disturbance of all these Sub- 
Himalayan rocks — slow contortion and upheaval along narrow zones 
synchronously, with more or less uninterrupted deposition in the ad- 
joining exterior area. 

66 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V. Descriptions of new land 
shells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava ; with notes on the distribution 
of described species. — By William T. Blanford, A. B. S. M., 
F. O. S. 

[Received 11th March, 1865.] 


Family Helicidce. 

Genus NANINA. 

Section Macrochlamys. 

1. N. compluvialis, n. sp. 

Shell perforated, subglobosely depressed, thin, light-coloured, horny, 

smooth, polished, diaphanous, very minutely striated. Spire convex ; 

suture in a deep and rather broad groove, which becomes obsolete at 

the apex. Whorls 4J, convex, sharply angulate above at the edge of 

the sutural groove ; the last not descending near the mouth. Aperture, 

oblique, irregularly lunate, of the same form as the whorls, nearly 

equal in height and breadth ; peristome thin, in one plane, simple ; 

margins distant, columellar briefly reflexed at the perforation. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 10 0.4 

Minor ditto, 9 0.36 

Axis, 6J 0.26 

Aperture 5 millem. broad. 

Habitat — Arakan hills. 

This shell is closely allied to N. convallata, Bens, of the Tenasserirn 

provinces, and replaces that shell in Arakan. It is distinguished by 

the smaller number of whorls, while the singular sutural channel is 

even more developed, but it varies slightly in size. 

2. N. nebulosa, n. sp. 
Shell minutely perforated, conoidly depressed, thin, light horny, 
not polished, minutely striated, and possessing a dull greasy lustre. 
Spire conoidal ; apex rather acute ; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex 
above ; the last rather broader, subangulate above the periphery 
rounded beneath. Aperture slightly oblique, lunate, the breadth 
greater than the height ; peristome simple, thin ; columellar margin 
vertical, slightly reflexed. 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 67 

Milleui. inch. 

Major diameter, 11| 0.46 

Minor ditto, 10 0.40 

Axis, 6 0.24 

Aperture 6 millem. broad, 4 \ high. 

Habitat — Akoutoung on the Irawady, below Prome, Pegn. 

This species may be distinguished from its numerous allies of the 
Macrochlamys section by its blunt angulation at the periphery and its 
dull lustre. Its nearly vertical mouth amply serves to shew its dis- 
tinction from N. honesta, Gould, which shell moreover is more polished, 
and differs in several other particulars. 

3. N. hypoleuca, n. sp. 

Shell openly perforated, depressed, very thin, smooth, polished, 
horny ; dark brown above ; lighter, frequently white below ; faintly 
striated, obliquely above, radiately below, with extremely fine con- 
centric microscopic markings, which are frequently obsolete. Spire 
very little raised ; apex rather obtuse ; suture impressed, sometimes 
sub-marginate. Whorls 5, rather convex above ; the last rather 
broader, rounded beneath, not descending. Aperture lunate, the 
breadth exceeding the height, nearly vertical ; peristome acute, 
straight ; columellar margin descending with an oblique curve, scarcely 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 12 0.48 

Minor ditto, ' 10J 0.42 

Axis, 6 0.25 

Habitat — Akoutoung, Pegu. Scarce. 

Near N. causia, Bs., but larger, more depressed, and with far finer 
microscopic spiral sculpture ; so fine indeed that it is difficult of detec- 
tion even under a powerful microscope. H. hypoleuca may be re- 
cognised by its pale base, and dark horny colour above, and by its open 

A small form, perhaps identical with the above, but only 5 or 6 
millemctres in diameter, is common in northern Pegu. I had con- 
founded it with N. causia, Bens., but Mr. Benson informs me that 

68 Contributions to Indian Malacology:. [No. 2, 

that species is very different. This small form differs from N. hypoleuca 
in its more marked spiral sculpture, which, however, is still microscopic. 

Section Hemiplecta. 
4. N. undosa, n. sp. 
Shell narrowly umhilicated, depressed, rather solid, white ( ? horny 
when fresh,) peculiarly marked with irregularly sinuous close spiral 
sculpture resembling scratches, and crossed by oblique lines of growth. 
Spire very depressly conoid ; apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls 
5, rather rapidly increasing, somewhat convex ; the last broader, 
rounded at the periphery and below, the spiral sculpture passing 
over the periphery and gradually dying out on the lower surface, 
which is marked by radiating stria3. Mouth diagonal, broadly lunate, 
equally broad and high ; peristome simple, acute ; margins distant, 
united by a callus ; columellar margin oblique, shortly reflexed above. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 36 1.45 

Minor ditto, 31 1.24 

Axis, 21 0.84 

Aperture 18 millem. broad. 

Habitat — Shan Hills, east of Ava. Distinguished by its peculiar 
sculpture ; which somewhat recalls that of Nanina Hurrvphreysiana, 
Lea. All the specimens found were dead and bleached ; fresh speci- 
mens possibly possess a coloured epidermis. 

Section Sesara. 

5. N. HELICIFEKA, n. Sp. 

Shell imperforate when adult, but with a deep umbilical hollow ; 
young specimens deeply perforate ; conoidly trochiform, subcampanulate, 
thin, horny, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costulation 
continuing over the periphery ; smooth, polished and finely striated 
beneath. Spire conoid, sides convex ; apex rather obtuse ; suture im- 
pressed. Whorls 7 — 7§, closely wound, convex, increasing very 
slowly ; the last angulate at the periphery in adults, sharply keeled in 
immature specimens, flattened beneath, more convex near the mouth, 
with one or two small, irregularly shaped indentations, (which arc 
mostly opaque from a coating of white callus within the shell), on the 
lower surface, generally at a distance of about J a whorl from the 

18G5.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 69 

mouth. Aperture oblique, lunate, the breadth double the height, 
columella furnished with a spiral lamina which runs throughout the 
whorls, and renders the shell opaque around the umbilical excavation. 
Peristome simple, very slightly thickened inside, arcuate at the base 
of the right mai-gin ; margins distant, the columellar oblique. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 10 0.4 

Minor ditto, 9 0.36 

Axis, 7 0.28 

Aperture 4 millem. broad, 2 high. 

Animal small with a very narrow foot, a very small mucus pore at 
the end, and a small lobe above. 

Habitat — Arakan hills near Prome ; more abundant on the Arakan 
than on the Pegu side. 

This very pretty little snail, which is nowhere common, is re- 
markable for the screw like lamina on the columella, running up 
throughout the whorls. The indentation on the base of the lowest 
whorl is also peculiar ; it varies considerably in position and form, 
being sometimes double, but it is almost always present. The animal 
bears a great resemblance to that of Nanina pylaica, Bs. 

The subgenus Sesara was founded by Albers for Nanina infrendens, 
Gould, (supposed at first to be a Helix,) a peculiar little Molmein shell 
with teeth inside the peristome. I have no hesitation in uniting to 
this species, besides the closely allied N. capessens, Bens., the Tridopsis- 
like N. pylaica, Bs , and the present species, as well as the two fol- 
lowing. N. pylaica, N. capjessens, N. infrendens, and the present 
species are all distinguished by peculiar additions to the peristome, 
and form together a well marked group, all being more or less 
depressly trochiform, horny, with closely wound narrow whorls, 
arcuately costulate above, and smooth beneath. 

N. helicifera was found rarely on the road between Prome and 
Tongoop, and somewhat further south. In the Bassein district it 
appears to be replaced by N. Basseinensis. 

6. N. MAMILLARIS, n. Sp. 

Shell minutely perforated, very depressly trochiform, suborbicular, 
thin, horny ; finely, closely and arcuately costulated above, the costu- 
lations passing over the periphery ; smooth, shining, and radiately 

70 Contributions to Indian. Malacology. [No. 2, 

striated beneath. Spire depressly conoid, with convex sides, the 
apex slightly acuminate and papillar ; suture but little impressed. 
Whorls 7J, convex, closely wound, slowly increasing ; the last sharply 
keeled, flatly convex beneath, marked in nearly adult and sometimes 
in full grown specimens, with two or three small pits of variable 
form, opaque from corresponding internal calli, and generally arranged 
in an oblique line opposite to the mouth. Aperture oblique, sub- 
rhomboidally lunate, 3 times as broad as high ; columella furnished in 
young specimens with a more or less rudimentary spiral lamina 
running up the whorls, which is obsolete in adult shells. Peristome 
thin, slightly curved forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar 
margin very oblique. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 11 0.44 

Minor ditto, 10 0.4 

Axis, 6J 0.26 

Aperture 5J millem. broad, scarcely 2 high. 

Animal similar to that of N. hclicifcra. 

Habitat — Akoutoung, Pegu — not rare. 

The close relation of this species to the last is unquestionable ; 
besides resembling it in general form, texture, and sculpture, and ill 
the characters of the animal, young specimens possess a similar 
columellar fold, and indentations on the lower surface somewhat 
resembling those of N. helicifera, though less deep and more opaque. 
Both these characters, however, appear to become obsolete in adult 
specimens of the present form. The two species are easily distin- 
guished by the absence of the columellar lamina in adults of N. 
mamillaris, which may also be recognised by its acuminate apex, 
lower spire and flatter base. 

7. N. Basseinensis, n. sp. 
Shell minutely perforated, globosely trochiform, subcampanulate, 
thin, horny, closely, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costu- 
lations passing over the periphery to the under surface, which is 
smooth, shining, and radiately stiiated. Spire obtusely conoid, with 
convex sides ; apex obtuse ; . suture slightly impressed. Whorls 7, 
slightly convex, closely wound, slowly increasing ; the last not de- 
scending, flatly convex beneath, more tumid near the mouth, keeled 

1865.'] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 71 

at the periphery, the keel vanishing near the month. Aperture lunate, 
oblique, breadth more than double the height ; peristome thin, curved 
forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar oblique. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 11 0.44 

Minor ditto, 10 0.4 

Axis, 7| 0.3 

Aperture 5| millem. broad, 2 high. 

Habitat — Southern portion of the Arakan range, of hills near 
Bassein and Cape Negrais. 

This shell is distinguished from N. mamillaris by its non-acuminate 
apex, higher spire and more convex base, and from N. helici/era by 
the absence of the columellar lamina, of which no trace appears in 
the present species. It appears to replace the last named shell in the 
southern portion of the Arakan hills. It is scarce, and I have mot 
with but few specimens in good condition. I have never seen the 
animal, which, however, is doubtless similar to those of the two preced- 
ing species. 

Section Trochomorpha. 

8. N. confinis, n. sp. 

Shell minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, whitish horny, 
smooth, shining. Spire conical, apex slightly obtuse, suture scarcely 
impressed. Whorls 7, flatly convex, marked above with 4 or 5 spiral 
ribs and fine oblique lines of growth ; the last sharply keeled, flatly 
convex beneath, and very finely radiately striated. Aperture oblique 
subrhomboidal, twice as broad as high ; peristome thin, acute, straight ; 
margins distant, columellar subvertical, briefly and triangularly reflexed. 

Millem, inch. 

Major diameter, 10J 0.42 

Minor ditto, 9| 0.38 

Axis, 7 0.28 

Aperture 5 millem. broad, 2J high. 

Habitat — near Thayct Myo, on the borders of British Burma ; also 
near Ava. 

A near ally of N. arx, Bens., from Tenasserim, which, however, 
may easily be recognised by the concave sides of its spire. From other 

72 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

related species, as N. infula, Bens., N. cacuminifera, Bens., and N. 
attegia, Bens., N. confinis is distinguished by its sculpture. 
9. N. culmen, n. sp. 
Shell very minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, homy, trans- 
lucent. Spire conical, apex obtuse, suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex 
above and ornamented with fine raised spiral lines, and oblique striae ; 
the last whorl sharply keeled at the periphery, not descending, 
swollen and minutely decussately striated beneath. Aperture but 
little oblique, subquadrately lunate ; height less than the breadth ; 
peristome simple, thin ; margins distant, columellar vertical, slightly 

reflexed above. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 5f 0.23 

Minor ditto, 5£ 0.21 

Axis,. 6J 0.22 

Aperture 3 millem. broad, 2 high. 

Habitat — Akoutoung and banks of the Tsanda Khyoung, Henzada 

district, Pegu. 

Easily distinguished from .AT. confinis and N. attegia by its smaller 

size and higher spire ; from N. arx, by the sides of the spire being 

straight and not concave, and from the Bengal N. infula, Bens., by 

its sculpture, and its sharper keel. 

10. N. GKATULATOR, U. Sp. 

Shell perforated, turbinate, thin, whitish horny. Spire conical ; 
apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls 5, slowly and regularly in- 
creasing, convex, spirally lirate and marked with oblique stria? of 
growth above ; the last whorl keeled at the periphery, convex and 
decussately marked with concentrfc and radiating stria? below, not 
excavated around the perforation. Aperture diagonal, subtrapezoidal, 
breadth exceeding the height ; peristome thin ; margins distant, united 
by a callus ; basal deeply sinuate ;. columellar vertical, forming a right 
angle with the basal, and briefly triangularly reflexed above ; reflexed 
portion thickened and passing half round the perforation. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 5 0.2 

Minor ditto, 4J 0.18 

Axis, , 4 0.16 

18C5.] Contributions to Indian Malacoloyy. 73 

Aperture 3 ruillem. broad, 2 high. 

Animal with a small mucus pore, and very small lobe above. 

Habitat — Irawaddy valley, Pegu. 

This pretty little species abounds near Thayet Myo, and occurs 
throughout the Irawaddy valley in British Burmah. I do not re- 
member meeting with it in Arakan. It is easily distinguished from 
all others of similar form among Indian shells, by its very oblique 
mouth, by the peculiar columellar margin of the peristome, and by 
the strong Urate sculpture. I have much doubt as to whether it 
should be assigned to Trocltomorjjha, the species of which group are 
larger, and the animals somewhat different. 

Section Kaliella ? 
11. N. conula, n. sp. 
Shell subperforate, turreted, white, horny, thin, translucent, marked 
with oblique sinuous subfiliform costulatc striation, and, below the 
centre of the whorl, with very fine spiral lines, only visible under a 
powerful lens. Spire conical, apex rather obtuse, suture deeply sunk. 
Whorls 6, very convex, keeled in the centre, the keel very fine, raised, 
threaddike, opaque and white ; the last whorl bicarinate, the second 
raised spiral line being below the periphery ; flatly convex beneath, and 
marked by radiating striaj and concentric impressed lines. Aperture 
oblique, tumidly and subangulately lunate, about equally broad and 
high ; peristome thin ; margins distant ; columellar nearly vertical, very 
briefly reflexed at the penultimate whorl. 

Millem. inch. 

Diameter, If 0.07 

Height, 2 0.08 

Habitat — Phoung ditto. Arakan. 

A minute species remarkable for its keeled and convex whorls. 
Only 4 specimens were found. 

Genus HELIX. 

Section Phctopijlis. 

12. H. Karenoeum, n. sp. 

Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, solid, 

white, with rather irregular oblique pale chesnut streaks crossing the 

whorls, transversely and sinuously striated with decussating spiral 

74 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

lines above and below ; epidermis thin, horny. Apex minutely 
granulate or sub-granulate, almost imperceptibly raised above the flat 
spire ; suture not impressed, very narrowly marginate. Whorls 6, 
narrow and closely wound, flat above ; the last angulate above the 
periphery, rounded beneath, descending close to the mouth, very 
slightly compressed behind the same. Umbilicus very shallow, 
exposing all the whorls. Aperture, diagonal, truncately subcircular ; 
peristome white, reflexed throughout, margins joined by a raised bar, 
from the centre of which a lamina passes up the parietal side of the 
whorl to the plication, which lies at about 4. the circumference of the 
whorl from the mouth, and resembles that of Helix achatina, Gray ; 
the parietal transverse lamina being simple and oblique above, then 
bifurcating, giving off the lamina which runs to the mouth, and two 
short basal supports. A thread-like lamina also runs along the 
extreme base of the parietal side of the whorl, and joins the aperture. 
Palatal teeth 5 ; the upper 3 and the lowest longitudinal, the upper- 
most very long and thin, the 4 th vertical, corresponding to the fork 
in the parietal lamina. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 13 0.52 

Minor ditto, 11 0.44 

Axis, 4 0.16 

Habitat — Banks of Tsanda Kbyoung, near Kaintha village, in 
Henzada district, Pegu. Larger variety ; major diameter 18 millem. 
minor diameter 15, height 5. A very few specimens were found on 
the banks of the Nungatho Kbyoung, Henzada district. 

This shell combines the external form of H. leiophis, Bens., and 
H. refuga, Gould, with the internal plication of H. ac]iatina ; Gray. 
From both the first named species, however, the present may be easily 
distinguished by its more perfectly discoid shape, by its smaller 
height, and more open umbilicus, as well as by its colouring. Exter- 
nally, it is a very different shell from H. achat ina, being of not more 
than half the thickness of that species. The internal plication, 
however, is absolutely undistinguishable. 

Like many other shells in Pegu, this species has evidently a very 
local distribution. In the spot where it was found first, among some 
limestone rocks forming a low ridge skirting the right bank of the 

18G5.] Contributions io Indian Malacology. 75 

Tsanda Khyoung, it was abundant, but it was not met with again 
until 3 or 4 specimens of the larger variety were found nearly 50 
miles further south. 

The locality given by Mr. Benson for Helix leiopfoU is Kwadouk 
near Thayet Myo. The shell also abounds at Akoutoung, on the 
Irawady, below Prome. 

13. H. PERARCTA, n. sp. 

Shell sinistral, widely umbilicated, discoid, rather thin, white, 

transversely sinuously striated, with faintly marked decussating spiral 

lines above and below. Apex minutely granulate, slightly raised 

above the flat spire, suture rather deeply impressed. Whorls 6, 

convex above and at the periphery, the last a little compressed behind 

the mouth, descending suddenly to the aperture, which is oblique and 

roundly lunate ; peristome white, expanded all round ; margins joined 

by a somewhat' curved ridge, from the centre of which a lamella runs 

up the whorl towards the parietal plication, which, however, it does 

not join. The parietal vertical lamina is single, simple, rather short, 

slightly curved, with a rudimentary transverse plait at the top. Two 

free horizontal lamella 1 occur beneath that running to the aperture, the 

lowest being the longest and thinnest, and running back beneath the 

base of the vertical lamina. Palatal teeth G, all horizontal except the 

4th and 5th, which are slightly oblique. Umbilicus open, deep, 

exposing all the whorls. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 11 0.44 

Minor ditto, 9 0.36 

Height, 4 0.16 

Habitat — Mya Leit Doung, near Ava. 

Distinguished from its allies, H. refuga, H. leiophis, and H. Kareno- 
rum, by its deeper suture and rounded whorls, and internally by the 
shorter parietal lamina, and by the 5th palatal plait being less oblique 
than in leiophis, and not backed by a second plait as in refuga. This 
species is the smallest known amongst those belonging to the Burmese 
types of Plectopylis. 

14. H. Feddeni, n. sp. 

Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, thin, 
dull white, marked by rather irregular oblique sculpture both above 

76 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

and below. Spire quite flat, apex not rising above the surface, suture 
impressed. Whorls 6^ — 7, narrow and closely wound, slightly convex 
above ; the last much broader, rounded at the periphery and beneath, 
descending abruptly close to the mouth. Umbilicus shallow, exposing 
all the whorls. Aperture more nearly horizontal than vertical, sub- 
circularly lunate. Peristome slightly thickened, expanded throughout, 
margins joined by a rib, from the centre of which a lamina sometimes 
runs up to the parietal plication, but is frequently interrupted a short 
distance within the aperture, and is always thicker and higher near 
the mouth than further back. Parietal plication consisting of a verti- 
cal lamina in front, and a second, slightly oblique, just behind the 
first, giving out the interrupted lamina running to the aperture from 
the top, and a shorter horizontal lamella from the bottom ; the hinder 
with small re-entering supports above and below. Beneath both is a 
narrow free thread-like horizontal lamella. Palatal teeth 5 : 1st, 2nd, 
3rd and 5th horizontal, 4th vertical and stouter than the others ; 1st 
and 2nd longer than the remainder. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 16 0.65 

Minor ditto, 13 0.52 

Height, 4} 0.18 

Habitat — Prome : rare. 

Of this unquestionably distinct species but 3 or 4 specimens were 
found by Mr. Fedden and myself. Both the external form and plica- 
tion differ from those of all allied species. It is especially distinguish- 
ed by its rounded periphery, wider last whorl, and its irregular 
non-decussated sculpture externally, and internally by the double 
parietal lamina. 

Section ? 

15. H. POLYPLETJRIS, n. Sp. 

Shell openly umbilicated, trochiform, rather solid, white, (probably 
horny in living specimens,) obliquely and closely costulated. Spire 
conoid ; apex rather obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex, 
slowly increasing ; the last not descending, surrounded by a raised 
thread-like keel, convex beneath, and somewhat sinuously radiately 
costulated around the deep and pervious umbilicus. Aperture oblique, 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology* 77 

roundly lunate, almost circular ; peristome thin ; margins distant, 
columellar slightly expanded. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 4 0.16 

Minor ditto, 3f 0.15 

Axis, 3 0.12 

Habitat — Arakan hills : rare. 

A prettily marked little species near H. BascawAa, Bens., from 
which it is distinguished by its finer and closer sculpture, more open 
umbilicus, and less conical spire. It is very probably a Nanina, but 
the animal was not met with. 



Shell subobtectly perforated, turritedly ovate, thin, horny, yellowish 
white, marked with vertical, subarcuate, rather irregular, closely set, 
raised lines. Spire turrited, apex obtuse, suture simple, impressed. 
Whorls 6, convex, the last rounded beneath. Aperture vertical, 
Irancately ovate: peristome simple, thin ; right margin considerably 
curved forwards ; columellar vertical, curving to the left near the base, 
frequently straight, rather broadly rellexed. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 7 0.28 

Diameter, .'.. 3£ 0.14 

Length of aperture, : 3-| 0.14 

Habitat — Pegu, west of the Irawady. 

The nearest ally of this species is its congener B. putus, Bens., 
which inhabits the same localities, and differs in its greater tumidity 
and less marked sculpture. There is, however, much variation in the 
first named character, and despite the great difference between the two 
forms in general, there is some appearance of a passage. Two speci- 
mens of B. pulus which I possess, measuring respectively 7 and 8J 
millem. in length, are both 5 millem. in diameter. 

Both these species shew a tendency to a passage to Spiraxis. 

17. B. plicifer, n. sp. 
Shell obtectly perforated, ovately conical, rather thin, horny, finely 
striated. Spire conical, apex obtuse ; suture marginate, scarcely 

78 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

impressed. Whorls 5, planulately convex above, the last longer than 
the spire, somewhat tumid, rounded at the base. Aperture vertical, 
truncately oval, subpyriforrn ; peristome simple ; right margin curved 
forwards ; columellar callous, subvertical, slightly curved, rather broadly 
reflexed ; margins united by a callus bearing a small re-entering lamella 
about the centre. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 9 0.36 

Diameter, 5| 0.22 

Aperture 5 millem. high, 2J broad. 
Habitat — Thayet Myo, Pegu : rare. 

A more tumid shell than B. putus, Bens., and easily distinguished 
from all other Indian and Burmese forms of the genus by the re-enter- 
ing parietal plait. 


18. S. pusilla, n. sp. 
Shell imperforate, ovate, thin, horny, yellowish white, costulately 
striated. Spire conically pyramidal ; sides straight ; apex rather acute ; 
suture impressed. Whorls 5, convex ; the last longer than the spire 
(ratio == 4 : 3) and rounded beneath. Aperture rather oblique, subpy- 
riforrn ; peristome simple, acute, much curved forwards on the right 
margin ; columella scarcely twisted, reflexed, appressed on the whorl. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 6 0.24 

Diameter, 3J 0.14 

Length of aperture, 3| 0.14 

Habitat. — Prome district, Pegu : rare. 

I am not quite sure if all of the few specimens I possess of this 
peculiar small form came from Akoutoung, or whether some may not 
be from Thayet Myo. The shell resembles young specimens of 
Bulimus putus, Bens., so closely, that it can only be distinguished by 
the absence of any perforation. 


19. A. Peguensis, n. sp. 
Shell oblong ovate, rather solid, dark reddish brown, horny, marked 
with distinct and regular impressed lines. Spire convexly conical ; 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology: 79 

apex obtuse ; suture impressed, subcrenulate. Whorls 6 J, slightly- 
convex ; the last ascending a little towards the mouth, and exceeding 
J of the shell in length. Aperture vertical, truncately semicircular ; 
peristome obtuse, slightly thickened ; margins joined by a callus ; 
columella very much curved, projecting forwards at the base, subver- 
tically truncated within the peristome. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 7 0.28 

Diameter, 3J 0.14 

Length of aperture, 2f 0.11 

Habitat — Irawady valley, Pegu : common. 

A pretty little species, darker in colour than any of its allies, except 
perhaps A. gemma, Bens., and easily distinguished from all, by the 
columella being more arcuate, . also by its more acuminate spire and 
blunter apex, and its much stronger sculpture. 

20. A. pektenuis, n. sp. 

Shell very slender, turrited, thin, light horny, polished, closely, 
minutely, and rather irregularly striated. Spire subulate, somewhat 
acuminate towards the blunt apex ; suture impressed, subcrenulate. 
Whorls 11 — 12, convex, the last about \ the length of the spire. 
Aperture oblique, ovately pyriform, peristome thin, margins united by 
a thin callus, columella moderately curved, obliquely truncated. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 20 0.8 

Diameter, 4J 0.18 

Length of aperture, 4 0.16 

Habitat — Tongoop, Arakan. 

Var major, length 26| millem. ; diameter 6 ; length of aperture 6. 
Of another specimen ; length 23 millem. ; diameter 5f ; length of aper- 
ture 5£. 

Habitat — Pyema Khyoung, Bassein district, Pegu. 

A much more slender species than A. tenuisjaira, Bens., (a variety of 
which also abounds in parts of Pegu,) though there are signs of a 
passage. The present appears to replace A. tenuispka in Arakan and 
Bassein. Mr. Benson, to whom I sent a specimen, observes that it is 
intermediate between A. teuuispira and A. hastula, Bens. 

80 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 


21. S. plicata, n. sp. 
Shell depressly subovate, very thin, irregularly, obliquely and more 
or less coarsely plaited, pale amber in colour, horny. Spire short ; 
apex minutely papillar. Whorls 2J ; the last about f of the entire 
length. Aperture oblique, curved backwards at the base, nearly oval, 
openly angulate above ; peristome simple ; columellar margin regularly 
bow-shaped ; right margin rather straighter. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 17 0.68 

Diameter, 9J 0.38 

Height, when laid upon the mouth, 6 millem. Aperture 14 millem. 
long, 8 broad. 

Habitat — Tongoop, Arakan : one or two specimens, rather less 
coarsely sculptured, occurred also south of Bassein in Pegu. 

This species approaches S. semiserica, Gould, but is distinguished 
from that and from all other Indian species by its coarse sculpture. 
It has also a larger spire than S. semiserica. It is not common : indeed 
species of the genus Succinea are generally but very locally distributed 
in India and Burma. 


22. C. fusiformis, n. sp. 
Shell not rimate, fusiform, horny, thin, white ; obliquely, very 
closely and finely costulately striated throughout. Spire diminishing 
slowly at first above the middle, then rapidly attenuate towards the 
acute apex ; suture simple, scarcely. impressed, deeper towards the apex. 
Whorls 9, convex above, flattened below, the last very little narrower 
than the penultimate. Aperture semioval, (nearly semicircular) ; upper 
parietal plait very fine ; internal palatal teeth 7, the uppermost by far 
the longest. Peristome thin, expanded, not continuous, the margins 
being distant, and united by a thin callus ;. columellar margin straight 
and very long posteriorly. 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 23 0.92 

Diameter, 6 0.24 

Habitat — Arakan hills, west of Henzada. Very rare. 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 81 

But a solitary specimen was met with belonging to this form, which 
is more tumid in the centre than any of its allies, G. insigvia, Gould, 
&c. The non-continuity of the peristome may be due to immaturity 
in the specimen found. The shape of the mouth may also possibly be 
slightly modified in older examples, but the general form doubtless 
remains the same, and is alone sufficient to distinguish the species. 

A solitary specimen of another new form, much smaller than the 
above, being only 17 millem. long, occurred at Moditoung Tsekan, on 
the road from Prome to Tongoop. It is unfortunately bleached and 
worn, though perfect. 


23. S. Burmanica, n. sp. 
Shell ovately subglobose, umbilieated, thin, horny, white, marked 
throughout with fine and closely set sinuate costulation. Spire 
convex; sutures scarcely impressed. Whorls G, the last 2 widely 
excentric, rounded at the periphery ; the penultimate broader than the 
last whorl ; last flattened beneath, and angulately compressed an mud 
the umbilicus. Aperture oblicpie, irregularly semioval, with a single 
re-entering lamellar parietal ; peristome white, thin, expanded through- 
out, deeply sinuate above, at the junction with the penultimate whorl, 
compressed and curved forwards on the upper right margin, and some- 
times furnished with a very small internal tooth-like callous projection; 
the two margins subparallel, distant, united by a thin callus. 

Major diameter, 

Minor ditto, 


Habitat — Tongoop, Arakan. 

This is a very near ally of the Molmein S. Petiti, Gould, but it is 
distinguished from that shell and from 8. exacuta, Gould, by the 
rounded periphery and more globose form. It is larger and less 
slender than S. Andamanica, Bens., and is distinguished from all the 
above species, and also from the Nilgiri 8. Perrotteti, by the greater 
size of the penultimate whorl in comparison with that of the antepenul- 
timate, a character to which my attention was called by Mr. Benson. 

In Dr. Gould's original description (an imperfect one) of 8. Petiti 









82 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

as republished in Otia Conchologica, p. 183, no mention is made o{ 
the angulation of the periphery, which, however, is referred to by 
Pfeiffer, (Mon. Helic. I. 8). The character is certainly variable : in 
specimens in my own collection there is a considerable difference. 


Family Cyclophoridce. 


24. C. (Lacjocheilus) leporinus. 

Shell narrowly umbilicated, conically turbinate, thin, dark horny, 
and ornamented throughout with oblique strife and with raised spiral 
lines, closer together at the periphery and within the umbilicus than 
elsewhere. Spire conical ; apex rather acute. Whorls 5J, rounded ; 
the last cylindrical, not descending. Aperture oblique, subcircular, 
angulate above ; peristome simple, thickened, subexpanded, incised at 
the upper angle ; columellar margin curved backwards. Operculum 
horny, greyish white, multispiral. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 4 0.16 

Minor ditto, 3J 0.14 

Axis, . 4 0.16 

Habitat — Akoutoung, Pegu. 

This form is allied to Cyclophorus scissimargo, Bens., and C. tomo- 
trema, Bens., forming with them the group for which Mr. Theobald 
has proposed the name of Lagocheilus. There appears good reason for 
associating these shells as a distinct subgenus, which perhaps repre- 
sents, in Burma, the group of Cychphori comprising C. halophilus and 
its allies in Southern India and Ceylon. The present species is 
smaller and higher in the spire than either of the others. The animal 
of C. leporinus is short, dark in colour, with small black tentacles, and 
resembles ordinary Cychphori in most characters. The only specimen 
obtained living and examined, possessed, however, the peculiarity of a 
groove down the middle of the caudal portion of the foot above. 

The peristome is simple in the only perfect adult specimen which I 
possess, but in a broken barely adult shell, there is a rudimentary 
duplication. The two lips are probably united in the full grown shell. 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 83 

I also met with a shell apparently belonging to this species, but 
not full grown, at Pyema Khyoung, south of Bassein. 

An immature specimen of probably a 4th species of Lagocheilus, 
with very fine and rather close ecpiidistant spiral sculpture, was found 
by me in the neighbourhood of Ava. 


25. Pt. Feddeni, n. sp. 

Shell widely umbilicated, convexly depressed, smooth, finely striated 

rather thin, elegantly marked with alternating transverse zigzag stripes 

of white and chesnut, and with a moderately broad submedian band of 

darker colour. Spire nearly flat ; apex but very slightly protruded ; 

suture deep. Whorls 4J, convex ; the last rounded, descending towards 

the mouth. Aperture circular, slightly oblicpie ; peristome double ; the 

two portions separated by a shallow groove, the inner cut away into a 

moderate sinus above, and the outer turned up into a small vertical 

wing, free from the penultimate whorl. Operculum concave within, 

the centre flat ; flatly concave without, with lamellar free edges to the 

whorls, thickest at the circumference. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, ,„., 11 0.44 

Minor ditto, 9 0.36 

Axis,... 5 0.2 

Habitat — Thayet Myo, Pegu — rare. 

A smaller and more convex shell than Pt. cetra, Bens, from 
Molmein. It is one of the most beautifully marked species of the 
genus ; it resembles Pt. pullatus, Bens., in form, and in the peculiar 
characters of the operculum, and equals the handsomest specimens of 
Pt. rupestris, Bens., in its colouring. 

Named after the discoverer, Mr. Fedden, of the Geological Survey. 

Genus ALYC^IUS. 

26. A. politus, n. sp. 

Shell moderately umbilicated, turbinately depressed, smooth, polish- 
ed, shining, amber-coloured. Spire depressly conoidal ; suture deep ; 
apex obtuse, rather redder than the remainder of the shell. Whorls 
3J, convex ; the last round, scarcely descending towards the mouth 
very little swollen at the side, and ornamented on the inflated portion 

84 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

for a short distance with close fine costulation, which extends beneath 
to the umbilicus and renders the shell opaque in that spot. Constric- 
tion long, smooth, swelling considerably in front towards the mouth. 
Sutural tube short, about \ to \ of the periphery of the penultimate 
whorl. Aperture oblique, circular, deeply sinuate at the junction 
with the penultimate whorl, and at the lower right margin ; peristome 
double, the inner lip projecting and continuous, outer lip retrorelict. 
Operculum horny, multispiral, externally concave. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 3 0.12 

Minor ditto, 2} 0.09 

Axis, 11 0.05 

Habitat — Phoung do, near Cape Negrais, Arakan. 

Very near A. Jiumilis, W. Blanf., from Pegu, but distinguished by 
its lower spire, wider umbilicus, more sinuous mouth, and especially by 
its high polish, in which it is only equalled by A. nitidus, W. Blanf. 

27. A. glaber, n. sp. 
Shell broadly umbilicated, conoidly depressed, solid, reddish white, 
the upper whorls darker, rather dull in lustre, smooth, except at the 
swollen portion of the last whorl, which is very finely and closely 
costulated. Spire depressly conoid ; apex rather obtuse ; suture im- 
pressed. Whorls 4, convex, the last obsoletely subangulate at the 
periphery, moderately swollen at the side, then constricted, descending 
a little near the mouth. Constriction of moderate length, smooth, 
slightly swollen in the middle. Sutural tube of moderate length. 
Aperture diagonal, circular ; peristome more or less distinctly duplex, 
thickened, moderately expanded. Operculum dark coloured, horny, 
externally concave, internally convex, with a prominent central nucleus. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 7£ 0.30 

Minor ditto, 6 24 

Axis, 4| 0.18 

Habitat — Akyab, Arakan ; the hills south of the harbour. 

This species closely resembles A. Ingrami, W. Blanf., for which I 
for some time mistook it, but it is distinguished by the absence of any 
sculpture on the upper whorls, and also by the more oblique month. 

1865.] Contributions to I ml inn Malacology. 85 


28. D. NANA, 11. Sp. 

Shell not rimate, dextrorse, subovatc, rather solid, amber-coloured, 
very finely and closely filiforinly costulatcd on the lower whorls, less 
closely on the upper, or, frequently, subdistantly costulated through- 
out. Spire conical, with sides scarcely convex above ; apex rather 
obtuse, sometimes reddish, suture impressed. Whorls 6 — 6|, rounded, 
antepenultimate the largest, the last rising considerably upon the 
penultimate. Aperture vertical, ear-shaped, nearly circular, columellar 
margin straight for a short distance and vertical, with an internal 
tooth. Peristome double, both portions expanded and appressed, the 
inner forming a thin callus upon the penultimate whorl. Operculum ? 

Millem. inch. 

Length, 2i 0.09 

Diameter, 1 0.04 

Aperture with peristome about § millem. in diameter. 

Habitat — Akoutoung, Thondoung and Yenandoung in Henzada 
district, Pegu. 

This species approaches D. polypleuris, Bens., more nearly than 
any other. It is distinguished by its more regularly ovate form, 
blunter apex, less swollen penultimate whorl, and more marked and 
distant sculpture. The latter character, however, varies. The 
specimens from Thondoung, a hill about 20 miles south of Akoutoung, 
being either closely costulate throughout, or subdistantly sculptured 
above, closely below ; while in Akoutoung specimens, the costulation 
is subdistant throughout. As, however, I can trace no other distinc- 
tion between the shells, and the costulation varies in different indivi- 
duals from each place, I do not think there is any specific distinction. 

A still more minute species than the present exists in Pegu, and 
I found two dead specimens at the base of the Arakan hills in the 
Henzada district. As these specimens were not Very well preserved, 
I abstain from describing them for the present. 

Family Helicinidce. 

29. H. Arakanensis. 
Shell depressly turbinate, sublenticular, rather thin, obliquely striated 
above, radiately and very minutely beneath, polished, flesh-coloured, 

86 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2. 

with a darker red band in the centre of the whorls above, and another 
on the last whorl, just below the periphery ; apex yellow. Spire con- 
vexly conoid ; apex acute. Whorls 4, the last compressed and sharply 
keeled, moderately convex at the base, furnished with a polished sub- 
granulate central callus; columella very short. Aperture diagonal, 
triangular ; peristome white, slightly expanded. Operculum light 
grey, shelly. 

Millem. inch. 

Major diameter, 6 0.24 

Minor, 5 0.2 

Axis, 8} 0.15 

Habitat — Ramri Island, coast of Arakan. Rare. 

A smaller variety, measuring — major diameter 5, minor 4J, axis 3 
millem., was abundant in the southern portion of the Bassein district. 

Near H. Merguiensis, Pfr. and H. Andamanica, Bens., but smaller 
than either. It is mainly distinguished from the former by the 
absence of the close spiral striation, so marked in that species, and 
from the latter by different colouring, higher spire and closer sculpture. 

The preceding pages contain descriptions of the greater portion of 
the previously unpublished species of land shells in my collections 
from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan ; I have still a few remaining, the dis- 
tinctness of which is probable, but they belong, for the most part, to 
critical groups, and require comparison with the original types of 
species, described by Mr. Benson and others. The following addition- 
al notes, on the distribution of previously described species, may serve 
to supplement the papers on the subject, by Mr. Theobald, in Jour. 
As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. XXVI. p. 245, and Vol. XXVII. p. 313. 


Nanina petasus, Bens., is common about Thayet Myo and in the 
Arakan hills. My largest specimen measures 12 millemetres by 11 
in its two diameters. A smaller, closely allied shell, measuring 8 by 7 
millem., I was inclined to refer to Mr. Benson's Helix aspides, on 
account of the arcuate and labiate basal margin of the aperture, but 
I learn from the describer that it presents differences, although not 
sufficient to prove it a distinct species. A third still smaller form, 
with the thickening and curvature of the peristome exaggerated, and 

1805.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 87 

a somewhat flatter spire, measures only 5 to 5^ millem. in its largest 
diameter, and may be a distinct shell. It, also, is from the Arakan 

Nanina honesta, Gould, originally described from Tavoy, is found 
throughout western Pegu and Arakan, as well as at Molmein, where 
it was collected by Mr. Theobald. Dr. Gould's description is very 
imperfect ; he does not even note the great obliquity of the mouth, 
which is the most striking character of the species. In the Arakan 
hills near Prome, and about Thayet Myo, a larger variety occurs, in 
which the angulation of the periphery entirely disappears in the adult, 
although the other characters are the same. The sutural margi nation 
is sometimes, though rarely, obsolete. Large specimens measure 14 
by 11 J millem., and about 7 in height. 

N. levicula, Bens., also first found by Mr. Theobald in the Tenas- 
scrim provinces, is very common about Thayet Myo, Prome, and 
Akoutoung, and occurs also as far south as the Bassein district. It is 
frequently whitish in colour. It is allied to N. honesta, but easily 
distinguished, besides by its smaller size, by the fewer whorls and their 
more rapid rate of increase, and also by the total absence of sculpture. 
There is much variation in size : my largest specimen measures 8J and 
7 millem. in its two diameters. The animal has a very small lobe 
above the mucus pore in the tail, which is truncated. The mantle is 
rather large. A single specimen of a shell, apparently identical, was 
found by me, some years ago, near Balasore in Orissa. 

N. textrina was evidently described by Mr. Benson, (in the Annals 
and Mag. Nat. Hist. 1856, Ser. 2, Vol. XVIII. p. 252,) from an 
immature specimen. When adult, the peristome is white and slightly 
thickened within, and the body whorl internally of a milky white 
colour. This handsome species is found west of the Irawady, from 
Thayet Myo to Bassein, and varies considerably in size, in the height 
of the spire, and in the degree of angulation above the periphery. 
The greatest change takes place in the latter character ; specimens 
from the district of Bassein being sharply angled, and even subcarinate, 
the angulation diminishing, however, close to the aperture ; while, in 
specimens from Thayet Myo and Prome, the periphery is round. In 
height of spire, the shell varies from depressed to subturbinate ; in 
two specimens before me, one has a major diameter of 30 millem., and 
height of 13 ; the other with a major diameter of only 27, measures 

88 Contributions to Indian Malacologij. [No. 2, 

15 millem. in the axis, and this variation is seen in hoth rounded and 
subcarinate specimens. The largest specimen I possess, measures in 
its two diameters, 36 and 31 millemetres, and in height 18. 

N. pansa, Bens., was found near Akoutoung and Thayet Myo ; and 
also, more abundantly, in the neighbourhood of Ava. 

N. (Trochomorpha) attegia, Bens., abounds at Akoutoung below 
Prome. It is not common elsewhere, except about Prome. The 
animal has a mucus pore at the end of a truncated foot, and a lobe 
above, as in N. vitrinoides, Desh. A shell which Mr. Benson considers 
as probably identical with Helix diplodon, Bens., (a Khasi hill species) 
occurs rarely in the Arakan hills. It is a Nanina with a small lobe 
above the mucus pore near the end of the tail, which, however, is more 
flattened and less truncated than in species of the Trochomoipha section 

No species of the Ariophanta section, so largely represented in 
India, has as yet been found in Pegu or Arakan ;* N. retrorsa, G-ould, 
being hitherto unknown N. or W. of Molmein. Macrochlamys and 
Trochomorpha (unless N. textrina and N. pansa belong rather to 
Hemiplecta than to the former,) comprise the great majority of the 
Nanince. The forms belonging to the first named section are so 
numerous, and distinguished by such minute differences, that their 
study is one of great difficulty. 


Amongst the true Helices in Northern Pegu, several forms assigned 
to the section Dorcasia, Gray, are conspicuous. They appear to re- 
pi-esent in Burma, H. fallaciosa, Fer., H. asperella, Pfr., and their 
allies of the Indian peninsula, and they might all perhaps with greater 
correctness be classed together in the same section. Amongst these 
forms is H. similcwis, Per., of which H, scalpturita, Bens , and 
H. Zoroaster, Theobald, appear to be varieties. These shells occur in 
the drier portions of the Irawady valley, and are not found below 
Prome, but they extend northwards to beyond Ava. The variety 
named by Mr. Benson H. scalptarita sometimes wants the coloured 

* Nor is this section, so far as I know, represented in the Himalayas- 
N. Himalayana, Lea, being almost certainly N. internqda, Bens., and the 
assigned locality due to an error ; while H. mjclotrema, Bens., lately described 
from the hills N. of Tirhoot, is a sinistrorse member of the asperella group, and 
closely allied to that species, as may be seen from its expanded lip and granu- 
late surface. The animal is doubtless a true Helix, and not a Nanina. 


1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 89 

bands, and passes into a shell closely resembling H. Peguensis, Bens., 
a more solid i'orni, shells approaching which closely in every character 
except in being less solid, were found on the Shan hills, east of Ava. 
Mr. Benson considers these shells distinct from H Peguensis, but there 
can be little doubt of their forming a link. The typical variety of 
H. scalpturita abounds near Mandele. H. Zoroaster, Theobald, is a 
large H. similaris, and occurs abundantly at Thayet Myo and less so 
at Prome. H. bolus, Bens., abundant near Thayet Myo and Prorne, 
is sometimes marked by a coloured band like that of H. similaris, and 
varies greatly in the height of the spire. The type is a well marked 
form, far more globose than the others, but yet it passes, by impercep- 
tible gradations, into similaris. H. delibrata, Bens, is also allied to 
similaris although classed in a different section or subgenus by both 
Albers and Pfeiffer; it unites Dorcasia with the Trachea group, 
(H. asperella and its allies). H. delibrata is not rare throughout 
Arakan ; it occurs at Akyab, and in Pegu it is found at Akoutoung 
and other places ; when fresh it has a subhispid epidermis, and fre- 
quently a rufous band above the periphery, like similaris and asperella. 

Somewhat allied to the similaris group, but yet forming a distinct 
and well marked section, are H. tapeina, Bens., and its allies H. rota- 
toria, v. d. Busch, H. Oldhami, Bens., and H. Huttoni, Pfr. To 
these, two other species have been added by Mr. Theobald, viz. : 
H. Phayrei and H Alcoidongensis. The type appears almost peculiar 
to the Malay countries, one species only, H. Huttoni, occurring upon 
the Himalayas and other Indian mountains, and none in the plains of 

H. Oldhami, Bens, is a well marked and easily distinguished form, 
with almost flat spire, very wide umbilicus, and the last whorl sub- 
angulate above the periphery and swollen beneath. The epidermis 
when in good order, is subhispid, as in several other species of the 
group. This form was first found by Dr. Oldham at Mya Leit Doung, 
a few miles south-east of Ava, and I afterwards met with it in the 
Arakan hills, on the road between Prome and Tongoop. 

The other species pass into each other in the most perplexino- 
manner, and there scarcely appears any choice between increasing their 
number indefinitely, and classing all together as varieties of one speciesr 

The lillle form known as H. Huttoni, Pfr., is perhaps move easily 
distinguished than most of the others, as it is singularly constant in 

90 Contributions to Indian Malacology . [No. 2, 

form. It is usually smaller than tapeina or rotatoria, and may gener- 
ally be recognised by its blunt periphery and the convexity both of 
the spire and base. Still, forms of H. tapeina approach it so closely 
that they may be said to pass into it. I found specimens of H. Huttoni 
in only one spot in Burma, viz. on Puppa hill, an isolated peak, 
nearly 5,000 feet high, in Upper Burma. The occurrence of a Hima- 
layan shell which is found as high as 6,000 and 7,000 feet in Sikkim, 
upon this solitary hill, where it is accompanied by peculiar species, as 
Alycwus Vulcani, W. Blanf. and Diplommatina Puppensis, W. Blanf., 
and with a flora comprising plants, such as Pteris aquilina, belonging 
to a temperate climate, is very remarkable ; especially as the same 
species was found by myself on the Nilgiri hills of Southern India, at 
an elevation of above 6,000 feet, and by Mr. F. Layard on the moun- 
tains of Ceylon. It is found both in the eastern and western Hima 
layas, and has probably once enjoyed a far more general range in India 
than at present. Its occurrence, with so little variation, in isolated 
situations, is in favour of its being a distinct and natural species, a 
rank to which, morphologically considered, its claims are small. 

At Mya Leit Doung, the high limestone peak 15 miles south-east 
of Amarapoora, already referred to, and the locality whence Cyclopho- 
rus C7'yptomphalus, Bens., G. hispidulus, W. Blanf., Diplommatina 
exilis, W. Blanf., Georissa frustrillum, Bens, sp., Hypselostoma Benso- 
nianum, W. Blanf., Helix perarcta, W. Blanf., and other peculiar 
species have been obtained, I found Mr. Theobald's Helix Phayrei, 
which appears to have some claims to be considered a distinct species. 
Mr. Theobald's description (J. A. S. B., 1859, Vol. XXVIII. p. 306) 
is very imperfect, and the following may serve to give a better idea of 
the shell. 

H. Phayrei, Theobald. 

Shell moderately umbilicated, orbiculately conoid, rather solid, 
white, with a horny shining epidermis ; obliquely, coarsely and flex- 
uously plicately striated beneath the epidermis, bluntly angulate at 
the periphery. Spire depressly conoid ; apex obtuse ; suture scarcely 
impressed. Whorls 6, slightly convex, slowly increasing ; the last 
descending towards the aperture, where the angulation of the peri- 
phery dies out ; convex beneath, compressed around the deep umbili- 
cus, which exposes all the whorls. Aperture subcircularly lunate, 
diagonal ; peristome white, slightly expanded throughout ; margins 

1805.] Contributions to Indian Malacology, 91 

approaching each other, and united by a callus. Major diameter 18, 
minor 15 J, axis 8 millemctres. 

Habitat — Mya Lcit Doungi Ava. 

This differs from all allied forms in its much coarser flexuous sculp- 
ture, and from most of them by its blunt angulation at the periphery. 
It is also, so far as I know, the largest form, belonging to this group, 
which occurs in Burma.* 

H. tapeina is said by Mr. Benson to be distinguished from rotatoria, 
amongst other characters, by the greater regularity of the sculpture in 
the former shell, which contrasts with the irregularly flexuous stria- 
tion of the latter.f I have never seen a typical specimen of H. rota- 
toria, which was originally described from Java, but Mr. Benson has 
identified with it a shell which abounds at Thayet Myo, Vrome and 
Akoutoung, and a variety of which, with a flat spire, Mr. Theobald 
has called H. Akoutongensis. Of H. tapeina I possess specimens collected 
by Mr. Theobald at the original locality, the Khasi hills. These 
have a slightly more regular sculpture, an angulate periphery instead 
of the sharp compressed keel of the Pegu form, and a rounder mouth, 
but the spire is sometimes highei - , sometimes not, and I can see no 
distinction in the umbilicus. In all the distinctive characters, varieties 
shewing gradation, occur in Burma. 

Leaving the question of specific distinction, the distribution of 
varieties of these shells in the Irawady valley, so far as I have searched, 
is the following. 

On the Shan hills, east of the valley in which lie Mandele, the pre- 
sent capital of Ava, and the older capitals, Amarapoora and Ava itself, 
I found a lenticular sharply keeled form, less swollen beneath, and, in 
general, higher in the spire than the Akoutoung form of rotatoria, 
with the sides of the spire straight, not convex. The epidermis, 
when in good order, and especially in young specimens, is hispid ; the 
sculpture rather variable, but flexuous. This latter is also the case 
with the Akoutoung and Thayet Myo form of rotatoria. 

* la a letter received since the above was written, Mr. Benson informs me 
that H. Phayrel only differs from his type of H. tapeina in its coarser sculpture. 
My specimens of the latter shell have a more angulate periphery. 

f In Pfeifl'er's Monogr. Helic. Viv., however, H. tapeina (Vol. III. p. 254) is 
said to be " Subtiliter granulato-striata," while H. rotatoria (Vol. I. p. 203) is 
described simply as " oblique striata." The former is said to differ from the 
latter in sculpture, higher spire, narrower umbilicus and rounder aperture. 

92 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

In the Tsagain hills, west of the Irawady, opposite Ava, I obtained 
two forms, one bluntly angled at the periphery and approaching H. 
Oldhami, in which however the spire is lower and the umbilicus more 
open. The sculpture, form of the whorls and of the mouth, (which is 
rounded with connivcnt margins and expanded throughout,) and the 
angulation of the periphery, are precisely similar to the same characters 
in my specimens of H. tapeina : the umbilicus is slightly broader, and 
the spire lower, sometimes as flat as in Akoutongensis. The dimensions 
are 15^ and 14 millem. in the two diameters ; height 6. The other 
form is extremely sharply keeled and lenticular, with an angulate 
lunate mouth, and a narrower umbilicus than the last, or even than the 
Cherra tapeina, but it has the same simple sculpture, differing in this 
from the Shan hills form, which it otherwise resembles. It mea- 
sures 17J millem. by 16, and 9 in height. 

The next locality to the south in the Irawady valley at which I 
obtained forms of this type was at Thayet Myo. I have already re- 
ferred to the variety prevailing there, as well as at Prome and Akou- 
toung. As a rule, the shells are small, thin, horny, and more or less 
hispid, very variable in the height of the spire, sharply keeled and 
with very fine, flexous striation. The major diameter is about 10 to 
12 millem. on an average. 

At Henzada, and in its neighbourhood, another form prevails. It 
is also met with at Akoutoung, but is rare, and it passes into the 
flatter form there prevailing. The Henzada shell has a much higher 
spire with very convex sides, and is, in fact, subcampanulate, the 
base, on the other hand, being flattened. It is sharply keeled, quite 
as sharply as the Akoutoung form, but it has the sculpture rather of 
H. tapeina than of rotatoria, and the epidermis, instead of being sub- 
hispid as in the latter shell, is merely granulate. A form, interme- 
diate both in height of spire and in sculpture between the Henzada 
and Akoutoung varieties, was found in the Arakan hills, between 
Prome and Tongoop. 

In the Bassein district, all the shells of this type are much the 
same. They have a sharp keel, moderate spire with convex sides, 
obtuse apex, and but little convexity beneath. They possess a granu- 
late epidermis and the sculpture of H. tapeina. 

The specimens with the highest spires, from Henzada, approximate 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 93 

in form to the Cambodia H. repanda, Pt'r., and may perhaps he 

It will he seen how variable the forms are. The spire varies from 
flat to almost bell-shaped, the periphery from sharply keeled to angu- 
late, the whorls from subconvex to flat or nearly so ; nor is there great- 
er constancy in the form of the mouth, the sculpture, the epidermis, 
or the breadth of the umbilicus. Distinct as many of the varieties 
appear to be, they all pass gradually into eacli other, and with the 
exceptions already described, I believe all the forms are most safely 
classed as varieties of one species. Whether this should be called 
rotatoria or tapeina is difficult to say, without more precise acquaint- 
ance with the types of those shells.* 

Not far from the tapeina group must be classed H. castra, Bens., 
which, despite its thin horny shell and sharp peristome, is not a 
Nanina, but a true Helix. It occurs throughout the Arakan hills, 
wherever I have searched, but is everywhere scarce. It has the 
widest range in the Indian area of any known Helix, being found in 
the Himalayas, in Orissa, in Ceylon, and throughout Burma as far 
south as the Tenasserim provinces. 

H. climacterica, Bens, is very probably a Nanina, but I have not 
had an opportunity of observing the animal. The shell was found by 
Captain Ingram on the road from Prome to Tongoop, and I found it 
again in the hills, at the southern extremity of the Henzada district, 
and in Bassein. It occurred also in Long island, in the Bassein river. 
It is much smaller in general than the typical Rhasi hill shell ; I 
possess specimens, apparently fully grown, but measuring only 13 or 
14 millemetres in their major diameter. 

H. liariola, Bens, is a true Helix, and is found chiefly on trees near 
Thayet Myo and Prome. It is a rare shell. Near Ava it is replaced 
by a large sharply carinate form, which I found abundant at Thinga- 
dan, on the Irawady, about 80 miles north of Mandcle. This shell so 
closely resembles H. capitium, Bens., that I am much disposed to 
consider them identical, a view in which Mr. Benson, however, does 
not agree. At Puppa hill, near Pagan, already referred to as the 

* Mr. Benson, to whom I sent specimens, considers all the forms above men- 
tioned to be varieties of rotatoria, but some, especially that from the Tsa?aia 
hills, appear to me to be at least as nearly ullied to tapeina. 


94 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

locality where H. Huttoni, Pfr., is found, I met with an intermediate 
variety, between the carinate form and the typical H. hariola. 

The Plectopylis group is represented near Ava by H. perarcta, de- 
scribed above, and further south by H. leiophis, Bens. This shell 
occurs near Thayet Myo, but I found it abundantly only at Akou- 
toung. Another form, which may be a small variety of leiophis, but 
which shews some differences in the internal plication, also occurs 
near Thayet Myo. At Prome, close to the Pagoda, I found H. Fed- 
deni, (described above) which, however, appeared very rare, as I only 
obtained two perfect specimens, despite much search. 20 or 30 miles 
south of Akoutoung, I found H. Karenorum in abundance, and 2 or 3 
specimens of the large variety of the same shell still further south in 
the Arakan hills, nearly due west of Henzada. Elsewhere in the 
Henzada district and throughout Bassein, no species of the Burmese 
form of Plectopylis was met with, but the Himalayan and Khasi 
H. plectostoma, Bens, abounded south of the town of Bassein in sever- 
al places, Pyema Khyoung, Long Island, &c. It was also found by 
Captain Ingram in Arakan, near Tongoop. 


A variety of the sinistrorse Bulimics Sinensis, Bens., measuring 26 
millem. in length and 15 in diameter, occurs near Prome. It baa 
generally two dark stripes round the body whorl, but some specimens 
have other stripes, usually 3, above the periphery. Occasional speci- 
mens were met with further south. At Tongoop in Arakan, I found 
a much smaller variety, measuring only 20 millem. in length, and 12 \ 
in diameter. At Akyab I also found this small variety ; some shells 
being entirely yellow without any stripes, like Mr. Theobald's Mergui 

B. putus, Bens, is rather common at Akoutoung, less so at Thayet 
Myo, and scarce to the south : I found it, however, occasionally, in the 
Bassein district. 

B. pullus, Gray, occurs near Ava ; but not, so far as I am aware, in 
Pegu. Specimens of B. coenopictus, Hutton, were also met with in 
Upper Burma. B. gracilis, Hutton, occurs throughout Burma appa. 
rently. I have found a rather dwarf variety in Ava, Pegu and 
Arakan, and have received it from Molmein. 

1805.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 95 

Achatina tenvispira, Bens., of small size, is common at Akoutoung 
and further south. A small variety of A. crassilabris, Bens., occurs 
in Arakan, and another form, perhaps distinct, but closely allied, was 
found in the Shan hills near Ava. The species of Achatina do not 
appear to be numerous in Burma ; they attain their maximum in the 
Indian area in the - Western Ghats, and the hills of South India and 
Ceylon, and their numbers diminish to the eastward. 


Vitrina proestans, Gould, differing in no respect from the Molmein 
shell, and V. yigas, Bens., equally identical with the Khasi form, are 
both met with throughout the Arakan hills, though sparingly. A 
smaller species, which I had looked upon as the young of V. giyus, 
has been correctly separated by Mr. Theobald, and will doubtless be 
described by him, 

Ennea and Pupa, 

Ennea hicolor was met with near Tongoop in Arakan, and at one or 
two places in Pegu. As in many other localities throughout its wide 
range, it is a scarce shell. 

Pupa Avanica, Bens, occurs near Ava. I found it abundantly on a 
small hill, a few miles north of Mandele. 

Besides the species above described from Arakan, a smaller form 
occurs in Pegu, which I consider a variety of S. Andamanica, Bens., 
the only difference I can detect being in the sculpture, which is some- 
what finer in the Pegu shells. 

I have nothing to add to the particulars of the distribution of the 
two species of Hypsdostoma beyond those given in a preceding number 
of these contributions. 



In the Shan hills east of Ava, I found two forms of large turbinate 

Cychphori, one apparently a variety of C. speciosus, Phil., the other 

so closely allied that I doubt if it is wise to describe it as distinct. 

C. speciosus does not appear to occur in Northern Pegu, but I found 

06 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

it at Rangoon, close to the Pagoda, abundantly south of Bassein, and 
at Tongoop in Arakan. At Akyab I found some dead specimens, 
which may possibly belong to this species, but they are thinner, with 
a rather narrower umbilicus, and less broadly expanded peristome, and 
one specimen is subangulate at the periphery. Iu these characters 
they appear to be intermediate between the Burmese G. speciosus, 
Phil., and the Khasi hill G. Pearsoni, Bens. 

At the base of the Shan hills, and also at Mya Leit Doung, I found 
the small species referred by Mr. Benson to G cornu venatorium, Sow. 
Some living specimens at the former locality shewed the operculum to 
be normal. 

At Mya Leit Doung occurs also C. cryptomjihalus, Bens, of which 
I obtained fresh specimens, with the colour and epidermis perfect. 
When in this state, it is the handsomest of the Burmese Cyclophori, 
and equal in beauty of colouring to C. Siamensis, Sow., the dark 
blackish brown colour of the upper surface of the shell contrasting 
finely with the irregular zigzag white lines. The mouth, in my 
specimens, shews no distinct duplication : it is much thickened and 
expanded, as in G. speciosus or C. Siamensis. 

C. fulguratus, Pfr., I did not find further north than Puppa hill. 
At Thayet Myo and Prome it is very abundant, and it occurs more 
sparingly throughout the Prome and Henzada districts, together with 
C. Theobaldianus, Bens, and G. patens, W Blanf. C fulguratus is a 
handsome shell, varying greatly in size, my largest specimens from 
Thondoung, south of Thayet Myo, measuring 38 millem. by 30, the 
smallest, a dwarf specimen, also from Thayet Myo, only 20 millem. 
by 15*. 

Mr. Theobald, in a paper published in this Journal for 1863, 
(XXXIII. p- 376,) classes my C. patens as a variety of G. fulguratus. 
The types of both species occur together at Thayet Myo, and are very 
distinct, C. patens having a broad, rather thin disk-like expanded 
peristome, while the lip of G. fulguratus is much thicker but only 
moderately expanded. C. patens also is much smoother. However, 
intermediate forms may possibly occur, as they do between many other 
Burmese species. 

At Tongoop in Arakan, and on Ramri island, I found a variety of 
the large G. aurantiacus, Schum. It approaches G. TheobaMiamu 

1805.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 07 

Bens., but has flatter whorls, a sharper keel, a more acute apex, and 
rather less strongly marked sculpture. 

A small turbinate species of Cychphorus, which I found at a con- 
siderable height on the Arakan hills between Prome and Tongoop, 
with a rounded periphery and very narrow umbilicus, requires compa- 
rison with G. scurra, Bens. Another form, with a subangulate peri- 
phery, was met with in Bassein district, and a third, rather larger, but 
otherwise identical, in Rainri island. All of these may be varieties of 
the same shell. All possess a very narrow umbilicus, a thin white 
expanded lip, and minute sculpture. 

None of the small discoid Cyclophori, so far as I am aware, occur in 
Pegu. G. hispidulus, W. Blanf., I described in a previous paper as 
occurring at Mya Leit Doung, Ava. C. calyx, Bens, is stated by 
Mr. Theobald to occur at Akoutoung, Pegu, and that locality has been 
quoted for it by Mr. Benson in describing the shell, and repeated by 
Pfeiffer in Suppl. Mon. Pneum. p. 56. I think some mistake must 
have been made by Mr. Theobald in arranging and labelling the very 
extensive collections which he made in 1854-55, for the shell abounds 
in Molmein, while, although I have repeatedly searched all round tho 
Akoutoung hills, I have not met with it. 


In a previous paper (J: A. S. B. for 1862) reference was made to 
the occurrence of the Tcnasserim L. aspirans, Bens., in Arakan, near 
Tongoop, and in the Bassein district of Pegu. It was found in great 
abundance in Long Island in the Bassein river. I also found speci- 
mens close to Akyab, in the hills on the opposite (south) side of the 
harbour. Some of these last are rather larger than the typical form, 
and measure 14 by lOJmillemetres in the two diameters and 12 in 
height ; they are also smoother, wanting the raised spiral lines, and 
the last whorl is rounded or subangulate near the mouth : but other 
specimens are scarcely distinguishable from typical shells from Tenas- 
serim, among which also some of the above characters, and especially 
the sculpture, are variable. 


Pi. pullatus, Bens., has only been found near Akoutoung. In 
Arakan, near Tongoop, and again at Akyab, I found a species closely 
allied to Pt. parvus, Pearson. The Akyab specimens possess their 

98 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

opercula, which is flat like that of Pt. pullatus, and not convex as in 
Pt. rupestris, &c. These shells also closely resemble a species collected 
by Mr. Theobald at Cherra Poonjee, and referred by Mr. Benson to 
Pt. Albersi, Pfr., which has a convex operculum, and a peculiarly 
shaped wing. The specimens from Tongoop and its neighbourhood 
had a much thicker epidermis than those from Akyab, and were 
larger, but otherwise similar.* 

No form of Cyclotus is known from Burma. I have shewn, in a 
paper published in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History for 
June, 1864, that the Cyclophorus calyx group approaches very closely 
to the true Cycloti, and represents them ; while the Cycloti of India 
(e. g. C. subdiscoideus, Sow.) are allied to Cyclostoma, having the 
peculiar cleft foot and mode of reptation of that genus. I have pro- 
posed to place them in a new genus, Cyclotopsis. 


Much concerning the distribution of the numerous species of this 
genus has been communicated in previous papers. A brief recapitula- 
tion may be useful. 

A. Avce, W. Blanf., is the only form as yet found on the Shan hills, 
east of Ava. A. Vulcani, W. Blanf., occurs at Puppa hill, Pagan. 
About Thayet Myo, A. scidptilisj Bens., is abundant, especially on 
the hills a few miles south of the town, where also A. armillatus, 
Bens., was found in very small numbers, its minute size doubtless 
rendering the search for it difficult. A few specimens of a small 
variety of A. umbonalis, Bens., first appeared here. They have a 
"retro-relict" outer peristome, and coarse sculpture on the upper 
whorls. The typical variety is rather common at Akoutoung, the 
original locality. I found this species again at one spot, a little north 
of Bassein, near the village of Kani. The older specimens obtained 
there, and others from the base of the Arakan hills, west of Prome, 
had the outer peristome retro-relict as in the Thayet Myo variety, a 
peculiarity I never observed in the typical Akoutoung form. 

* Since the above was written, I have heard from Mr. Benson, who has kind- 
lv compared the species with Pt. parvus. In the latter, the wing runs up the 
penultimate whorl, while the wing and sinus of the Akyab and Tongoop species 
resemble those of Pt. pullatws. In other respects the form resembles Pt. parvus. 
It may be distinguished as Pt. Arakamensis, n. sp. I have not specimens at 
hand so cannot add a complete description. 

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology 99 

At Akoutoung I also found A. humitis, W. Blanf., and at the same. 
place, at Thondoung and at Yenandoung, two hills ahout 20 miles 
further south, I found a variety of A. Ingrami, W. Blanf., rather 
larger than the type from Tongoop in Arakan, and measuring 7 
millem. in the larger diameter. 

Another form of the same shell, with a less distinct subangulation 
of the periphery, and rather closer sculpture on the upper whorls, 
occurred at Moditoung, on the Prome and Tongoop road, with 
A. graphicus, W. Blanf , A. succinens, W. Blanf., neither of which 
has been found elsewhere, and one form of A. vestitus, W. Blanf. : 
A. nitidus, W. Blanf. and A. polygonoma, W. Blanf., were first found 
on the same road, but nearer to Tongoop. The latter I afterwards 
obtained in two or three places south of Bassein, the specimens being 
a little larger (6 and 5 millem. in their two diameters) than those first 
found. A. vestitus has only been found in the Arakan hills on the 
confines of the Henzada and Prome districts. 

Adding to these the two new species above described, A. politus 
from near Cape Negrais, and A. glaber from Akyab, we have 14 
species described from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan, besides 3 more from 
Molmein and Tenasserim, altogether nearly half the known species of 
the genus. 

A species of Pupina occurs at Thayet Myo, Prome, Akoutoung, &c, 
closely resembling P. artata, Bens, from Molmein, but rather stouter 
in form and with a somewhat thicker peristome, which is frequently 
but not always orange in colour, instead of white. These differences 
do not appear, however, to warrant specific distinction, especially as 
there is much variation in the form of typical specimens of P. artata. 
A variety from Ava is closer to the type. A small form, probably 
another variety, occurred upon the Arakan hills near Prome. It is 
only 4J millem. long, but the specimens are unfortunately not quite 
fresh. My own specimens of P. artata from Molmein are but 6 
millem. long. The operculum in fresh specimens is horny, not 
testaceous, the white appearance being produced by weathering and 
I suspect the apparently paucispiral character to be due to the rapid 
increase of the interior whorls, which rest one upon the other as in 

100 Contributions to Indian Malacology, [No. 2, 

Cataulus. Near the j periphery, the whorls are more numerous, but 
their boundaries are indistinct. 

I have in this andjother papers, already given all the details con- 
nected with the occurrence of the four species of Diplommatina as yet 
described from Burma. The only known Helicina from Northern 
Burma is also described above. 


I have described (Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist, for June 1864) as a 
distinct genus, under this name, the species of Burmese and Khasi 
shells referred to Hydrocena by Mr. Benson, both the animal and 
operculum differing from those in that genus. But one species is 
known to exist in Pegu, G. pyxis, Bens., and I have met with that 
in many places west of the Ii - awady, from Thayet Myo to south of 
Bassein. G. Frustrillum, Bens., I only met with at the original local- 
ity, Mya Leit Doung, Ava. 

It is evident that two very distinct zoological provinces exist in 
Burma, exclusive of Martaban and Tenasserim, which form a third, 
characterized by the appearance of several Malayan generic types, such 
as Raphaulus, Hyhocystis and Rhiostoma, and others apparently pecu- 
liar, as Sophina. The two northern provinces are : 1st, Arakan, with 
the southern part of Pegu near the sea, enjoying a very humid climate. 
2nd, Upper Burma, with, in many parts, a very dry climate. The 
boundary in the Irawady valley may be drawn roughly above 
Henzada, although species belonging to each fauna, as is usually the 
case, pass over the border. The first province, besides a considerable 
number of peculiar species, is especially characterized by forms 
common, on the one hand, to the Khasi hills, and even to the Hima- 
layas, and, on the other hand, to Tenasserim. Examples of the first 
are Helix plectostoma, Bens., H. delibrata, Bens., H. castra, Bens., &c. ; 
of the second, Cyclophorus aurantiacus, Schum., C. speciosus, Phil., 
Leptopoma aspirans, Bens., Nanina honesta, Gould, &c. In the Ava 
province, on the other hand, the forms which have also been found in 
India are mostly inhabitants of the plains, such as Helix similaris, 
Fer., Bulimus pulhis, Gray, and B. coennpidus, Hurt. The genus 
Hypsehstoma has as yet only been found within this province, or close 
to its borders. It is rich in species of Plectopylis, and in varieties or 

1865.] Conirihntlons to Indian Malacology. 101 

allies of II. similaris. The Arakan Yoma north of Henzada separates 
the two provinces ; the southern portion of the range, which is very 
low, rarely exceeding 1000 feet, is solely occupied by species belong- 
ing to the Arakan fauna. These provinces are also characterized by 
distinct forms of mammals and birds, and there is a great difference in 
their vegetation. 

In a list of Burmese shells, published by Mr. Theobald in 
J. A. S. B. for 1857, (Vol. XXVI. p. 251) occur the names of 
H. pctila, Bens., and H. mensula, Bens., from Thayet Myo, and 
II. prccaria, Bens, from Tenasserim. These shells have never been 
described, and Mr. Theobald in this, as in other instances, has publish- 
ed lists of manuscript names communicated to him, some of which 
have subsequently proved to have been given in error. It is, I think, 
to be regretted, that in a recent paper J. A. S. B. for 1863, Vol. 
XXXII. p. 374, Mr. Theobald has again included one of these aban- 
doned names, viz. H. petila, and he has also published the names of 
several of the species described above, and similarly communicated to 
him in manuscript. One of those thus published, Alycccus scepticus, 
has proved, on more careful comparison, and when additional speci- 
mens from other localities were procured, to be only a variety of 
A. Iwjrami, and not a distinct species. Several of the names in 
Mr. Theobald's paper are incorrectly given, e. g. Helix helicofera for 
H, helicifera, H. caussia for H. causia, II. pausa for II. pansa but 
these are probably errors of printing. The practice of including, 
amongst lists of species, manuscript names, without any reference 
to the fact of their being unpublished, and consequently of no 
authority, is much to be deprecated, as tending to confusion and the 
multiplication of synonyms.* 

Postscrip>t. — Since the above paper was penned, now nearly 6 months 
ago, I have received Mr. Theobald's " Notes on some Indian and 
Burmese Helicidce, <&c," published in this Journal for last year, pp. 

* Besides the shells above mentioned in the Burmese list, the names of many 
other undescribed species occur in the paper, while many described species are 


102 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

238, &c, which calls for a few remarks. Although I differ in many 
points from Mr. Theohald's views as put forward in this paper and in 
the earlier one of 1863, especially those on the oiigin, migration, and 
distribution of specific forms, I see no object to be attained in answer- 
ing at length opinions long since refuted, as I believe, by far more 
competent authorities and far abler writers. The works of Edward 
Forbes, Owen, Lyell and a host of others besides Darwin, will serve to 
shew the arguments relied upon by the great majority of living natur- 
alists, to prove the doctrine of " specific centres," that is the theory 
that all members of the same species, whether existing or dead, have 
descended, not necessarily from one pair, but from one parent stock, 
living in one spot. To call this, however, the Darwinian theory, as 
Mr. Theobald appears to do. would be paralleled by calling the 
earth's rotation round the sun the Newtonian theory. In each case 
the earlier theory is only a necessaiy step in the line of argument, and 
the hypothesis of the origin of species by means of Natural Selection 
is no more involved in the doctrine of specific centres, than was the 
theory of universal gravitation in that of the rotation of the planets 
around the sun. 

If I refer briefly to one remark of Mr. Theobald's, (that in his first 
paper, J. A. S. B. for 1863, Vol. XXXII. p. 376) it is because it 
appears to me the only argument of any importance which he has 
advanced in favour of his opinions. The craestion of the distribution 
of fresh water shells and especially of the bivalves, with their limited 
powers of progression, is a well worn argument in favor of the 
sporadic origin of species ; that is, of the descent of each species from 
many parent stocks, existing in distinct and separate localities. But 
if all the facts of the case are fairly stated, there appears much, even 
in this instance, in favour of the doctrine of specific centres. The 
facts are briefly these. Many species of Unio, e. g. U. marginalis, 
Lam. exist throughout a large tract of country, in almost every river 
and stream, and even in many ponds and marshes, although these 
rivers, &c. have no fresh water communication with each other what- 
ever, and the animal is incapable of living in the sea, or of traversing 
the land. On the other hand, the area, inhabited by this species is 
continuous ; that is to say, the same species does not occur in tropical 
Asia and tropical America, for instance. Other species are restricted 

18G5.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 103 

to a single river and its feeders^ as is the case, so far as is known, with 
U. olivarius, Lea. In other cases again, as in U. ceeruleus, Lea, and 
its allies, one form is found over a considerable area, as Bengal, and in 
separate rivers, and is replaced at a distance, as in Scind and 
Western India, by forms which may either be considered as distinct 
species, or as local varieties, according to the value attached to specific 
rank. In the intermediate country of Central India, we find interme- 
diate forms. Now it is surely more philosophical to assume that we 
are only partially acquainted with the phenomena attending the means 
of distribution enjoyed by animals of low organisation, especially in 
the young state,* than to arrogate to ourselves complete knowledge of 
the subject, and to assert that no means of passage exist. If we sup- 
pose that facilities for migration exist, or have existed, with which we 
are unacquainted, all the facts above detailed are at once accounted for 
in the simplest manner, whereas on the theory that the species were 
originally created throughout the whole area, no explanation whatever 
is afforded of the limitation of that area, no cause shewn why the 
same species does not exist in other areas where the conditions are 
equally favourable for its existence, and still less is any explanation 
afforded of the gradual divergence of varieties at a distance from the 
typical form. Let it be distinctly noted that the ease of mollusks 
and of other animals inhabiting fresh water is an exceptional one ; in 
the vast majority of the members of the animal and vegetable king- 
dom, the phenomena are far more strongly in favour of the theory 
of specific centres. 

On another question, more especially treated in Mr. Theobald's 
second paper, viz. : the im practicability of drawing a line between 
species and varieties in many cases, I entirely coincide ; indeed in the 
preceding pages will be found remarks upon the varieties oiH. svmi* 
Kris and its allies, and of //. rotatoria and its allies, similar in pur- 
pose to those of Mr. Theobald. I must, however, object to the 
practice of publishing names, whether of varieties or species, without 
any description, or with such extremely inadequate details, as in the 
case of Helix Arakanensis and H. gciton. I can only say that, 

* It should not be forgotten that the ciliated fry of the Unioni'dac have very 
Considerable power of locomotiou, and ihat even the adults are amongst the 
most vagrant ot bivalve shells. 

104 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2, 

although I probably possess the former, I am totally unable to tell, 
from Mr. Theobald's account, to which of the numerous varieties of 
H. rotatoria he has applied the name. Again, in this paper as in 
former ones, manuscript names are introduced without any reference 
to the fact of their being unpublished ; and, in two cases at least, I 
believe I can shew that these names would never have appeared, had 
they not been cited by Mr. Theobald. 

1st. H. unicincta was a manuscript name of Mr. Benson's for a shell 
from Western India, described by Pfeiffer as H. propinqua. Mr. Ben- 
son's name of course was never published, nor would it have seen the 
light but for Mr. Theobald, who, in his paper in 1863, gave H. uni- 
cincta as a species excluded from his list, without referring to the fact 
that no such name existed except in manuscript. In the present 
paper, H. propinqua, Pfr., is first given as a distinct species, and a 
few lines further on quoted as a synonym of H. unicincta ; thus 
giving precedence to the manuscript name, in opposition to the laws 
of scientific nomenclature. 

2nd. H. anopleuris was a manuscript name given by Mr. Benson to 
some shells sent by Mr. Theobald to England, I believe in 1860 or 
1861. Mr. Theobald having kindly furnished me with specimens of 
the same shell, I found, on comparing them with the types of H. orna- 
tissima, Bens., of which I had a good series, (the shell was first col- 
lected by my brother and myself and described from our specimens) 
that the species were identical in every respect. I wrote to Mr. Ben- 
son to tell him my opinion and on recomparing the forrns, he found 
that he had been misled by an abnormal peculiarity in the solitary 
specimen of H. omatissima which he had retained. 

Another name mentioned by Mr. Theobald, Helix submissa, Bens., 
is equally, so far as I am aware, undescribed. 

In the group placed by Mr. Theobald next after that in which the 
above shells are included, there is evidently a misprint, in the five 
shells from H. in/rend-ens, Gould, to H. sanis, Bens., being classed 
together. I have no doubt Mr. Theobald's intention was to class 
together the three first, and, as a separate species, the two last.* 

* I am authorized by Mr. Theobald to notify that this error was due to a 
■misinterpretation of his manuscript. His intention was that suggested in the 
text. Ed. 

18G5.] Contrihidions to Indian Malacology. 105 

As regards the new species described, Limax viridis, if it has no 
internal shell, and none is mentioned, can scarcely he a Limax. The 
characters given are mostly unimportant, while essential characters, 
such as the position of the mantle and breathing pore, surface of the 
mantle and body, carination or roundness of the back, form of the 
jaw and lingual teeth, are omitted. What advantage is gained by 
publishing names for a genus and two species of slugs, of which 
Mr. Theobald has unfortunately no notes, is not clear. Vilrina Peyu- 
ensis is the shell referred to above as undoubtedly a well marked 
and distinct species. Strcptaxis Blanfordi and Pupina Blanfordi are 
also mentioned above, they being, I believe, varieties of S. Andama- 
nica, Bens., and P. artata, Bens., respectively. Streptaxis Burmanica 
I have described above, and as my description is more detailed, and 
taken from a better and more typical specimen than Mr. Theobald's, 
I have retained it. On the other species I have nothing to add. 

In Mr. Theobald's 1863 paper, he referred my Cyclophorus patens, 
as I have before stated, to G. fulyuratus. I can scarcely believe that 
he is now serious in proposing to unite these shells, because one is 
scarce and the other abundant, although that is the sole reason assign- 
ed. Even in this point, however, Mr. Theobald is not quite correct. 
I have found C. patens in some places the more common shell of the 

On the question of the restriction of the genus Nomina, I can only 
say that Mr. Theobald's ideas are totally at variance with those of 
Pleiffer, Adams, Gray, Albers, and other authorities. On the other 
hand he is probably correct in his opinion that H. pansa and some 
other shells do not belong to the section Maorochlamys of Benson, 
with which I had classed them. 

1865.] Notes on the Sandstone formation, dr. 107 

The specimens had just the resemblance of drift wood imbedded in tlie 
sandstone. The dip was at a very high angle to the north, so that the 
beds were passed in succession going up the ravine, and had there been 
any thick seams, they must have been seen. Three hundred yards up 
the bed of the nulla, the softer sandstone was succeeded by one much 
harder, of a light colour and coarse texture. The lignite was found in 
this also, and the longest and thickest string yet seen was at this point. 
Yet, from the appearances of it and from so little lying in the water- 
courses, I did not think anything approaching to a seam was likely to 
be found ; and, not having time to spare, I did not follow the ravine 
any higher. An inspection of the ravines to the east or west might 
bring to light larger masses of this lignite. The dip at this furthest 
point was N. E. by N. 70°. In the cliffs on the west, a very good section 
was obtained, and the highest beds, that appear upon the surface to be 
an unstratified talus, I now saw were horizontally bedded and resting 
quite unconformably on the sandstones below. These horizontal beds, 
of which about 150 feet was exposed, are composed of sandy clay and 
semi-angular gravel, with scattered large, partly water-worn masses of 
rock, some of large size. I append a section (Plate IV.) to illustrate the 
Buxa formations, which, I trust, will make my description plainer. I did 
not succeed in finding any fossils : — a longer search would perhaps have- 
ended successfully, — so that it is impossible to say in what formation 
this isolated mass of sandstone will find a place.* The plateau of the 
Buxa position is probably the highest level of the horizontally strati- 
fied gravels. I believe some specimens of the lignite have already 
been forwarded to the Superintendent of the Geological Survey. 
Some specimens in which the woody texture is well displayed shall 
be sent by first opportunity. 

* See a remark on this bead in the Proc. As. Soc. for May ; 18G5, p. 91. 

108 Note on Lagomys Curzonite, Hodgson. [No. 2, 

Note on Lagomys Curzonice, Hodgson. — By Dr. F. Stoliczka. 
[Eeceived 7th December, 1864. — Read 7th December, 1864.] 

In the catalogue of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, Mr. Blyth 
mentions Lagomys Curzonice, Hodgs. as a desideratum.* Mr. Adams 
quotes a " Lagomys, sp. ?" as occurring plentifully in Ladak, (Proc. 
Zool. Soc. Loud. 1858, p. 520) and Major Cunningham also speaks 
of a " smaller species of hare, or Lagomys" as extremely common all 
over Tibet. (Cunningham's Ladak, p. 204.) 

On my visit this year to the eastern provinces of Ladak I was 
fortunate enough to procure several specimens of what I believe to be 
Lagomys Curzonia:, Hodgs. (Vide Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng. 1857, 
Vol. XXVI, p. 207 and Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. 1858, I. p. 80.) but 
Mr. Hodgson's description of this animal is very brief, so that it is 
hardly possible to recognise the species among the numerous members 
of this genus. The following description is founded on four specimens, 
of three of which the exact measurements are given below. 

General hue of the upper body pale buff fulvous, with very slight 
rufous tint and tipped with dark brown ; below whitish, with translu- 
cent dusky blue. The larger hairs of the fur measure about |th of an 
inch ; the lower part, for more than half their length, of a dark, slaty 
blue colour, with silky lustre ; the next portion pale fulvous and 
the tip dark brown or black. The fur is full and very soft, as 
Hodgson remarks, and can be readily distinguished from that of 
L. rufcscens, Gray. Chiefly in old specimens, there are, on the sides 
of the upper portion of the body, a few long hairs intermingled, which 
measure up to one and a quarter inches ; these are almost or entirely 
of a black colour. 

On the lower part of the body the hairs are, for two-thirds of their 
length, dark slaty blue, and the rest pale. 

The head measures nearly always one-fifth of the total length of the 
animal. The hairs on it are much shorter, and tinged with a dark 
rufous tint above ; on the sides of the snout they are pale grey, in 
front of the eyes and below, pale white, while on the sides of the head 
itself there is a slight rufous tint marked, which is a little stronger all 
round the neck, and extends somewhat farther back on the upper body. 
The hairs round the neck are rather longer, but only half their length 
* 1863, p. 133, foot note. 

1865.1 A T "'»' "" Lagomys Uv/rzowicB, Sodg'so 109 

of u slaty colour, the rest being pale rufous; but a few of them 'are 
tipped with black. 

Tlic end of the snout, and of the upper and lower lips are dark 
blackish. The hairs of the moustaches are very long ; some of them 
measuring three inches : the upper ones are chiefly black, the lower 
white, or half black, half white. The ears are comparatively rather 
large, oval, terminating with a very obtuse point; they are well 
covered with hair, thickest on the outside : the hairs on the inner 
surface being pale yellow, those on the outer much longer and softer, 
and distinctly rufous. The feet and soles are in accordance with the 
general hue, of a pale fulvous colour, only still lighter, and slightly, 
and only partially tinged with a rusty tint ; the toes are black, claws 
long and dark brown. 

The young animal does not differ in colour very much from the 
old one. It is usually much paler and the difference between the hue 
on the upper and lower portion of the body is far less distinctly 
marked. The slaty hue of the inner fur is also more translucent and 
the rufous tint on the head and the hinder pari of tbe ears not so 
■•i rong. 

The measurements of three specimens from lSupshu, the eastern 
province of Ladak. are as follow : — 

Total length of the animal, ... 

Length of the skull, ... 

Proportion of the length of the skull to 

the total length, 

Width of the skull, ... 

Proportion of width to length of the 

Length from the snout to the eye, 
Length from the eve to the ear, 

Length of the ear, ... 

Width of the ear, ... 

Proportion of width to length of the 

ear, ... ... 

Length of fore foot and nails. 

Length of him! loot ami nails, 









2. 2 5 





















1 .06 


















110 Note on Lagomys Curzonice, Hodgson. [No. 2, 

(a.) Young specimen from above the G-yagar lake in Rupshu. 
(b.) An old, full grown specimen from near Kozak on the Cliomo- 
riri lake in Rupshu. 

(c.) Judging from the teeth, this seems to be a very old specimen, 
from the east side of the Lanak pass, west of Haule. 

This latter specimen has the fur considerably worn off and injured. 
I found in the skin of this and some other specimens, which I shot in 
the Puga valley, a great number of larva? of an (Estrus, which causes 
the injury and a sort of roughness of the fur. As the tips of the hair 
get worn off, the hue becomes in some places dark spotted, which is 
caused by the slaty colour of the interior portions. 

It will be seen from the given measurements, that the skull of the 
young animal is in proportion to the entire body, a little longer and 
broader than that of the adult, and the ears are also somewhat larger. 
These proportions may be often observed in Mammalia of different ages, 
Lagomys Curzonice is one of the largest known species of the genus. 
Our largest specimen measures 9 J inches, which is only one line less, 
than the greatest measurement of Lagomys alpinus, Pallas. (Vide 
Waterhouse Mammalia, Vol. II., Rodentia, p. 16.) Mr. Hodgson's 
specimens were much smaller and probably younger. I observed 
several which were not longer than seven inches, but most of them 
were about nine inches long. 

The people of Korzok called L. Curzonice, Phise-Jcariii, which 
means as I was informed, tail-less Phise. Phise or Pheese is the 
name of Phaiomys Cucurus, Schreber, which lives here associated 
with the Lagomys and Arctomys. The name Phise-karin, I was 
told, is Tibetan, and the Ladak name for L. Curzonice is Sabra. 
Hodgson gives the name abra ; it is, however, well known, that the 
letter s before many words is in some parts of Tibet pronounced, in 
others not so. 

The first place, where I met with L. Curzonice, was a little above 
the junction of the Chomoriri with the Para valley at a height of 
about 15,500 feet above the level of the sea. It does not live usually 
at a lower elevation than this ; and if otherwise, as in the lower parts 
of the Puga valley (14,500 feet,) it is always scarce. Round the 
Chomoriri lake, where there is comparatively plenty of vegetation, it 
is associated with Phaiomys Cucurus, Blyth, and Arctomys lobac, 

1865.] Note on Lagomys Curzonice, Hodgson. Ill 

Schreber.* The first never frequents a great elevation above the 
bottom of the valleys and is especially numerous in the neighbourhood 
of streams. Arctomys bohar (called by the Tibetans Phya) makes its 
very deep burrows mostly ou the sides of the valleys and near their 
bottom ; it ascends, however, the slopes of the hills in this portion of 
Ladak to a height of 17,800 feet. This greatest elevation, at which I 
observed it, was near the Samunda-la, south-east of the Chomoriri ; 
while the lowest was in the Para valley about 15,400 feet. It lives 
probably lower than this. 

L. Curzonice ranges, however, somewhat higher. I noticed it on 
the top of the Lanak pass at an elevation of 18,672 feet, where only 
two minute plants existed, Stracheya Tihe.tica, Bth. and Capsella Thom- 
soni, Hf. both flowering in August. f It is found associated with 
Corcus tihetanus, Hodgs., Gyps fulvus, Gmel. and a new species of 
Procarduelis, among birds ; an Argynnis, among butterflies and some 
common flies, forming the highest observed animal life in these 
hills. In fact it is difficult to design a limit to the height up to which 
L. Curzonice lives. I believe, it ranges as high as any trace of 
vegetation exists, which would be here about 19,000 feet, or very 
near it. Between the two given limits of the Para valley and 
19,000 feet, it is seen in great abundance all over the eastern portion 
of Ladak. It is certainly the species of Adams and Cunningham, as 
there is to my knowledge, no other Lagomys here, at least none so 
common. Its geographical range must extend farther to the east and 
south-east, as Mr. Hodgson obtained his specimens from the district 
of Chumbi, (north-west of Sikkim ?). I have not observed it South 
of the Bara-latse range, either in Spiti or in the south-eastern part 
of Lahoul, the Chandra valley ; although Phaiomys Cucurus does 
I occur in both provinces and even in Kulu. In Spiti, Lagomys Curzo- 
\ nice is represented by the smaller L. Poylei, Ogilby, Avhich there lives 
between 12,500 (above Lari) and 16,000 feet, but usually about 
13,000 feet. 

* Mr. Blyth (Cat. of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, 1863, p. 109) unites 
and, I think, with good reason, Mr. Hodgson's Arctomys tibetanus and hernacha' 
lanus, [Himalayanus was not used by the first author] as well as Arct, fulvus, 
Evers., with the species, which became first known through the travels of 
Pallas in Northern Asia, and which Schreber named A. bobac. 

f Dr. Thomson (Travels, p. 144) mentions three plants on the Lanak pass, a 
little Arencuria or Stellaria and two Cruciferse. 




No. III.— 1865. 

Notes on Central Asia. — Rtj M. Semenof. (Communicated by Lieut.- 
Colonel J. T. Walker, It. E.) 

[Keceived 15th April, 1865.] 

[In the year 1856, M. Semenof was deputed by the Imperial 
Geographical Society of Russia, on a mission of exploration into 
Central Asia. — On his return to St. Petersburg, he published a trans- 
lation of Ritter's " Erdkunde von Asien " into Russian, and gave in 
the preface to the 2nd volume, an account of the results of his own 
explorations. — The following notes are taken from this preface. At 
my request they were translated from Russian into English by Mr. R. 
Michel, F. R. G. S., whose name will be familiar to all who are ac- 
quainted with the numerous papers on the geography and trade of 
Central Asia, which have appeared of late years in the Journal of the 
Royal Geographical Society of London. J. T. W.] 

The second volume of the Russian translation of Ritter's " Asia " 
comprises a description of the North Western portion of the tableland 
of Asia, i. e. that extensive region which stretches between the Altai 
and the Celestial mountains, from the Eastern extremity of the latter 
at Hami (Komul), to the Watershed of lake Balkhash. 

The range of country under consideration embraces the whole of 
the extinct kingdom of Djungaria, or the Chinese Province of Tian- 

114 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

Shan-bey-Lu (the region to the northward of the Celestial mountains, 
consisting of the districts of Hi, Tarbagatai, Gobdo, &c.) and like- 
wise the Bussian districts of Alatavsk, Kopal and Ayaguz, which 
now constitute the new Semipalatinsk region. The whole of this 
country, including, both Chinese and Russian Djungaria, forms 
that most obscure and unknown portion of the interior of Asia 
which contains within it the very centre of the Asiatic continent, 
namely the gigantic mountain group of the Tengri-Tag, (a part of 
the Celestial mountains) situated at equal distances from the Black 
Sea, on the West, and the Yellow Sea on the East, the Obi Bight on 
the North and the Bay of Bengal on the South, and lying in the 
centre of the straight line connecting Cape Severovostochui in Siberia 
with Cape Comorin in India. 

This region offers, moreover, special interest in physical as well as 
in ethnographical and historical aspects. Physically, it forms a dis- 
tinct limit between the highland and the depressed portions of Asia, 
and is remarkable for the contrast it presents between its gigantic 
mountain groups of the Bogdo and Tengri-Tag in the Celestial range, 
which tower far above the limits of eternal snows and are crowned 
with large alpine glaciers, and the low sandy and sterile steppe of the 
Bedpak-Dala, on the South West of lake Balkhash, which, in common 
with all the other sandy wastes of the Aralo-Caspian depression, bears 
the character of a bed of an inland sea, dried up during a very recent 
geological period. In ethnographical respects this region offers a 
contrast no less marked, between two numerically preponderating 
central Asiatic races — the Mongolian and Turkish, — whose rulers are 
Chinese and Bussians, strangers from the far East and West, occupy- 
ing, in the same alluvial plain of the Balkhash, small populated oases 
in the midst of an indigenous population alien to themselves in speech 
and habits, and who are powerful not by reason of their numerical 
superiority, but by the weight of their civilisation, and the magnitude 
of their respective Empires, the most colossal on the face of the globe. 
Lastly, from an historical point of view this country presents features 
of a no less interesting character. It has served from time immemo- 
rial as the point of departure for migrating races from the highlands 
of Asia, the cradle whence they sprang, to the low arid steppes 
of the Aralo-Caspian depression, and to the still more distant and 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 115 

better favoured regions of the West. It was here, namely, in Djun- 
garia, and on the fertile and smiling hanks of the Hi and Irtysh, that 
the migrating hordes lingered for some time, both, as it were, to 
venture out into the unknown plain stretching before them far away 
into the sandy ocean that separates Europe from Asia, until a new 
tide of popular migration forced them at last to strike their tents, 
and depart westwards from their mountainous halting grounds. It is 
also in the valleys of Djungaria that a few existing rude monuments, 
crude traditions, geographical names, and remnants of tribes who, in 
many cases, have lost their native dialect by intermixture with other 
races (the result of which appears in the name of Kassak or Kerghiz 
Kaisak), serve the scientific explorer as the oidy links for identifying 
the obscure and fragmentary allusions concerning these migrated 
hordes, which occur in Chinese and Russian chronicles. 

Although the physical and ethnographical characteristics of Central 
Asia have attracted the constant attention of some of the most learned 
men, such as Humboldt, Hitter, Abel Remusat, and Klaproth, the 
researches of these leaders of science could only be based on the 
most meagre data, namely on the dry and one-sided Chinese narratives 
which found a place in Chinese literature, from the period of the 
dismemberment of the Djungarian kingdom in the middle of the last 
century, and also on the inaccurate, brief and conflicting accounts and 
itineraries of a few Asiatics, who succeeded in visiting Djungaria and 
Little Bokhara with caravans. All these materials were collected 
and carefully collated by Ritter and Humboldt ; nevertheless this 
region remained up to the most recent period, like the interior 
of Africa, completely inaccessible to European science. 

Even Marco Polo, the most enterprising and reliable traveller of 
the middle ages, did not visit this region, but proceeded eastwards to 
China by a route that lay southward of the Celestial range. A few 
other travellers, it is true, passed through Djungaria ; these were 
Piano Carpini (1246), Andre Songjumel (1249) and Wilhehn 
Rubriquis (1252) ; and they probably journeyed by way of lake Faisan 
to Karakorum the capital of the Mongol Khans. 

The same route was traversed by some of the subjugated Western 
princes, such as Yaroslof and Alexander Nevski of Russia and Getum of 
Armenia (likewise in the middle of the thirteenth century) for the pur- 

116 Notes on Central Asia. TNo. 3, 


pose of paying homage to the great Khan ; they, however, either left no 

description of their journey, or else their accounts are so meagre and 

confused, as for instance, the narrative of Prince Getum, that very few 

of the places mentioned in them can be identified. Much later, in 

1654, Fedor Isakonitch Baikof, the envoy of the Russian Tsar Aleksei 

Fedorovitch, proceeded past lake Faisan, and the upper course of the 

Black Irtysh, and traversed the whole of Djungaria, reaching the 

Chinese wall at Huhu-Hoton from whence he advanced to Pekin. 

Although Baikof's marche-route (of course not in the form it is 
inserted in Wilson's work from Avhich it was derived by Bitter, but 
in the shape we find it in Spasskis' " Sibirski Vestnik") can, in 
the present state of our knowledge of the geography of Central Asia, 
be pretty readily appUed to certain localities, still the information it 
contains is of a meagre character, and is greatly inferior to native 
Chinese accounts. 

The Southern border of the country now under consideration, 
i. e. the gigantic Celestial range, has not been explored by any 
European traveller up to the present day. The destruction, how- 
ever, of the kingdom of Djungaria, by the Chinese, led to its being 
surveyed under the superintendence of the European missionaries 
Felix d'Arocha and Hallerstein, by whom astronomical points were 
determined, not alone in the towns of Djungaria and Little Bukhara, 
but also at the very foot of the Celestial range, as at Hongor Olen 
the modern Konur-Ulen, and on the Southern shore of lake Issyk- 
Kul. As the Jesuits have left no record whatever of their having 
visited any part of the Celestial range, it must be naturally concluded 
that they themselves did not diverge from the highroads of Central 
Asia, but detached a party of Chinese topographers, instructed by ! 
themselves, to the base of the Celestial mountains. 

The first learned Russian traveller who penetrated into the part 
of Inner Asia described in the present volume, was the botanist Sivers, 
who in his hazardous and venturesome journey to the Tarbagatai, in 
1793, advanced as far as 47° N. Latitude. During the succeeding forty 
years, not one of the scientific explorers of Western Siberia succeeded 
in passing beyond the point previously reached by Sivers. 

The journey of K. A. Meyer in 1826, did not extend beyond the 
Arkat mountains, Chingiz-tan, and the Karkara district of the Kirghiz 
Steppe. The travels of Humboldt, and his associates, in 1828, did 

18G5.] Notes on Central Asia. 117 

not embrace even Djungaria. Their extreme limit was the Chinese 
picket of Baty, on the Irtysh, in 49° N. Latitude, and Humboldt's 
greatest service in connexion with the geography of the interior of 
Asia consists in the critical elaboration of the materials relating to this 
subject in his classical " Asie Centrale." 

Some of these materials, namely the itineraries of Asiatic traders, 
who had visited different parts of Asia with caravans, were diligently 
collected at Semipalatinsk by Humboldt, and another portion of his 
materials was derived from Chinese sources that had been elaborated by 
the European Sinologists, Abel Rcmusat, Klaproth, Schott, Neucmann, 
St. Julien, Father Hyacinth, and others. 

Among the few unscientific eye-witnesses who, in the pursuit of 
trade, penetrated into Inner. Asia, were some Russians, and among 
these in point of lucidity, and accuracy of information, the first place 
is undoubtedly occupied by the interpreter Putinsef, who, in 1811, 
visited Kuldja and Chuguchak, the most nourishing towns of Djun- 
garia. The narrative of this journey was published in the " Siberski 
Vestnik" translated by Klaproth, and served Ritter as one of the 
most valuable sources in elucidating the geography of this region. In 
addition to Putinsef, we may mention the miner Snegiref, who, towards 
the end of the last century, proceeded from the Altai to the neighbour- 
hood of Chuguchak, in search of gold ; also the noble Madatof, who, 
in the early part of the present century, successfully reached India, 
starting from Semipalatinsk, and traversing lake Issyk-Kul, the Celestial 
mountains and Little Bokhara. A short account of Snegiref's journey 
was printed in the " Siberski Vestnik," but with Madatof' s expedition 
I am acquainted only throngh official documents preserved in the 
archives at Omsk, and as no original narrative was discovered by me, 
it must be presumed that none ever existed. I also found a short 
mnrche-route at Semipalatinsk, drawn up by the merchant Bubeninof, 
who, in 1821, proceeded from Semipalatinsk to Kashgar. This 
itinerary will he printed in due season, but from its brevity and 
scantiness of information, it is in no respect more valuable than the 
itineraries already printed and digested by Humboldt and Ritter. 

Such was the unsatisfactory condition of our knowledge of the 
geography of Central Asia in 1831, at the time of the appearance 
of that part of Rittcr's work which relates to it. It was only in 

118 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

the fourth decade of the present century that we became more 
familiar with Central Asia, from the side of the Djungarian and 
Kirghiz steppes, after the foundation of the Russian town Ayaguz, 
on the upper course of one of the rivers of the Balkhash basin, and 
after the submission of a portion of the great Hordes under Sultan 
Suk, son of Ablai Khan. These events gradually rendered not only 
lake Balkhash, but also the mountainous districts of Djungaria, more 
accessible to travellers. 

In 1834 the astronomer Pedorof was enabled to reach the embou- 
chure of the Lepsa, and determine its geographical position, under 
46° 2J' North Latitude. He also succeeded in visiting the southern 
shore of lake Faisan and in making a trigonometrical measurement of 
Tarbagatai. A little later, the relations of Russia with the Kirghiz 
Hordes became more satisfactory, and in 1840, 1841 and 1842 the 
learned travellers Karelin and Schrenk, penetrated into the moun- 
tainous portions of Djungaria or the Snow-clad Djungarian Alatau. 
Karelin explored the wild valleys of the upper courses of the Lepsa, 
Sarkan and Baskan rivers, as high as the snow-line. 

Alexander Schrenk visited, and it may be said discovered to science, 
the lake Ala-Kul, crossed over the Djungarian Alatau to the Chinese 
side, attained the upper course of the Tentek, and reached the snow 
line on several occasions. The extreme limits of his journey on 
the plain bordering lake Alakul, were the Chinese town of Chu- 
guchak, in Alpine Djungaria, — the hills skirting the banks of the 
Koksu river, and the river Chu (or Tzu) in the hungry Betpak- 
-Dalor desert, South West of lake Balkhash. Subsequently the 
voluntary submission of the remaining portion of the so-called Great 
Kirghiz Horde, in 1844, led to the Russian occupation of that rich 
and fertile portion of Djungaria, which is known under the name of 
the Semipalatinsk region, from the seven tributaries of the Balkhash 
that water it. The Russian town of Kopal was founded by Governor 
General Prince Gorchakof, in 1846, on a fertile plateau at the base 
of a snow-capped spur of the Djungarian Alatau. The establishment 
of this town ensured the development of the already existing relations 
of Russia with the neighbouring Chinese province of Hi. Although 
rapidly increasing, the trade with the Western Chinese region, through 
the towns of Kuldja, and more especially Chuguchak, encountered 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 119 

obstacles in its legitimate development from its transitive and contra- 
band character, as the Chinese of the Western region (Si-yui) were 
only able to have secret dealings with the Russians under a semblance 
of trafficing with the Kirghizes. It was this disadvantageous state 
of things, that led to the mission, with objects partly diplomatic and 
partly geological, of E. P. Kovalcfski accompanied by Vla'ngagli, an 
officer of mining Engineers. 

This expedition started from Kuldja, and skirting the Russian side 
of the Djungarian Alatau, traversed the valley of the Koksu, as fax 
as the upper sources of this river, while, on the Chinese side, it reach- 
ed the town of Kuldja, on the Hi. The most important results of 
tbis mission in commercial, as well as in scientific respects, were the 
establishment of Russian trading factories at Kuldja and Chuguchak. 
The opening up of the Western Chinese region contributed largely to 
the increase of our knowledge of the geography of Asia, inasmuch as 
it threw two learned Chinese scholars into the commercial centres 
of Djungaria in the capacity of consuls. The local researches of these 
sinologists has opened a wide field to science. Mr. Fakharof, one of 
the consuls, has already collected materials of great value relating to 
the physical geography and cartography of Inner Asia ; these mate- 
rials he has obtained during his stay at Pekin, from rare geographical 
works (namely the reports of the Survey made during the reign of 
Tsian-Sun) and from information supplied him by natives of the 
Western region. The foundation of the town of Kopal, which was 
in a satisfactory and flourishing condition, owing to the rapid develop- 
ment of agriculture aided by artificial irrigation, could not, however, 
secure the great Hordes, now under Russian dominion, against the 
bold attacks of the Buruts, or the so-called Black or Dikokamenni 
Kirghizes, who infested the valley of lake Issyk-Kul, and the 
neighbourhood of Tekes on one of the sources of the Ri. This was 
naturally to be expected from the position of Kopal which stood on 
the northern confines of the Hordes, whose southern boundary, beyond 
the Ri, remained completely unprotected. The unguarded condition 
of the frontier of the Russian Empire on this quarter induced Governor 
General Hasford to occupy the so-called Trans-Ri country extending 
between the river Ri, and the snow-line of the gigantic Trans-Ili 
Alatau, with a view of securing the left flank of the Kirghiz Steppe 

120 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

which was under Russian protection, by making it conterminous with 
the peaceful frontier of China and the natural snowy mountain boun- 
dary. This well conceived plan was carried out with complete success. 
In 1853 the first Russian detachment, under the command of Colonel 
G-ulkofski, was despatched beyond the Hi ; it, however, met with 
serious opposition from a strong body of Kirghizes belonging to the 
hostile tribes of the great horde who supported themselves on Fort 
Trichubek on the river Kesen. But in the following year the whole 
of the region was occupied by a force under Lieut. -Colonel Peremy- 
shelski, who razed the Kirghiz fort to the ground ; after this some 
of the tribes submitted to Russia, while the most inimical fled 
into Kokanian territory, and to the banks of the Talas and Syr- 

The Russian detachment passed the Avinter in the sheltered valley 
of the Talgar, and in the ensuing year of 1855, G-eneral Hasford 
founded Fort Vernoe, at the base of the Trans-Hi Alatau, at the 
head of the Almatynka valley, which is picturesquely wooded with 
apple and apricot trees. 

The occupation of the fertile Trans-Ili region, well adapted for 
agricultural and gardening purposes, and in all respects bountifully 
endowed by nature, had the effect of protecting the great Hordes from 
the attacks of the Buruts, but placed its nearest tribes in the same 
position as that occupied ten years previously by the Great Kirghiz 
Horde. The powerful and numerous tribe of the Bogus, who occupied 
the picturesque valleys and table-land between the Celestial mountains 
and the Trans-Ili Alatau, received neither countenance nor support 
from the Chinese, to whom they were nominally dependent, in resis- 
ting the fierce attacks of the Sary Bogish tribe ; they had at the same 
time to repel, on another quarter, the depredatory incursions of some 
of their neighbours of the great horde. Consequently, soon after the 
occupation of the Trans-Hi region by the Russians, the High Manap 
of the Bogu tribe, the old Burambai, claimed the assistance of G-eneral 
Hasford against the attacks of the neighbouring tribes, and volun- 
tarily tendered the submission of himself and his tribe to the Russian 
government. This led to the despatch of the first Russian detachment 
from Vernoe to lake Issyk-Kul, for the pm-pose of pacifying the two 
contending tribes, and making a reconnaissance of the hitherto unex- 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 121 

plored valley of lake Issyk-Kul. Colonel Khomentofski, the officer 
in command of this force, and G-eneral Siverhelm who was in charge 
of the Survey of the newly organized Seniipalatinsk region, were the 
first educated Russians who beheld this extensive lake and the snowy 
summits of the Celestial range. Unfortunately this detachment in 
consequence of its critical position amidst the wandering mountain 
tribes, the animosity of one of which against the Russians was decided, 
while the friendliness of the other was open to much suspicion, was 
soon recalled, and the surveying parties were unable to penetrate into 
the interior of the Celestial mountains. The southernmost point 
attained at the foot of the Tian Shan, by Ensign Yayooski the topo- 
grapher attached to the expedition, was where the Fauku rushes out 
if its narrow defile on the Issyk-kul plateau. 

In the same year of 1856 I was sent by the Imperial Russian Geo- 
graphical Society on an expedition to explore those more accessible 
portions of Central Asia, which had previously been but little visited. 
Naturally the great object of attraction for me on this journey was the 
Tian-Shan or the Celestial range. The signification of this stupendous 
chain in position the most retired in the whole continent of Asia, had 
already been pointed out by Ritter and Humboldt ; but the labyrinth of 
the Celestial mountains had not as yet been penetrated by any scientific 
traveller.* All the learned and critical researches of Ritter and 

* Atkinson, the English artist, in his travels, which were published in 1858, 
gives an account of his journey from the river Knrchum, in the Southern Altai, 
across the Black Irtysh to lake Ubsa-noor, thence southwards, past Ulusutai, to 
the neighbourhood of the Chinese town of Barkul, at the base of the Tian-Shan; 
travelling then parallel with this chain, though at a considerable distance from 
it, as far as the meridian of Bogdo O'la mountain, and finally proceeding in a 
North Westerly direction, past lake Kyzyl-bash, until he reaehed lake Ala-kul 
in Russian territory. Unfortunately so extraordinary a journey, unprecedented 
in the history of the exploration of the Asiatic Continent, has had no beneficial 
scientific results. The narrative, which occupies 115 pages of text, so little 
characterises the explored region, that it might with equal fitness be applied 
to any portion of the Kirghiz Steppe. The critical enquirer finds nothing 
throughout the whole narrative, to satisfy him of the genuineness of the 
iescribed journey, which extends over no less a distance than 3,000 miles of 
Chinese territory. This is the more striking as undoubted proofs of the actual 
performance of journeys of which descriptions have been given, may easily be 
found in the short itineraries and accounts of travellers of different ages and 
nations ; as for instance in the travels of Hue and Gabet, in the marche-routea 
of Tartar traders, collected by Humboldt, and in the more ancient accounts of 
Baikof, Marco Polo, the Armenian prince Getum, in the marche-ronte of the 
army of Gulagu Khan, (compiled by one of his officers in the 13th century) 
and lastly in the narrative of the travels of the Buddhist Missionaries Fa-Hian, 


122 Notes on Central Ada. [No. 3, 

Humboldt respecting this range partook, even by the admission of 
the latter, of the character of conjectural geography, founded on a 
comparison of the obscure and confused narratives and descriptions 

and Huan-Tsan, in the 4th and 7th centuries. Concise though these accounts 
doubtless are, the learned critic soon discovers in them such local peculiarities 
as can only be descripti ! e of particular spots and localities, and as we become 
more intimate with the geography of the country to which such accounts 
apply, the more readily and clearly do we identify the points given in these 
marche-routes. To our great regret we do not find this to be the case in that 
part of Atkinson's work which relates to Chinese Djungaria. From the com- 
mencement, in calling the Tian-Shan Sayan-Sban, he confounds, in name at 
least, the two principal mountain systems of Inner Asia ; and in all the other 
portions of his narrative, where he does not confine himself to descriptions of 
the Steppes, the chase of wild animals, and the social customs of the nomads 
(descriptions which would apply with equal force and truth to the whole of 
Central Asia) but wishes to commnnicate something more definite and locally 
characteristic, he falls into numerous incongruities. Thus, to cite some exam- 
ples, he speaks of the Kara-Tyn snowy range, at the upper course of the Black 
Irtysh, as of a level steppe intersected by low ridges ; again, from the Tannu 
mountains, situated at a distance of 120 miles to the N. E. of Ubsa-noor, he 
sees the Bogdo-Ola in the Tian-Shan, which is about 750 miles away from 
this point. Lastly from the plain at the base of the Celestial range, he simul- 
taneously sees not only the Bogdo mountain, but also the Baishan or Pe — 
Shan (emitting smoke by Atkinson's account), which is about 300 miles beyond 
to the westward, notwithstanding that the snowy Bogdo-Ola group stands 
out as is well known, considerably in advance of the main chain of the Celestial 
mountains, and the Baishan mountains rise on their southern slope, that is to 
say beyond, its gigantic snowy ridge, in the neighbourhood of the Little Buk- 
liarian town of Kucha. Similarly as little confidence do those inconsistencies 
inspire which occur in his account of the time occupied in performing the 
various journeys, and in his description of the distribution of the nomad Kirghiz 
population, throughout Chinese Djungaria. As regards ourselves personally, 
the involuntary doubts respecting the abovementioned portion of Atkinson's 
travels are still further strengthened from information we gathered on the spot 
regarding his journeys, from the Cossacks who accompanied him, and from the 
commanders who provided him with escorts. Atkinson, during his many years' 
residence in Siberia, visited the neighbourhood of Kopal, that had then just 
been founded, many valleys of the Djungarian Alatau, the lake Ala-Kul, 
Tarbagatai, the rivers Narym and Kurchum in the Southern Altai, the Teletsk 
Lake, Tunkinsk mountains of the Sayan range, Irkutsk Kiakhta, &c. but as 
regards his travels over an extent of more than 4000 verts in Chinese territory, 
accompanied by three Narym or Kurchum Cossacks, I regret to say that I 
not only could not gather anything to confirm this fact, but I was con- 
vinced of its utter impossibility, from existing local conditions on the Eussian 
as well as on the Chinese side. On the Eussian, because the protracted 
detachment of these Cossacks, or their voluntary absence from the corps, is a 
fact that would leave behind it some record in the official archives, while on 
the Chinese side, the journey lasting more than six months, of a party unac- 
quainted with the local dialect, and passing through inhabited districts, along 
established routes, and across the picket and frontier lines, could scarcely escape 
the vigilant eyes of the Chinese authorities. Under all these circumstances, 
and in the absence in Atkinson's narrative of any new data relating to Chiueso 
Djungaria, this work cannot be considered as an acquisition to science, until 
the author adduces more definite information and stronger proofs, in corrobora- 
tion of his accounts which involuntarily inspire certain mistrust. 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 123 

of Chinese and other Asiatic travellers, commencing from the Buddhist 

Missionaries Fa-Hyan and Huyan-Tsan of the 4th ami 7th centuries, 
to the hrief itineraries of the Semipalatinsk Tartar traders of the 
present century. Numerous questions, replete with interest to the 
science of geography, could only he possibly solved by actual investi- 
gation on the spot. The configuration of the country, the direction 
of the upheaval of the mountain chain, its mean height, the altitude 
of its mountain passes, the height of the snow-line, the distribution 
of animal and vegetable organisms, the existence of Alpine glaciers or 
of volcanic action, — points all requiring either investigation, or 
confirmation. So far back as 1851 and 1852, during my stay at Berlin, 
I acquainted Humboldt and Bitter of my intention of proceeding into 
the interior of Asia as far as the Tian-Shan range. They both 
encouraged me in my difficult enterprise, but did not conceal their 
doubts as to the possibility of penetrating so far into the interior of 
the Asiatic Continent. The result of my deliberations with these 
leaders of science, strengthened me in my determination of attempting 
to reach the eternal snow-line of the Tian-Shan at all hazards. Hum- 
boldt attached so much importance to the investigation, even a cursory 
one, of this range, that I could not look at the undertaking but in the 
light of a holy mission, marked out for me by the Nestor of European 

By the end of the summer of 185G under the auspices, and with 
the co-operation of the Russian Geographical Society, I was already in 
Vernoe. Unfortunately, however, I arrived two months after the visit 
of a Russian detachment to lake Issyk-Kul. 

With a small escort of twelve cossacks, I succeeded, on the ^r 
September, in reaching the eastern extremity of the lake, and had an 
opportunity of surveying from point Kuke-Kul-usun, the imposing 
range of the Tian-Shan, from the Djiigalau to the opposite extremity 
of the lake. To visit the chain itself was that moment impossible. 
My escort being so small, I was obliged to proceed very carefully, and 
passed the night among inaccessible defiles, anticipating every moment 
to be attacked by hostile bands of Kara-Kirghizes. 

Returning to Vernoe, and procuring a larger escort (40 cossacks) I 
proceeded through the wild Biiam defile, at the upper course of the 
Clm, and emerged on the base of the Celestial range, near the Western 

124 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

extremity of the lake Issyk-Kul. Here I came upon numerous 
encampments of the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe, who shortly before 
my arrival, had had a fierce engagement with a Russian detachment ; 
which had been sent out from Vernoe, to punish these mountaineers, 
for acts of violence and plunder. Notwithstanding that, I met with 
a hospitable reception from the Sary-Bagyshes who were comme- 
morating the death of many of their kinsmen who had fallen in the 
recent conflict, I was not able to penetrate beyond the first exposed 
rocky spurs of the Celestial range, nor to visit its wild defiles, being 
apprehensive of treachery from the revengeful mountaineers, who had 
lately been so severely punished by the Russians. 

However, in the spring of 1857, thanks to the escoit kindly fur- 
nished me by Governor- General Hasford, who displayed great zeal and 
energy in furthering the organisation and exploration of the newly 
acquired region, I was enabled to realise all my plans. The deadly 
strife between the two Kara- Kirghiz tribes was then at its height, 
and the valleys of the Tian-Shan seemed quite inaccessible. A 
happy combination of circumstances, however, removed this apparently 
insurmountable obstacle to my journey. 

A rumour, that had spread with extraordinary rapidity, through 
almost the whole of the Mustag (the Turk name for the western 
portion of the Tian-Shan) of the approach of a strong Russian detach- 
ment, armed with terrible instruments of destruction,* for the purpose 
of assisting the Manap Burambai, produced a sudden panic among 
the Sary-Bagysh tribe, inducing them to relinquish, not only the 
camping grounds they had seized from the Bogus, but even their own 
native pasturages, from the upper course of the Djirgalan, along the 
whole border of Issyk-Kul, for an extent of more than 200 versls 
and to migrate to the upper course of the Syr-Daria (Marym). The 
Bogu tribe who had been previously attacked by the Bagyshes in the 
spring of 1857, and driven into Chinese limits, expected their complete 
destruction ; the sudden flight of their enemies dispelled their fears 
and enabled them to re-occupy their former camping grounds, and 

* The exaggerated accounts respecting the strength of my escort were owinw 
to my having really reached Burarnbaisauls accompanied by 800 horsemen • 
but these consisted of a body of Kirghizes of the Great Horde under the Sultan 
Tezek who had voluntarily joined my detachment. My own personal escort 
consisted of only 25 cossacks. 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 125 

even to reap the harvest that had heen left standing in the fields by 
the Sary-Bagyshes. Attributing this favourable turn in their affairs 
to my approach, they rendered me every assistance for my journey. 
With such material assistance, I was able in July of 1857 to wind 
round Issyk-Kul from the south side and to reach the summit of 
the imposing and terrible Fauku-Davan mountain pass ; I also 
succeeded in gaining the sources of the Narym, which forms the 
system of the Syr-Daria or Jaxartes. Shortly after, I penetrated in a 
more easterly meridian, much farther into the heart of the Celestial 
range, and ascended one of the most elevated mountain groups of 
Inner Asia, that of the Tengri-Tag, which is crowned with a circle 
of alpine glaciers, and covered with a dazzling mantle of eternal 
snows. In the glaciers of the Tengri-Tag I discovered the source 
of the Sary-Djaza, which helongs to the system of the Tarym- 
gol or Ergeu the most remote of the considerable rivers of the Asiatic 

On my return to St. Petershurg in 1858, the Imperial Russian Geogra- 
phical Society, taking into consideration the great scarcity of astronomi. 
cal points in the region I visited, organised at my recommendation, and 
with the co-operation of the Military Topographical Depot, a new ex- 
pedition, under Captain Grolubcf, for the purpose of determining astro- 
nomical points in Russian Djungaria, and on the Lake Issyk-Kul. By 
last accounts, Golubef had ascertained the position of three points in the 
valley of Issyk-Kul lake (on the Tekes river, and at the eastern and 
western extremities of the lake respectively), but he had not succeeded 
in penetrating into the intei-ior of the Tian-Shan, owing to adverse 
circumstances, as the southern shore of the lake of Issyk-Kul was 
at that time occupied by the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe ; under such 
a state of things it would of course have heen extremely rash to 
advance into the mountains, leaving hostile tribes in his rear. 

All the journeys and researches, since the year 1834, enumerated 
ahove, have considerably advanced our knowledge of the portion of 
Asia which we are now considering, and have removed it from the 
region of hypothetical speculation, to a certain basis of scientific 
investigation. On this account, therefore, the 2nd volume of the 
Russian version of Ritter's Asia ought to be accompanied by copious 
and well established addenda. Unfortunately all the materials that 

126 Notts on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

might be used for such an amplification are as yet hut little digested. 
The travels of Fedorof, Kardin, Schrenk, my own, the observations 
of G-olubef, the data collected and elaborated by Pakharof, have not 
yet appeared in print, and only short notices of them have been 
presented. I am consequently necessarily obliged to withhold the 
supplementary matter to the 2nd volume, at all events until the 
publication of my travels which is now delayed by all my time and 
attention being engaged on questions of pressing and vital importance 
to Russia. 

With regard to the 3rd volume of the Russian edition of Ritter's 
Asia, containing a description of the Russian Altai, the not unim- 
portant materials relating to these mountains, which were collected 
by me on my journey, have been partly digested since my return, and 
I am therefore in a position to proceed at once with the publication 
of this volume with its supplementary portion. I think it necessary 
to allude briefly in this place to some of the general results of my 
visits to the Celestial mountains. They embrace three questions of 
the utmost importance to the geography of Asia, namely the height 
of the snow-line in the Celestial range, the existence of alpine glaciers, 
and the existence of volcanic phenomena in this region. 

On the first of these points I consider it incumbent on myself to 
dwell at length in reply to the doubts expressed by Humboldt as to 
the correctness of the elevation of the snow-line in the Celestial range, 
as determined by me. The height I fixed it at, namely 11,000 to 
11,500 feet, was ascertained by Humboldt from a letter I wrote to 
Hitter, which attracted his particular notice. This letter was pub- 
lished in the " Zeitschrift fiir Erdkunde" with some explanatory 
remarks hy Humboldt. The method I adopted for ascertaining the 
height of the snow-line was not known to Humboldt, who grounded 
his supposition of an over-estimation of the elevation of the snow-line 
on certain theoretical and analogical considerations. 

Inaccuracies in the determination of the height of the snow- 
line may arise from two sources first from what is taken to be the 
snow-line, and secondly from an imperfect method of measuring 

In the first instance the observer may be deceived either by taking 
dissolvable for eternal snows, or by fixing their limit of height in 

1865.] Notes on Central Jsia. 127 

sheltered ravines or defiles which are hardly reached hy the rays of 
the sun. Had I fallen into these errors in my determination the 
results-would have been to lower instead of to raise the height of the 
snow-line, as compared to its true limits. But these sources of error 
were fully anticipated and averted ; my observations were made at 
points where regular layers of eternal snow occuired, ami moreover on 
mountain-ridges and not in hollow depressions, in some of which 
I really did find eternal snows in some cases several hundred feet 
below the limit of 11,000. 

With regard to the other point, I must observe that the method of 
determining heights by the temperature of boiling water, is certainly 
one which is far from being perfect ; and leads only to approximate 
results ; but the inaccuracy of these results becomes more inappreci- 
able, the greater the height which is being measured. For inconsi- 
derable elevations this method of measurement cannot be adopted. I 
may, however, observe that the other method, namely that of commer- 
cial determination, can scarcely be expected to give more accurate re- 
sults when the conditions are unfavourable, as for instance on a journey 
through an extremely wild and dangerous region, where the traveller 
is obliged to form his own track, and stands every moment in danger 
of an attack ; under such circumstances all simultaneous observations 
of the barometer, at the base and summit of mountains, or a series of 
observations at any one point, are quite out of the question. Experi- 
ence has also shewn me the complete impossibility of keeping the 
barometers (I had two with me) from breaking, in a country so 
mountainous as that I traversed, where, on each expedition, the pack 
horses and camels stumbled repeatedly, and were occasionally dashed 
to pieces by falling over precipices. Hence travellers (Humboldt 
amongst the rest on his famous journey in the Andes and the 
Cordilleras) have invariably had recourse to the method of determining 
heights by the temperature of boiling water. The results obtained in 
this manner are regarded by science merely as approximations, until 
they are superseded by more accurate data, obtained when the region 
is more accessible to scientific exploration. 

Although incomplete, these results are nevertheless of undoubted 
value to science, as the magnitude of probable errors even under such 
an imperfect method, cannot exceed certain limits. 

128 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

But Humboldt could not have taken exception to the method used 
in measuring the height of the snow-line, in the Tian-Shan, because 
he at that time did not know what means were used for this purpose, 
and also because he himself adopted the same method on his journey 
in the New World, which was so prolific of scientific results. Hum- 
boldt's doubts respecting the probability of the height of the Tian- 
Shan snow-line (as fixed by me), being considerable, were based on 
considerations of comparative geography, and their soundness or other- 
wise may be easily tested, for they were founded on a comparison 
of their height of snow-line, 11,000 to 11,500 feet, with its well 
ascertained limits in nearly the same meridian (in the Altai, 6,600 
feet) or in the same parallel, (the Pyrennees, 8,400 feet and the 
Caucasus, 10,170 feet). 

In examining the observations made by any traveller respecting 
the elevations of the snow-line, the most accurate scientific criticism 
must test their correctness, by the following theoretical investiga- 

The height of the snow-line in a given range, must be calculated 
theoretically on the basis of a comparison with other ranges, on the 
same meridian, and the same parallel ; the obtained results should 
then be compared with the figures arrived at by actual observation, 
and it must then be carefully considered whether the discrepancy that 
may occur can be at all attributed to considerations of climate, and 
local peculiarities. 

Humboldt, in his classical work " Asie Centrale," supplies us with 
the requisite figures for arriving at a definite conclusion. 

In the same meridian with the Celestial mountains we find that the 
height of the snow-line is as follows, 

In the Altai (Tigerski Bella) 

Lat. 51° North, 6,600 feet. 

On the Northern slope of the Himalayan range, 

Lat. 32° North, .. 15,600 feet. 

The Celestial mountains extend at the part visited by me, between 
Lat. 41° and 42° North which is consequently mid-way between the 
Altai and Himalayas. Taking the mean of the figures given abovB 
we shall get 11,100 feet for the height of the snow-line of the Celestial 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 129 

range. In the same zone, parallel with the Celestial mountains the 
height of the snow-line is as follows : 

In the Pyrennees ; (between Lat. 42 J° and 43° North), ... 8,400 ft. 
On mounts Elburuz and Kazbek in the Caucasus (43° N. 

Lat.) 10,170 ft. 

On mount Ararat (Lat. 39° North), 13,300 ft. 

In the Rocky mountains of N. America (Lat. 43° N.) 11,700 ft. 

Humboldt, in his observations on my letter to Ritter, refers exclusively 
to the Pyrennees and to the Elburuz mountains. With regard to the 
first they cannot be taken at all into account in determining the height 
of the snow-line in the Celestial range, as they are situated in a moist 
sea atmosphere, where the snow-line must be considerably lower than 
in the continental climate of the interior of Asia. The Caucasus, 
however, supplies a better point of comparison, if treated with proper 
discrimination. The height of the snow-line of the Kazbek and 
Elburuz occurs at 10,170 feet, under a latitude of more than 1J° to 
the northward that that of the Tian-Shan, and with a climate consi- 
derably more humid. On mount Ararat, where the surrounding 
atmosphere is drier, and the latitude 2|° more to the south, wc find 
that the height of the snow-line is 13,300 feet above the level of the 
sea. If a range of mountains existed between the Elburuz and mount 
Ararat, under climatic conditions of an intermediate character as 
compared to those characterising mounts Ararat and Elburuz, and 
situated under the same parallel as the Celestial range, the height 
of the snow-line of these mountains would be determinable at 11,300 
feet. All these figures, computed theoretically by comparing the 
heights of the snow-line on different parallels of the same meridian with 
the Celestial mountains, and on different meridians of the same parallel, 
coincide very nearly with my determinations. The considerable 
elevation of the snow-line of the Celestial mountains is to be explained 
by the peculiarity of their geographical position, and the character 
of the surrounding atmosphere. It is generally admitted as a fact 
that a dry atmosphere has the effect of elevating the line of eternal 
snow very considerably. Thus for instance the snow-line on the 
southern slope of the Himalayas occurs at 12,180 feet, while on the 
northern side it rises to 15,600 feet. This anomaly is only to be 
accounted for by the southern side of the range being exposed to winds 

130 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

charged with the humid vapours of the Indian Ocean, which settle on 
the cold mountain slopes in the form of snow, while the winds on the 
northern slopes of Thibet are completely free from moisture. The 
extraordinary dryness of the atmosphere of the Celestial mountains, 
compared to the Altai and Caucasus, is strikingly exemplified by the 
following instances. In the neighbourhood of Riddersk, in the Altai 
mountains, the dew falls so heavily that the horseman is completely 
drenched, when riding through the high grass, while in the sombre 
forests of the North- Western Altai, called locally Taigi, the atmos- 
phere is still more humid, and rain, during some summers, falls inces- 
santly. Now during the two years I spent in the Celestial mountains 
and Trans-Hi- Altau I positively saw no dew ; notwithstanding that 
the summer of 1857 was remarkably wet, and the Altai was rendered 
impassable from this cause, the fall of rain was very small. In addi- 
tion, the very vegetation of the Tian-Shan bears evidence to the 
dryness of the surrounding air. 

While the slopes of the Caucasus are clothed with dark and impene- 
trable forests, which proved so troublesome in the military operations 
of the Russians, the wooded surfaces of the Tian-Shan are of limited 
extent, and rhododendrons, which are so widely spread in the moist 
climates of the southern slope of the Himalayas and of the Caucasus, 
do not grow at all in the Celestial range. 

If to this extraordinary dryness of the air in the Celestial mountains, 
be added the intense heating of the broad plateau by the scorching 
rays of the sun, accompanied by cloudless skies and a rare atmosphere, 
a natural explanation will then be found for the height of the snow- 
line being at 11,000 — 11,500 feet. The few measurements of heights 
made by other travellers in Djungaria, and moreover by other methods, 
serve to confirm the accuracy of my figures. Fedorof determined 
trigonometrically, that is by the most accurate process, the altitude of 
the highest point in the Tarbagatai at about 9,900 feet. The Tarbagatai 
range extends under Lat. 47° N. and is consequently nearer by 1° of 
latitude to the Tigeretski Belki, than to the Celestial range. Com- 
puting the elevation of the snow-line of the Tarbagatai theoretically, 
by a comparison of the heights in the Altai and Tian-Shan, we should 
obtain a result of about 8,600 feet, while in reality the true elevation 
is considerably greater, as throughout the Tarbagatai range the existing 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 131 

snows with the exception of two patches, are only sporadic, and the 
snow-line is not below 9,500 feet. This case proves that the snow- 
line rises rapidly from the Altai to the Tarbagatai, owing to the 
greater dryness of a continental atmosphere. Lastly, the barometrical 
observations of Schrenck, in the Djungarian Alatau, in Lat. 45° N., fixed 
the limits of eternal snows at 10.700 feet. Calculating then the height 
of the snow-line in the Tian-Shan by a comparison of that of the 
northern slope of the Himalayan, and of the Tarbagatai ranges, we 
obtain 11,700 feet and 11,950 feet, if we take in the Djungarian 

In this manner all the facts of the case, not alone those supplied us 
by comparative geography and climatology, but likewise those derived 
from the exact observations of other travellers, tend to confirm my 
figures, and prove them to be rather understated than magnified ; 
Humboldt's doubts therefore as to the possibility of the snow-line of 
the Tian-Shan exceeding 11,000 feet elevation, are disposed of not only 
on theoretical considerations, but also by ocular demonstration. The 
interesting questions relating to the existence of fine alpine glaciers 
in the Tian-Shan, which is in intimate connection with that of the 
height of the snow-line, I solved in complete accordance with the 
previously expressed opinions of Humboldt and Ritter. I set out 
without any foregone conclusions on this point, but having experienced 
the remarkable dryness of the air in the Tian-Shan mountains, and 
having ascertained, on ascending the Fauku Davan, that the height of 
the snow-line was higher than 11,000 feet, involuntary doubts entered 
my mind as to the possibility of the existence of real glaciers in the 
Tian-Shan. These doubts were, however, soon dispelled. At the 
sources of the river system of the Sary-Djaza, I came across five 
magnificent alpine glaciers and a "Mer de glace" exceeding in size that 
of Chamounix. Notwithstanding some of the peculiarities of the 
Tian-Shan glaciers, owing principally to their prevalence at not more 
than about 2,500 feet below the limit of the snow-line, while in 
Switzerland they descend as low as 5,000 feet, their existence in the 
form anticipated by Ritter and Humboldt, on the strength of Chinese 
accounts, was fully confirmed. 

It now remained for me to prove, by actual observation on the spot, 
the existence or otherwise of volcanic phenomena in Djungaria, and 

132 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

in the Celestial mountains, to which Humboldt in his works so often 
alludes. I started on my journey firmly persuaded that I should find 
the conjectured volcanoes, or at all events some volcanic forms, and I 
sought diligently (as Schrenck did on lake Ala-kul) to establish the 
correctness of Humboldt's surmises, with respect to the existence of 
volcanic phenomena in Central Asia, by which confirmation I knew a 
traveller would gain greater credit than by an incomplete refutation 
of the hypothesis. I was even aware that Humboldt was rather 
displeased with the researches of Schrenk who clearly showed that the 
island of Aral- Tube on lake Ala-kul was not of volcanic origin. 
The opinions entertained by Humboldt on the subject of the existence 
of volcanoes in Djungaria were favourite ones with him, and I regret 
that I was not able to confirm his cherished theory. Kullok peak, 
another of Humboldt's mistaken volcanoes, was found to have no 
volcanic origin whatever. The hot springs, and the non-congelation 
of the waters of lake Issyk-Kul, were not accompanied by any 
volcanic forms in the Tian-Shan, and furthermore all the native 
accounts of phenomena which from their descriptions might be supposed 
to be volcanic, proved unfounded, and were at once disposed of on my 
examination of the localities where they were declared to occur. The 
result therefore of my researches on this point was that I became 
convinced of the complete absence of volcanoes, distinct volcanic 
phenomena, or even volcanic forms throughout the Celestial mountains. 
It is true that there existed in Djungaria at one period some 
" Solfaters" or smoking cavities from which there was a discharge and 
deposit of sulphur, and that some of these fissures, out of which the 
Chinese obtain sulphur, emit smoke even at the present day. But a 
careful inspection of one of the extinguished pits satisfied me, that at 
all events in that case, there was no volcanic affinity. 

In the neigbboirrhood of the pits which I discovered in the Katu 
mountains, and in the Hi valley, I could trace no volcanic forms, but 
ironstone occurred, and owed its formation, as far as I could judge, to 
the pyrites that were widely spread in the vicinity ; there was at the 
same time a discharge of sulphur emitted in the form of vapour out of 
numerous fissures and which left a deposit on the sides. It is to be 
taken into consideration that I found a coal formation largely developed 
throughout the Hi basin, and that coal is obtained by the Chinese in 

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 133 

the neighbourhood of Kuldja, in large quantities, from very deep 
seams. The whole process of the formation of sulphur can then in my 
opinion be reasonably explained by the combustion of some coal seams 
in this basin, which would at once set at rest the question of supposed 
volcanic agency. 

I cannot positively affirm that the origin of the other smoking pits 
of Djungaria, and particularly Humboldt's famous " Solfater" of 
Urumchi, is susceptible of the same explanation, although the analogy 
between all the Djungarian " Solfaters" would appear to be confirmed, 
native accounts excepted, by the circumstance that the Chinese, who 
are very expert in recognising such sulphur formations, procure sulphur 
from the " Solfaters" of Katii which I visited. 

With still less certainty can I deny the existence of volcanic pheno- 
mena or volcanic forms farther eastwards in the Celestial mountains. 
Humboldt in his observations on the letter I addressed to Ritter, 
which was published in the " Zeitschrift fur Erdkunde" says that the 
Sangai, rising in the centre of the Ando-Cordilleras range, the most 
active of all the volcanoes in the world, forms around itself an island 
of trachyte, not more than two geographical miles in diameter. From 
this I must of course conclude that the observation of a single portion 
of the Tian-Shan visited by me cannot serve as a positive evidence of 
the absence of volcanoes and volcanic forms in other parts of this 
mountain system. My conclusions on this question generally have 
already been made public, in the letter here referred to, but I must 
likewise observe in addition, that all Asiatic accounts of phenomena 
which might be volcanic in appearance, should be treated by men of 
science with great circumspection, as many of these accounts have 
already proved fallacious. I would here also remark that the impres- 
sion produced on me personally by Djungaria and the Tian-Shan 
leaves great doubts in my mind as to the existence of volcanoes in this 
part of Asia, and as I am the only traveller who has visited the 
Tian-Shan, I cannot accept the belief in their existence, as an axiom 
requiring no proof or confirmation. 

My conclusion on this point, though negative, is one of the most 
important results of my journey. 

If, in aspiring after the truth, I have been compelled to express 
opinions on two points of such vast importance to the geography of 

134 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, 

Asia, which differ completely from those entertained by Humboldt ; 
whose faith in the existence of volcanoes in the Celestial mountains 
was as firm as that of Columbus in the existence of the New World, it 
does not necessarily follow that I cast a shade (in itself impossible) on 
the spirit of the great scientific genius of the age. Science is the 
eternal aspiration of the whole human race towards truth, and truth 
can only be grasped at out of a multitude of errors and misconceptions. 
No one moreover is more liable to fall into such errors than the 
pioneers of thought, who marshal their fellow creatures to the great 
goal of truth, and call into existence words of new thoughts and 

These giant minds are followed by a train of disciples, for whom 
the path of investigation, and the final solution of great scientific 
problems, is rendered comparatively easy. Thus there are the men of 
genius in science, or the master minds, who conceive great thoiaghts, 
and the workmen who follow up such of these thoughts as are sus- 
ceptible of elaboration. Each has his separate functions, but on the 
most humble labourer in the field of science devolves the sacred duty 
of pointing out and rectifying any error into which the eminent master 
may have fallen. And in such a case, the obscure advocate of truth 
should not be crashed by all the height and authority of genius, science 
being a problem open to solution to all humanity, and recognising 
no individuality or oligarchical superiority. The science of geography 
has lately been deprived of two of its most brilliant leaders — Humboldt 
and Ritter. To follow in their footsteps, to extend the circle of their 
researches, to strive after that eternal truth which they eagerly sought 
during their mortal careers, to correct